It was in June, 1875, as I chanced to be for a day or two in Leipzig, that I was unexpectedly invited to prepare the Sanskrit grammar for the Indo-European series projected by Messrs. Breitkopf and Härtel. After some consideration, and consultation with friends, I accepted the task, and have since devoted to it what time could be spared from regular duties, after the satisfaction of engagements earlier formed. If the delay seems a long one, it was nevertheless unavoidable; and I would gladly, in the interest of the work itself, have made it still longer. In every such case, it is necessary to make a compromise between measurably satisfying a present pressing need, and doing the subject fuller justice at the cost of more time; and it seemed as if the call for a Sanskrit grammar on a somewhat different plan from those already in use — excellent as some of these in many respects are — was urgent enough to recommend a speedy completion of the work begun.
The objects had especially in view of the preparation of this grammar have been the following:
1. To make a presentation of the facts of the language primarily as they show themselves in use in the literature, and only secondarily as they are laid down by the native grammarians. The earliest European grammars were by the necessity of the case chiefly founded on their native predecessors
; and a traditional method was thus established which has been perhaps somewhat too closely adhered to, at the expense of clearness and of proportion, as well as of scientific truth. Accordingly, my attention has not been directed toward a profounder study of the grammatical science of the Hindu schools: their teachings I have been contented to take as already reported to Western learners in the existing Western grammars.
2. To include also in the presentation the forms and constructions of the older language, as exhibited in the Veda and the Brāhmaṇa. Grassmann’s excellent Index-Vocabulary to the Rig-Veda, and my own manuscript one to the Atharva-Veda (which I hope soon to be able to make public [* Footnote: It was published, as vol. XII. of the Journal of the American Oriental Society, in 1861.] ), gave me in full detail the great mass of Vedic material; and this, with some assistance from pupils and friends, I have sought to complete, as far as the circumstances permitted, from the other Vedic texts and from the various works of the Brāhmana period, both printed and manuscript.
3. To treat the language throughout as an accented one, omitting nothing of what is known respecting the nature of the Sanskrit accent, its changes in combination and inflection, and the tone of individual words — being, in all this, necessarily dependent especially upon the material presented by the older accentuated texts.
4. To cast all statements, classifications, and so on, into a form consistent with the teachings of linguistic science. In doing this, it has been necessary to discard a few of the long-used and familiar divisions and terms of Sanskrit grammar — for example, the classification and nomenclature of „special tenses” and “general tenses” (which is so indefensible that one can only wonder at its having maintained itself so long), the order and terminology of the conjugation-classes, the separation in treatment of the facts of internal and external
euphonic combination, and the like. But care has been taken to facilitate the transition from the old to the new; and the changes, it is believed, will commend themselves to unqualified acceptance. It has been sought also to help an appreciation of the character of the language by putting its facts as far as possible into a statistical form. In this respect the native grammar is especially deficient and misleading.
Regard has been constantly had to the practical needs of the learner of the language, and it has been attempted, by due arrangement and by the use of different sizes of type, to make the work as usable by one whose object it is to acquire a knowledge of the classical Sanskrit alone as those are in which the earlier forms are not included. The custom of transliterating all Sanskrit words into European characters, which has become usual in European Sanskrit grammars, is, as a matter of course, retained throughout; and, because of the difficulty of setting even a small Sanskrit type with anything but a large European, it is practiced alone in the smaller sizes.
While the treatment of the facts of the language has thus been made a historical one, within the limits of the language itself, I have not ventured to make it comparative, by bringing in the analogous forms and processes of other related languages. To do this, in addition to all that was attempted beside, would have extended the work, both in content and in time of preparation, far beyond the limits assigned to it. And, having decided to leave out this element, I have done so consistently throughout. Explanations of the origin of forms have been avoided, for the same reason and for others, which hardly call for statement.
A grammar is necessarily in great part founded on its predecessors, and it would be vain to attempt an acknowledgement in detail of all the aid received from other scholars. I have had at hand always especially the very scholarly and reliable brief summary of Kielhorn, the full and
excellent work of Monier Williams, the smaller grammar of Bopp (a wonder of learning and method for the time when it was prepared), and the volumes of Benfey and Müller. As regards to the material of the language, no other aid, of course, has been at all comparable with the great Petersburg lexicon of Böhtlingk and Roth, the existence of which gives by itself a new character to all investigations of the Sanskrit language. What I have not found there or in the special collections made by myself or by others for me, I have called below “not quotable” — a provisional designation , necessarily liable to correction in detail by the results of further researches. For what concerns the verb, its forms and of their classification and uses, I have had, as every one must have, by far the most aid from Delbrück, in his Altindisches Verbum and his various syntactical contributions. Former pupils of my own, Professors Avery and Edgren, have also helped me, in connection with this subject and with others, in a way and measure that calls for public acknowledgment. In respect to the important matter of the declension in the earliest language, I have made great use of the elaborate paper in the Journ. Am. Or. Soc. (printed contemporaneously with this work, and used by me almost, but not quite, to the end of the subject) by my former pupil Prof. Lanman; my treatment of it is founded on his. My manifold obligations to my own teacher, Prof. Weber of Berlin, also require to be mentioned: among other things, I owe to him the use of his copies of certain unpublished texts of the Brāhmana period, not otherwise accessible to me; and he was kind enough to look through with me my work in its inchoate condition, favoring me with valuable suggestions. For this last favor I have likewise to thank Prof. Delbrück — who, moreover, has taken the trouble to glance over for a like purpose the greater part of the proof-sheets of the grammar, as they came from the press. To Dr. L. von Schröder is due whatever use I have been
able to make (unfortunately a very imperfect one) of the important Māitrāyaṇī-Sanhitā. [* Footnote: Since published in full by him, 1881–6.]
Of the deficiencies of my work I am, I think, not less fully aware than any critic of it, even the severest, is likely to be. Should it be found to answer its intended purpose well enough to come to another edition, my endeavor will be to improve and complete it; and I shall be grateful for any corrections or suggestions which may aid me in making it a more efficient help to the study of the Sanskrit language and literature.
Gotha, July 1879. W.D.W.
In preparing a new edition of this grammar, I have made use of the new material gathered by myself during the intervening years, [* Footnote: A part of this new material was published by myself in 1885, as a Supplement to the grammar, under the title “Roots, Verb-Forms, and Primary Derivatives of the Sanskrit Language”.] and also of that gathered by others, so far as it was accessible to me and fitted into my plan; [* Footnote: Especially deserving of mention is Holtzmann’s collection of material from the Mahābhārata, also published (1884) in the form of a Supplement to this work; also Böhtlingk’s similar collection from the larger half of the Rāmāyaṇa.] and I have had the benefit of kind suggestions from various quarters — for all of which I desire to return a grateful acknowledgment. By such help, I have been able not only to correct and repair certain errors in omissions of the first edition, but also to speak with more definiteness upon
very many points relating to the material and usages of the language.
In order not to impair the applicability of the references already made to the work by various authors, its paragraphing has been retained unchanged throughout; for increased convenience of further reference, the subdivisions of paragraphs have been more thoroughly marked, by letters (now and then changing a former lettering); and the paragraph-numbers have been set at the outer instead of the inner edge of the upper margin.
My remoteness from the place of publication has forbidden me the reading of more than one proof; but the kindness of Professor Lanman in adding his revision (accompanied by other timely suggestions) to mine, and the care of the printers, will be found, I trust, to have aided in securing a text disfigured by few errors of the press.
Circumstances beyond my control have delayed for a year or two the completion of this revision, and have made it in some parts less complete than I should have desired.
New-Haven, Sept. 1888. W.D.W.
It seems desirable to give here such a sketch of the history of Indian literature as shall show the relation to one another of the different periods and forms of the language treated in the following grammar, and the position of the works there quoted.
The name “Sanskrit” (saṁskṛta, 1087 d, adorned, elaborated, perfected), which is popularly applied to the whole ancient and sacred language of India, belongs more properly only to that dialect which, regulated and established by the labors of the native grammarians, has led for the last two thousand years or more an artificial life, like that of Latin during most of the same period in Europe, as the written and spoken means of communication of the learned and priestly caste; and which even at the present day fills that office. It is thus distinguished, on the one hand, from the later and derived dialects — as the Prākrit, forms of language which have datable monuments from as early as the third century before Christ, and which are represented by inscriptions and coins, by the speech of the uneducated characters in the Sanskrit dramas (see below), and by a limited literature; the Pāli, a Prakritic dialect which became the sacred language of Buddhism in Farther India, and is
still in service there as such; and yet later and more altered tongues forming the transition to the languages of modern India. And, on the other hand, it is distinguished, but very much less sharply and widely, from the older dialects or forms of speech presented in the canonical literature, the Veda and Brāhmaṇa.
This fact, of the fixation by learned treatment of an authorized mode of expression, which should thenceforth be used according to rule in the intercourse of the educated, is the cardinal one in Indian linguistic history; and as the native grammatical literature has determined the form of the language, so it has also to a large extent determined the grammatical treatment of the language by European scholars.
Much in the history of the learned movement is still obscure, and opinions are at variance even as to points of prime consequence. Only the concluding works in the development of the grammatical science has been preserved to us; and though they are evidently the perfected fruits of a long series of learned labors, the records of the latter are lost beyond recovery. The time and the place of the creation of Sanskrit are unknown; and as to its occasion, we have only our inferences and conjectures to rely upon. It seems, however, altogether likely that the grammatical sense of the ancient Hindus was awakened in great measure by their study of the traditional sacred texts, and by their comparison of its different language with that of contemporary use. It is certain that the grammatical study of those texts (çākhās, lit’ly branches), phonetic and other, was zealously and effectively followed in the Brahmanic schools; this is attested by our possession of a number of phonetico-grammatical treatises, prātiçākhyas (prati çākhām belonging to each several text), each having for subject one principal Vedic text, and noting all its peculiarities of form; these, both by the depth and exactness of their own researches and by the number of authorities which they quote, speak plainly of a lively scientific activity continued during a long time. What part, on the other hand, the notice of differences
between the correct speech of the learned and the altered dialects of the vulgar may have borne in the same movement is not easy to determine; but it is not customary that a language has its proper usages fixed by rule until the danger is distinctly felt of its undergoing corruption.
The labors of the general school of Sanskrit grammar reached a climax in the grammarian Pāṇini, whose text-book, containing the facts of the language cast into the highly artful and difficult form of about four thousand algebraic-formula-like rules (in the statement and arrangement of which brevity alone is had in view, at the cost of distinctness and unambiguousness), became for all after time the authoritative, almost sacred, norm of correct speech. Respecting his period, nothing really definite and trustworthy is known; but he is with much probability held to have lived some time (two to four centuries) before the Christian era. He has had commentators in abundance, and has undergone at their hands some measure of amendment and completion; but he has not been overthrown or superseded. The chief and most authoritative commentary on his work is that called the Mahābhāshya great comment, by Patanjali.
A language, even if not a vernacular one, which is in tolerably wide and constant use for writing and speaking, is, of course, kept in life principally by direct tradition, by communication from teacher to scholar and the study and imitation of existing texts, and not by the learning of grammatical rules; yet the existence of grammatical authority, and especially of a single one, deemed infallible and of prescriptive value, could not fail to exert a strong regulative influence, leading to the avoidance of more and more of what was, even if lingering in use, inconsistent with his teachings, and also, in the constant reproduction of texts, to the gradual effacement of whatever they might contain that was unapproved. Thus the whole more modern literature of India has been Paninized, so to speak, pressed into the mould prepared by him and his school. What are the limits of the artificiality of this process is not yet known.
The attention of special students of the Hindu grammar (and the subject is so intricate and difficult that the number is exceedingly small of those who have mastered it sufficiently to have a competent opinion on such general matters) has been hitherto mainly directed toward determining what the Sanskrit according to Pāṇini really is, toward explaining the language from the grammar. And, naturally enough, in India, or wherever else the leading object is to learn to speak and write the language correctly — that is, as authorized by the grammarians — that is the proper course to pursue. This, however, is not the way really to understand the language. The time must soon come, or it has come already, when the endeavor shall be instead to explain the grammar from the language: to test in all details, so far as shall be found possible, the reason of Pāṇini’s rules (which contain not a little that seems problematic, or even sometimes perverse); to determine what and how much genuine usage he had everywhere as foundation, and what traces may be left in the literature of usages possessing an inherently authorized character, though unratified by him.
By the term “classical” or “later” language, then, as constantly used below in the grammar, is meant the language of those literary monuments which are written in conformity with the rules of the native grammar: virtually, the whole proper Sanskrit literature. For although parts of this are doubtless earlier than Pāṇini, it is impossible to tell just what parts, or how far they have escaped in their style the leveling influence of the grammar. The whole, too, may be called so far an artificial literature as it is written in a phonetic form (see grammar, 101 a) which never can have been a truly vernacular and living one. Nearly all of it is metrical: not poetic works only, but narratives, histories (so far as anything deserving that name can be said to exist), and scientific treatises of every variety, are done into verse; a prose and prose literature hardly has an existence (the principle exceptions, aside from the voluminous commentaries, are a few stories, as the Daçakumāracarita and the Vāsavadattā). Of linguistic history there is next to nothing
in it all; but only a history of style, and this for the most part showing a gradual depravation, and increase of artificiality and an intensification of certain more undesirable features of the language — such as the use of passive constructions and of participles instead of verbs, and the substitution of compounds for sentences.
This being the condition of the later literature, it is of so much the higher consequence that there is an earlier literature, to which the suspicion of artificiality does not attach, or attaches at least only in a minimal degree, which has a truly vernacular character, and abounds in prose as well as verse.
The results of the very earliest literary productiveness of the Indian people are the hymns with which, when they had only crossed the threshold of the country, and when their geographic horizon was still limited to the river-basin of the Indus with its tributaries, they praised their gods, the deified powers of nature, and accompanied the rites of their comparatively simple worship. At what period these were made and sung cannot be determined with any approach to accuracy: it may have been as early as 2000 B.C. They were long handed down by oral tradition, preserved by the care, and increased by the additions and imitations, of succeeding generations; the mass was ever growing, and, with the change of habits and beliefs and religious practices, was being variously applied — sung in chosen extracts, mixed with other material into liturgies, adapted with more or less of distortion to help the needs of a ceremonial which was coming to be of immense elaboration and intricacy. And, at some time in the course of this history, there was made for preservation a great collection of the hymn-material, mainly its oldest and most genuine part, to the extent of over a thousand hymns and ten thousand verses, arranged according to traditional authorship and to subject and length and metre of hymn: this collection is the Rig-Veda Veda of verses (ṛc) or of hymns. Other collections were made also out of the same general mass of traditional material: doubtless later, although the interrelations
of this period are as yet too unclear to allow of our speaking with entire confidence as to anything concerning them. Thus, the Sāma-Veda Veda of chants (sāman), containing only about a sixth as much, its verses nearly all found in the Rig-Veda also, but appearing here with numerous differences of reading: these were passages put together for chanting at the soma-sacrifices. Again, collections called by the comprehensive name of Yajur-Veda Veda of sacrificial formulas (yajus): these contained not verses alone, but also numerous prose utterances, mingled with the former, in the order in which they are practically employed in the ceremonies; they were strictly liturgical collections. Of these, there are in existence several texts, which have their mutual differences: the Vājasaneyi-Saṁhitā (in two slightly discordant versions, Mādhyandina and Kāṇva), sometimes also called the White Yajur-Veda; and the various and considerably differing texts of the Black Yajur-Veda, namely the Tāittirīya-Saṁhitā, the Māitrāyaṇī-Saṁhitā, the Kapiṣṭhala-Saṁhitā, and the Kāṭhaka (the two last not yet published). Finally, another historical collection, like the Rig-Veda, but made up mainly of later and less accepted material, and called (among other less current names) the Atharva-Veda Veda of the Atharvans (a legendary priestly family); it is somewhat more than half as bulky as the Rig-Veda, and contains a certain amount of material corresponding to that of the latter, and also a number of very brief prose passages. To this last collection is very generally refused in the orthodox literature the name of Veda; but for us it is the most interesting of all, after the Rig-Veda, because it contains the largest amount of hymn-material (or mantra, as it it is called, in distinction from the prose brāmaṇa), and in a language which, though distinctly less antique than that of the other, is nevertheless truly Vedic. Two versions of it are extant, one of them in only a single known manuscript.
A not insignificant body of like material, and of various period (although doubtless in the main belonging to the latest time of the Vedic productiveness, and in part perhaps
the imitative work of a yet more modern time), is scattered through the texts to be later described, the Brāmaṇas and the Sūtras. To assemble and sift and compare it is now one of the pressing needs of Vedic study.
The fundamental divisions of the Vedic literature here mentioned have all had their various schools of sectaries, each of these with a text of its own, showing some differences from those of the other schools: but those mentioned above are all that are now known to be in existence; and the chance of the discovery of others grows every year smaller.
The labor of the schools in the conservation of their sacred texts was extraordinary, and has been crowned with such success that the text of each school, whatever may be its differences from the other schools, is virtually without various readings, preserved with all its peculiarities of dialect, and its smallest and most exceptional traits of phonetic form, pure and unobscured. It is not the place here to describe the means by which, in addition to the religious care of the sectaries, this accuracy was secured: forms of text, lists of peculiarities and treatises upon them, and so on. When this kind of care began in the case of each text, and what of original character may have been effaced before it, or lost in spite of it, cannot be told. But it is certain that the Vedic records furnish, on the whole, a wonderfully accurate and trustworthy picture of a form of ancient Indian language (as well as ancient Indian beliefs and institutions) which was a natural and undisturbed one, and which goes back a good way behind the classical Sanskrit. Its differences from the latter the following treatise endeavors to show in detail.
Along with the verses and sacrificial formulas and phrases in the text of the Black Yajur-Veda are given long prose sections, in which the ceremonies are described, their meaning and the reason of the details and the accompanying utterances are discussed and explained, illustrative legends are reported or fabricated, and various speculations, etymological and other, are indulged in. Such matter comes
to be called brāmaṇa (apparently relating to the brahman or worship). In the White Yajur-Veda, it is separated into a work by itself, beside the saṁhitā or text of verse and formulas, and is called the Çatapatha-Brāmaṇa Brāhmana of a hundred ways. Other similar collections are found, belonging to various other schools of Vedic study, and they bear the common name of Brāhmaṇa, with the name of the school, or some other distinctive title, prefixed. Thus, the Āitareya and Kāuṣītaki-Brāhmaṇas, belonging to the schools of the Rig-Veda, the Pañcaviṅça and Ṣaḍviṅça-Brāhmaṇas and other minor works, to the Sāma-Veda; the Gopatha-Brāhmaṇa, to the Atharva-Veda; and a Jāiminīya- or Talavakāra-Brāhmaṇa, to the Sāma-Veda, has recently (Burnell) been discovered in India; the Tāittirīya-Brāmaṇa is a collection of mingled mantra and brāhmaṇa, like the saṁhitā of the same name, but supplementary and later. These works are likewise regarded as canonical by the schools, and are learned by their sectaries with the same extreme care which is devoted to the saṁhitās, and their condition of textual preservation is of a kindred excellence. To a certain extent, there is among them the possession of common material: a fact the bearings of which are not yet fully understood.
Notwithstanding the inanity of no small part of their contents, the Brāmaṇas are of a high order of interest in their bearings on the history of Indian institutions; and philologically they are not less important, since they represent a form of language in most respects intermediate between the classical and that of the Vedas, and offer specimens on a large scale of a prose style, and of one which is in the main a natural and freely developed one — the oldest and most primitive Indo-European prose.
Beside the Brāhmaṇas are sometimes found later appendices, of a similar character, called Āraṇyakas (forest-sections): as the Āitareya-Āraṇyaka, Tāittirīya-Āraṇyaka, Bṛhad-Āraṇyakas, and so on. And from some of these, or even from the Brāhmaṇas, are extracted the earliest Upaniṣads (sittings, lectures on sacred subjects) — which,
however, are continued and added to down to a comparatively modern time. The Upanishads are one of the lines by which the Brāhmaṇa literature passes over into the later theological literature.
Another line of transition is shown in the Sūtras (lines, rules). The works thus named are analogous with the Brāhmaṇas in that they belong to the schools of Vedic study and are named from them, and that they deal with the religious ceremonies: treating them, however, in the way of prescription, not of dogmatic explanation. They, too, contain some mantra or hymn-material, not found to occur elsewhere. In part (çrāuta or kalpa-sūtras), they take up the great sacrificial ceremonies, with which the Brāhmaṇas have to do; in part (gṛhya-sūtras), they teach the minor duties of a pious householder; in some cases (sā-mayācārika-sūtras) they lay down the general obligations of one whose life is in accordance with prescribed duty. And out of the last two, or especially the last, come by natural development the law-books (dharma-çāstras), which make a conspicuous figure in later literature: the oldest and most noted of them being that called by the name of Manu (an outgrowth, it is believed by many, of the Mānava Vedic school); to which are added that of Yājnavalkya, and many others.
Respecting the chronology of this development, or the date of any class of writings, still more of any individual work, the less that is said the better. All dates given in Indian literary history are pins set up to be bowled down again. Every important work has undergone so many more or less transforming changes before reaching the form in which it comes to us, that the question of original construction is complicated with that of final redaction. It is so with the law-book of Manu, just mentioned, which has well-founded claims to being regarded as one of the very oldest works of the proper Sanskrit literature, if not the the oldest (it has variously been assigned, to periods from six centuries before Christ to four after Christ). It is so, again, in a still more striking degree, with the great legendary
epic of the Mahābhārata. The ground-work of this is doubtless of very early date; but it has served as a text into which materials of various character and period have been inwoven, until it has become a heterogeneous mass, a kind of cyclopedia for the warrior-caste, hard to separate into its constituent parts. The story of Nala, and the philosophical poem Bhagavad-Gītā, are two of the most noted of its episodes. The Rāmāyaṇa, the other most famous epic, is a work of another kind: though also worked over and more or less altered in its transmission to our time, it is the production, in the main, of a single author (Vālmīki); and it is generally believed to be in part allegorical, representing the introduction of Aryan culture and dominion into Southern India. By its side stand a number of minor epics, of various authorship and period, as the Raghuvaṅça (ascribed to the dramatist Kālidāsa), the Māghakāvya, the Bhaṭṭikāvya (the last, written chiefly with the grammatical intent of illustrating by use as many as possible of the numerous formations which, though taught by the grammarians, find no place in the literature).
The Purāṇas, a large class of works mostly of immense extent, are best mentioned in connection with the epics. They are pseudo-historical and prophetic in character, of modern date, and of inferior value. Real history finds no place in Sanskrit literature, nor is there any conscious historical element in any of the works composing it.
Lyric poetry is represented by many works, some of which, as the Meghadūta and Gītogovinda, are of no mean order of merit.
The drama is a still more noteworthy and important branch. The first indications of dramatical inclination and capacity on the part of the Hindus are seen in certain hymns of the Veda, where a mythological or legendary situation is conceived dramatically, and set forth in the form of a dialogue — well-known examples are the dialogue of Saramā and the Paṇis, that of Yama and his sister Yamī, that of Vasishtha and the rivers, that of Agni and the other gods — but there are no extant intermediaries between these
and the standard drama. The beginnings of the latter date from a period when in actual life the higher and educated characters used Sanskrit, and the lower and uneducated used the popular dialects derived from it, the Prākrits; and their dialogue reflects this condition of things. Then, however learning (not to call it pedantry) intervened, and stereotyped the new element; a Prākrit grammar grew up beside the Sanskrit grammar, according to the rules of which Prākrit could be made indefinitely on a substrate of Sanskrit; and none of the existing dramas need to date from the time of the vernacular use of Prākrit, while most or all of them are undoubtedly much later. Among the dramatic authors, Kālidāsa is incomparably the chief, and his Çakuntalā is distinctly his masterpiece. His date has been a matter of much inquiry and controversy; it is doubtless some centuries later than our era. The only other worked deserving to be mentioned along with Kālidāsa’s is the Mṛcchakaṭī of Çūdraka, also of questionable period, but believed to be the oldest of the extant dramas.
A partly dramatic character belongs also to the fable, in which animals are represented as acting and speaking. The most noted works in this department are the Pañcatantra, which through Persian and Semitic versions has made its way all over the world, and contributes a considerable quota to the fable-literature of every European language, and, partly founded on it, the comparatively recent and popular Hitopadeça (salutary instruction).
Two of the leading departments of Sanskrit scientific literature, the legal and the grammatical, have already been sufficiently noticed; of those remaining, the most important is by far the philosophical. The beginnings of philosophical speculation are seen already in some of the later hymns of the Veda, more abundantly in the Brāhmaṇas and Āraṇyakas, and then especially in the Upanishads. The evolution and historical relation of the systems of philosophy, and the age of their text-books, are matters on which much obscurity still rests. There are six systems of primary rank, and reckoned as orthodox, although really standing in no
accordance with approved religious doctrines. All of them seek the same end, the emancipation of the soul from the necessity of continuing its existence in a succession of bodies, and its unification with the All-soul; but they differ in regard to the means by which they seek to attain this end.
The astronomical science of the Hindus is a reflection of that of Greece, and its literature is of recent date; but as mathematicians, in arithmetic and geometry, they have shown more independence. Their medical science, although its beginnings go back even to the Veda, in the use of medicinal plants with accompanying incantations, is of little account, and its proper literature by no means ancient.
| Chap. | Page. | |
|---|---|---|
| Preface | v | |
| Introduction | xi | |
| I. | Alphabet | 1–9 |
| II. | System of Sounds; Pronunciation | 10–34 |
| Vowels, 10; Consonants, 13; Quantity, 27; Accent, 28. | ||
| III. | Rules of Euphonic Combination | 34–87 |
| Introductory, 34; Principles, 37; Rules of Vowel Combination, 42; Permitted Finals, 49; Deaspiration, 53; Surd and Sonant Assimilation, 54; Combinations of Final s and r, 56; Conversion of s to ṣ, 61; Conversion of n to ṇ, 64; Conversion of Dental Mutes to Linguals and Palatals, 66; Combinations of Final n, 69; Combinations of Final m, 71; the Palatal Mutes and Sibilant, and h, 72; the Lingual Sibilant, 77; Extension and Abbreviation, 78; Strengthening and Weakening Processes, 81; Guṇa and Vṛddhi, 81; Vowel-lengthening, 84; Vowel-lightening, 85; Nasal Increment, 86; Reduplication, 87. | ||
| IV. | Declension | 88–110 |
| Gender, Number, Case, 88; Uses of the Cases, 89; Endings of declension, 103; Variation of Stem, 107; Accent in Declension, 108. | ||
| V. | Nouns and Adjectives | 111–176 |
| Classification etc., 111; Declension I., Stems in a, 112; Declension II., Stems in i and u, 116; Declension III., Stems in Long Vowels (ā, ī, ū): A. Root-words etc., 124; Stems in Diphthongs, 130; B. Derivative Stems etc., 131; Declension IV., Stems in ṛ and ar, 137; Declension V., Stems in Consonants, 141; A. Root-stems etc., 143; B. Derivative Stems in as, is, us, 153; C. Derivative Stems in an, 156; D. in in, 161; E. in ant or at, 163; F. Perfect Participles in vāṅs, 169; G. Comparatives in yāṅs or yas, 172; Comparison, 173. |
| Chap. | Page. | |
|---|---|---|
| VI. | Numerals | 177–185 |
| Cardinals, 177; Ordinals etc, 183. | ||
| VII. | Pronouns | 185–199 |
| Personal, 185; Demonstrative, 188; Interrogative, 194; Relative, 195; other Pronouns: Emphatic, Indefinite, 196; Nouns used pronominally, 197; Pronominal Derivatives, Posessives etc., 197; Adjectives declined pronominally, 199. | ||
| VIII. | Conjugation | 200–226 |
| Voice, Tense, Mode, Number, Person, 200; Verbal Adjectives and Nouns, 203; Secondary Conjugations, 203; Personal Endings, 204; Subjunctive Mode, 209; Optative, 211; Imperative, 213; Uses of the Modes, 215; Participles, 220; Augment, 220; Reduplication, 222; Accent of the Verb, 223. | ||
| IX. | The Present-System | 227–278 |
| General, 227; Conjugations and Conjugation Classes, 228; Root-Class (second or ad-class), 231; Reduplicating Class (third or hu-class), 242; Nasal Class (seventh or rudh-class), 250; nu and u-Classes (fifth and eight, or su- and tan-classes), 254; nā-Class (ninth or krī-class), 260; a-Class (first or bhū-class), 264; Accent á-Class (sixth or tud-class), 269; ya-Class (fourth or div-class), 271; Accented yá-Class or Passive Conjugation, 275; So-called tenth or cur-class, 277; Uses of the Present and Imperfect, 278. | ||
| X. | The Perfect-System | 279–296 |
| Perfect Tense, 279; Perfect Participle, 291; Modes of the Perfect, 292; Pluperfect, 295; Uses of the Perfect, 295. | ||
| XI. | The Aorist-System | 297–330 |
| Classification, 297; I. Simple Aorist: 1. Root-Aorist, 299; Passive Aorist 3d sing., 304; 2. the a-Aorist, 305; II. 3. Reduplicated Aorist, 308; III. Sibilant Aorist, 313; 4. the s-Aorist, 314; 5. the iṣ-Aorist, 320; 6. the siṣ-Aorist, 323; 7. The sa-Aorist, 325; Precative, 326; Uses of the Aorist, 328. | ||
| XII. | The Future-Systems | 330–339 |
| I. The s-Future, 331; Preterit of the s-Future, Conditional, 334; II. The Periphrastic Future, 335; Uses of the Futures and Conditional, 337. |
| Chap. | Page. | |
|---|---|---|
| XIII. | Verbal Adjectives and Nouns: Participles, Infinitives, Gerunds | 340–360 |
| Passive Participle in tá or ná, 340; Past Active Participle in tavant, 344; Future Passive Participles, Gerundives, 345; Infinitives, 347; Uses of the Infinitives, 351; Gerunds, 355; Adverbial Gerund in am, 359. | ||
| XIV. | Derivative or Secondary Conjugation | 360–391 |
| I. Passive, 361; II. Intensive, 362; Present-System, 365; Perfect, Aorist, Future, etc., 370; III. Desiderative, 372; Present-System, 374; Perfect, Aorist, Future, etc., 376; IV. Causative, 378; Present-System, 380; Perfect, Aorist, Future, etc., 383; V. Denominative, 386. | ||
| XV. | Periphrastic and Compound Conjugation | 391–403 |
| The Periphrastic Perfect, 392; Participial Periphrastic Phrases, 394; Composition with Prepositional Prefixes, 395; Other Verbal Compound, 400. | ||
| XVI. | Indeclinables | 403–417 |
| Adverbs, 403; Prepositions, 414; Conjuctions, 416; Interjections, 417. | ||
| XVII. | Derivation of Declinable Stems | 418–480 |
| A. Primary Derivatives, 420; B. Secondary Derivatives, 454. | ||
| XVIII. | Formation of Compound Stems | 480–515 |
| Classification, 480; I. Copulative Compounds, 485; II. Determinative Compounds, 489; A. Dependent Compounds, 489; B. Descriptive Compounds, 494; III. Secondary Adjective Compounds, 501; A. Possessive Compounds, 501; B. Compound with Governed Final Member, 511; Adjective Compounds as Nouns and as Adverbs, 512; Anomalous Compounds 514; Stem-finals altered in Composition, 514; Loose Construction with Compounds, 515. | ||
| Appendix | 516–520 | |
| A. Examples of Various Sanskrit Type, 516; B. Example of Accentuated Text, 518; Synopsis of the conjugation of roots bhū and kṛ, 520. | ||
| Sanskrit Index | 521–539 | |
| General Index | 540–551 |
AA. Āitareya-Āraṇyaka
AB. Āitareya-Brāhmaṇa.
AÇS. Āçvalāyana-Çrāuta-Sūtra.
AGS. Āçvalāyana-Gṛhya-Sūtra.
Āpast. Āpastamba-Sūtra.
APr. Atharva-Prātiçākhya.
AV. Atharva-Veda.
B. or Br. Brāhmaṇas.
BAU. Bṛhad-Āraṇyaka-Upaniṣad.
BhG. Bhagavad-Gītā.
BhP. Bhāgavata-Purāṇa.
BR. Böhtlingk and Roth (Petersburg Lexicon).
C. Classical Sanskrit.
Ç. Çakuntalā.
Çatr. Çatruṁjaya-Māhātmyam.
ÇB. Çatapatha-Brāhmaṇa.
ÇÇS. Çān̄khāyana-Çrāuta-Sūtra.
ÇGS. Çān̄khāyana-Gṛhya-Sūtra.
ChU. Chāndogya-Upaniṣad.
ÇvU. Çvetāçvatara-Upaniṣad.
DKC. Daça-Kumāra-Carita.
E. Epos (MBh. and R.).
GB. Gopatha-Brāhmaṇa.
GGS. Gobhilīya-Gṛhya-Sūtra.
H. Hitopadeça.
Har. Harivança.
JB. Jāiminīya (or Talavakāra) Brāhmaṇa.
JUB. Jāiminīya-Upaniṣad-Brāhmaṇa.
K. Kāṭhaka.
Kap. Kapiṣṭhala-Saṁhitā.
KB. Kāuṣītaki- (or Çān̄khāyana-) Brāhmaṇa.
KBU. Kāuṣītaki-Brāhmaṇa-Upaniṣad.
KÇS. Kātyāyana-Çrāuta-Sūtra.
KS. Kāuçika-Sūtra.
KSS. Kathā-Sarit-Sāgara.
KṭhU. Kaṭha Upaniṣad.
KU. Kena-Upaniṣad.
LÇS. Lātyāyana-Çrāuta-Sūtra.
M. Manu.
MāiU. Māitri-Upaniṣad.
MBh. Mahābhārata.
MḍU. Muṇḍaka-Upaniṣad.
Megh. Meghadūta.
MS. Māitrāyaṇī-Saṁhitā.
Nāiṣ. Nāiṣadhīya.
Nir. Nirukta.
Pañc. Pañcatantra.
PB. Pañcaviṅça- (or Tāṇḍya-) Brāhmaṇa.
PGS. Pāraskara-Gṛhya-Sūtra.
PU. Praçna Upaniṣad.
R. Rāmāyaṇa.
Ragh. Raghuvaṅça.
RPr. Rigveda-Prātiçākhya.
RT. Rājā-Taran̄ginī.
RV. Rig-Veda.
S. Sūtras.
ṢB. Ṣaḍviṅça-Brāhmaṇa.
Spr. Indische Sprüche (Böhtlingk).
SV. Sāma-Veda.
TA. Tāittirīya-Āraṇyaka.
TB. Tāittirīya-Brāhmaṇa.
TPr. Tāittirīya-Prātiçākhya.
Tribh. Tribhāṣyaratna (comm. to TPr).
TS. Tāittirīya-Saṁhitā.
U. Upaniṣads.
V. Vedas (RV., AV., SV.).
Vas. Vasiṣṭha.
VBS. Varāha-Bṛhat-Saṁhitā.
Vet. Vetālapañcaviṅçatī.
Vikr. Vikramorvaçi.
VPr. Vājasaneyi-Prātiçākhya.
VS. Vājasaneyi-Saṁhitā.
VS. Kāṇ. do. Kāṇva-text.
Y. Yājñavalkya.
a. This name is of doubtful origin and value. A more comprehensive name is nāgarī (perhaps, of the city); and deva-nāgarī is nāgarī of the gods, or of the Brahmans.
a. There is reason to believe that writing was first employed in India for practical purposes — for correspondence and business and the like — and only by degrees came to be applied to literary use. The literature, to a great extent, and the most fully in proportion to its claimed sanctity and authority, ignores all written record, and assumes to be kept in existence by oral tradition alone.
a. On account of the difficulty of combining them with the smaller sizes of our Roman and Italic type, the devanāgarī characters are used below only in connection with the first or largest size. And, in accordance with the laudable usage of recent grammars, they are, wherever given, also transliterated, in Clarendon letters; while the latter alone are used in the other sizes.
| short | long | ||
|---|---|---|---|
| Vowels Simple | 1 अ a | 2 आ ā | |
| palatal | 3 इ i | 4 ई ī | |
| labial | 5 उ u | 6 ऊ ū | |
| lingual | 7 ऋ ṛ | 8 ॠ ṝ | |
| dental | 9 ऌ ḷ | [10 ॡ [ḹ] | |
| diphthongs | palatal | 11 ए e | 12 ऐ āi |
| labial | 13 ओ o | 14 औ āu |
| Visarga | 15 अः ḥ |
|---|---|
| Anusvāra | 16 अं, अँ ṅ or ṁ (see 73 c). |
| surd | surd asp. | sonant | son.asp. | nasal | ||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Mutes | guttural | 17 क k | 18 ख kh | 19 ग g | 20 घ gh | 21 ङ n̄ |
| palatal | 22 च c | 23 छ ch | 24 ज j | 25 झ jh | 26 ञ ñ | |
| lingual | 27 ट ṭ | 28 ठ ṭh | 29 ड ḍ | 30 ढ ḍh | 31 ण ṇ | |
| dental | 32 त t | 33 थ th | 34 द d | 35 ध dh | 36 न n | |
| labial | 37 प p | 38 फ ph | 39 ब b | 40 भ bh | 41 म m |
| Semivowels | palatal | 42 य y |
|---|---|---|
| lingual | 43 र r | |
| dental | 44 ल l | |
| labial | 45 व v | |
| Sibilants | palatal | 46 श ç |
| lingual | 47 ष ṣ | |
| dental | 48 स s | |
| Aspiration | 49 ह h |
a. To these may be added a lingual ḻ ळ, which in some of the Vedic texts takes the place of ड ḍ when occurring between two vowels (54).
a. In some works (as the Petersburg lexicon), a visarga which is regarded as equivalent to and exchangeable with a sibilant (172) is, though written as a visarga, given the alphabetic place of the sibilant.
A. The forms of the vowel-characters given in the alphabetical scheme above are used only when the vowel
forms a syllable by itself, or is not combined with a preceding consonant; that is, when it is either initial or preceded by another vowel. In combinations with a consonant, other modes of representation are used.
B. If more consonants than one precede the vowel, forming with it a single syllable, their characters must be combined into a single compound character.
a. Native Hindu usage, in manuscripts and inscriptions, treats the whole material of a sentence alike, not separating its words from one another, any more than the syllables of the same word: a final consonant is combined into one written syllable with the initial vowel or consonant or consonants of the following word. It never occurred to the Hindus to space their words in any way, even where the mode of writing admitted such treatment; nor to begin a paragraph on a new line; nor to write one line of verse under another: everything, without exception, is written solid by them, filling the whole page.
b. Thus, the sentence and verse-line ahaṁ rudrebhir vasubhiç carāmy aham ādityāir uta viçvadevāiḥ (Rig-Veda X, 125. 1: see Appendix B) I wander with the Vasus, the Rudras, I with the Ādityas and the All-Gods is thus syllabized: a haṁ ru dre bhi rva su bhi çca rā mya ha mā di tyāi ru ta vi çva de vāiḥ, with each syllable ending with a vowel (or a vowel modified by the nasal-sign anusvāra, or having the sign of a final breathing, visarga, added: these being the only elements that can follow a vowel in the same syllable); and it is (together with the next line) written in the manuscripts after this fashion:
अहँरुद्रेभिर्वसुभिश्चराम्यहमादित्यै
रुतविश्वदेवैः।अहंमित्रावरुणोभा
बिभर्म्यहमिन्द्राग्नीहमश्विनोभा॥
Each syllable is written separately, and by many scribes the successive syllables are parted a little from one another: thus,
अ हँ रु द्रे भि र्व सु भि श्च रा म्य ह मा दि त्यै
and so on.
c. In Western practice, however, it is almost universally customary to divide paragraphs, to make the lines of verse follow one another, and also to separate the words so far as this can be done without changing the mode of writing them. See Appendix B, where the verse here given so treated.
d. Further, in works prepared for beginners in the language, it is not uncommon to make a more complete separation of words by a
free use of the virāma-sign (11) under final consonants: thus, for example,
अहँ रुद्रेभिर् वसुभिश् चराम्य् अहम् आदित्यैर् उत विश्वदेवैः।
or even by indicating also the combinations of initial and final vowels (126, 127): for example,
अहं मित्रावरुणो भा बिभर्म्य् अहम् इन्द्राग्नी अहम् अश्विनो भा॥
e. In transliterating, Western methods of separation of words are of course to be followed; to do otherwise would be simple pedantry.
a. The short अ a has no written sign at all; the consonant-sign itself implies a following अ a, unless some other vowel-sign is attached to it (or else the virāma: 11). Thus, the consonant-signs as given above in the alphabetic scheme are really the signs of the syllables ka, kha, etc. etc. (to ha).
b. The long आ ā is written by a perpendicular stroke after the consonant: thus, का kā, दा dā, हा hā.
c. Short इ i and long ई ī are written by a similar stroke, which for short i is placed before the consonant and for long ī is placed after it, and in either case is connected with the consonant by a hook above the upper line: thus, कि ki, की kī; भि bhi, भी bhī; नि ni, नी nī.
The hook above, turning to the left or to the right, is historically the essential part of the character, having been originally the whole of it; the hooks were only later prolonged, so as to reach all the way down beside the consonant. In the MSS., they almost never have the horizontal stroke drawn across them above, though this is added in the printed characters: thus, originally [[Image:kioriginal.png|20px]] ki, [[Image:kīoriginal.png|20px]] kī; in the MSS. [[Image:kimss.png|20px]], [[Image:kīmss.png|20px]]; in print कि, की.
d. The u-sounds, short and long, are written by hooks attached to the lower end of the consonant-sign: thus कु ku, कू kū; डु du, डू dū. On account of the necessities of combination, du and dū are somewhat disguised: thus, [[Image:Du sanskrit.png|20px]], [[Image:Duu sanskrit.png|20px]]; and the forms with र r and ह h are still more irregular: thus, रु ru, रू rū; हु hu, हू hū.
e. The ṛ-vowels, short and long, are written by a subjoined hook, single or double, opening toward the right: thus, कृ kṛ, कॄ kṝ; दृ dṛ, दॄ dṝ. In the h-sign, the hooks are usually attached to the middle, thus: हृ hṛ, हॄ hṝ.
As to the combination of ṛ with preceding r, see below, 14 d.
f. The ḷ-vowel is written with a reduced form of its full initial character: thus, कॢ kḷ; the corresponding long has no real occurrence (23 a), but would be written with a similar reduced sign.
g. The diphthongs are written by strokes, single or double, above the upper line, combined, for ओ o and औ āu, with the ā-sign after the consonant: thus, के ke, कै kāi; को ko, कौ kāu.
h. In some devanāgarī manuscripts (as the Bengālī alphabet), the single stroke above, or one of the double ones, is replaced by a sign like the ā-sign before the consonant, thus: [[Image:Sanskrit-grammar-alt-ke.png|20px]] ke, [[Image:Sanskrit-grammar-alt-kāi.png|
20px]] kāi; [[Image:Sanskrit-grammar-alt-ko.png|20px]] ko, [[Image:Sanskrit-grammar-alt-kāu.png|20px]] kāu.
a. Since, as was pointed out above, the Hindus write the words of a sentence continuously like one word (9 a, 9 b), the virāma is in general called only for when a final consonant occurs before a pause. But it is also occasionally resorted to by scribes, or in print, in order to avoid an awkward or difficult combination of consonant-signs: thus,
लिड्भिः liḍbhiḥ, लिट्सु liṭsu, अङ्क्ष्व an̄kṣva;
and it is used to make a separation of words in texts prepared for beginners (9 d).
either side by side, or one above the other; in a few combinations either arrangement is allowed. The consonant that is to be pronounced first is set before the other in the one order, and above it in the other order.
a. Examples of side-by-side arrangement are: ग्ग gga, ज्ज jja, प्य pya, न्म nma, त्थ ttha, भ्य bhya, स्क ska, ष्ण ṣṇa, त्क tka.
b. Examples of the above-and-below arrangement are: क्क kka, क्व kva, च्च cca, ञ्ज ñja, द्द dda, प्त pta, त्न tna, त्व tva.
a. Of क k in क्त kta, क्ल kla; and in क्ण kṇa etc.
b. Of त t in त्त tta;
c. Of द d in द्ग dga, द्न dna, etc;
d. Of म m and य y, when following other consonants: thus, क्य kya, क्म kma, ङ्य ñya, द्म dma, द्य dya, ह्म hma, ह्य hya, छ्य chya, ड्य ḍhya.
e. Of श ç, which generally becomes [[Image:Sanskrit grammar old ç.png|20px]] when followed by a consonant: thus, [[Image:Sanskrit grammar old çca.png|20px]] çca, [[Image:Sanskrit grammar old çna.png|20px]] çna, [[Image:Sanskrit grammar old çva.png|20px]] çva, [[Image:Sanskrit grammar old çya.png|20px]] çya. The same change is usual when a vowel-sign is added below: thus [[Image:Sanskrit grammar old çu.png|20px]] çu, [[Image:Sanskrit grammar old çṛ.png|20px]] çṛ.
f. Other combinations, of not quite obvious value, are ण्ण ṇṇa, ल्ल lla, द्ध ddha, द्भ dbha, ष्ट ṣṭa, ष्ठ ṣṭha; and the compounds of ह h: as ह्ण hṇa, ह्न hna.
g. In a case or two, no trace of the constituent letters in recognizable: thus, क्ष kṣa, ज्ञ jña.
a. If pronounced before another consonant or combination of consonants, it is written above the latter, with a
hook opening to the right (much like the sign of the vowel ṛ, as written under a consonant: 10 e): thus, र्क rka, र्ष rṣa, र्त्व rtva, र्म्य rmya, र्त्स्न rtsna.
b. Then, if a consonant-group thus containing r as first member is followed by a vowel that has its sign, or a part of its sign, or its sign of nasality (anusvāra: 70, 71), written above the line, the r-sign is placed furthest to the right: thus, र्के rke, र्कं rkaṅ, र्कि rki, र्की rkī, र्को rko, र्कीं rkīṅ, र्कों rkoṅ.
c. If r is pronounced after another consonant, whether before a vowel or before yet another consonant, it is written with a straight stroke below, slanting to the left: thus, प्र pra, ध्र dhra, ग्र gra, स्र sra, [[Image:Sanskrit grammar old ddhra.png|20px]] ddhra, न्त्र ntra, [[Image:Sanskrit grammar old grya.png|20px]] grya, [[Image:Sanskrit grammar old srva.png|20px]] srva, न्त्र्य ntrya; and, with modifications of a preceding consonant-sign like those noticed above (13), त्र tra, द्र dra, श्र çra, ह्र hra.
d. When र r is to be combined with a following ऋ ṛ, it is the vowel which is written in full, with its initial character, and the consonant in subordination to it: thus, [[Image:Sanskrit grammar old rṛ.png|20px]] rṛ.
:of three consonants, त्त्व ttva, द्ध्य ddhya, द्व्य dvya, द्र्य drya, ध्र्य dhrya, प्स्व psva, श्च्य çcya, ष्ठ्य ṣṭhya, ह्व्य hvya;
:of four consonants, क्त्र्य ktrya, ङ्क्ष्य n̄kṣya, ष्ट्र्य ṣṭrya, त्स्म्य tsmya;
:of five consonants, र्त्स्न्या rtsnya.
a. The manuscripts, and the type-fonts as well, differ from one another more in their management of consonant combinations than in any other respect, often having peculiarities which one needs a little practice to understand. It is quite useless to give in a grammar the whole series of possible combinations (some of them excessively rare) which are provided for in any given type-font, or even in all. There is nothing which due familiarity
with the simple signs and with the above rules of combination will not enable the student readily to analyse and explain.
b. If the elided initial-vowel is nasal, and has the anusvāra-sign (70, 71) written above, this is usually and more properly transferred to the eliding vowel; but sometimes it is written instead over the avagraha-sign: thus, for so 'ṅçumān, from so aṅçumān, either सों ऽशुमान् or सो ऽंशुमान्.
c. The sign ॰ is used in place of something that is omitted, and to be understood from the connection: thus, वीरसेनसुतस् ॰तम् ॰तेन vīrasenasutas -tam -tena.
d. Signs of punctuation are । and ॥.
At the end of a verse, a paragraph, or the like, the latter of them is ordinarily written twice, with the figure of enumeration between: thus, ॥२०॥
:१ 1, २ 2, ३ 3, ४ 4, ५ 5, ६ 6, ७ 7, ८ 8, ९ 9, ० 0
In combination, to express larger numbers, they are used in precisely the same way as European digits: thus, २५ 25, ६३० 630, ७००० 7000, १८९६ 1896.
a. The Paninean scheme (commentary to Pāṇini’s grammar i. 1. 9) classes a as guttural, but apparently only to give that series as well as the rest a vowel; no one of the Prātiçākhyas puts a into one class with k etc. All of these authorities concur in calling the i- and u-vowels respectively palatal and labial.
a. For more precise estimates of frequency, of these and of the other
alphabetic elements, and for the way in which they were obtained, see below, 75.
a. Some of the Hindu grammarians add to the alphabet also a long ḷ: but this is only for the sake of an artificial symmetry, since the sound does not occur in a single genuine word in the language.
a. The modern Hindus pronounce these vowels as ri, rī, li (or even lri), having long lost the habit and the facility of giving a vowel value to the pure r- and l-sounds. Their example is widely followed by European scholars; and hence also the (distorting and altogether objectionable) transliterations ṛi, ṛī, ḷi. There is no real difficulty in the way of acquiring and practising the true utterance.
b. Some of the grammarians (see APr. i. 37, note) attempt to define more nearly the way in which, in these vowels, a real r- or l-element is combined with something else.
sounds. In the Sanskrit, they wear the aspect of being products of the increment or strengthening of इ i and उ u respectively; and they are called the corresponding guṇa-vowels to the latter (see below, 235 ff.). The other two, ऐ āi and औ āu, are held to be of peculiar Sanskrit growth; they are also in general results of another and higher increment of इ i and उ u, to which they are called the corresponding vṛddhi-vowels (below, 235 ff.). But all are likewise sometimes generated by euphonic combination (127); and ओ o, especially, is common as a result of the alteration of a final अस् as (175).
a. Such they apparently already were to the authors of the Prātiçākhyas, which, while ranking them as diphthongs (saṁdhyakṣara), give rules respecting their pronunciation in a manner implying them to be virtually unitary sounds. But their euphonic treatment (131–4) clearly shows them to have been still at the period when the euphonic laws established themselves, as they of course were at their origin, real diphthongs, ai (a + i) and au (a + u). From them, on the same evidence, the heavier or vṛddhi diphthongs were distinguished by the length of their a-element, as āi (ā + i) and āu (ā + u).
b. The recognizable distinctness of the two elements in the vṛddhi-diphthongs is noticed by the Prātiçākhyas (see APr. i. 40, note); but the relation of those elements is either defined as equal, or the a is made of less quantity than the i and u.
a. As to quantity and accent, see below 76 ff., 80 ff.
a. The members are by the Hindu grammarians called respectively first, second, third, fourth, and last or fifth.
b. The surd consonants are known as aghoṣa toneless, and the sonants as ghoṣavant having tone; and the descriptions of the grammarians are in accordance with these terms. All alike recognize a difference of tone, and not in any manner a difference of force, whether of contact or of expulsion, as separating the two great classes in question. That the difference depends on vivāra opening or saṁvāra closure (of the glottis), is also recognized by them.
a. The Hindu grammarians give distinctly this definition. The nasal (anunāsika passing through the nose) sounds are declared to be formed by mouth and nose together; or their nasality (ānunāsikya) to be given them by unclosure of the nose.
a. That the aspirates, all of them, are real mutes or contact sounds, and not fricative (like European th and ph and ch, etc.), is beyond question.
b. It is also not doubtful in what way the surd th, for example, differs from the unaspirated t: such aspirates are found in many Asiatic languages, and even in some European; they involve the slipping-out of an audible bit of flatus or aspiration between the breach of mute-closure and the following sound, whatever it may be. They are accurately enough represented by the th etc., with which, in imitation of the Latin treatment of the similar ancient Greek aspirates, we are accustomed to write them.
c. The sonant aspirates are generally understood and described as made in a similar way, with a perceptible h-sound after the breach of sonant mute-closure But there are great theoretical difficulties in the way of accepting this explanation; and some of the best phonetic observers deny that the modern Hindu pronunciation is of such a character, and define the element following the mute as a “glottal buzz”, rather, or as an emphasized utterance of the beginning of the succeeding sound. The question is one of great difficulty, and upon it the opinions of the highest authorities are much at variance. Sonant aspirates are still in use in India, in the pronunciation of the vernacular as well as of the learned language.
d. By the Prātiçākhyas, the aspirates of both classes are called soṣman: which might mean either accompanied by a rush of breath (taking ūṣman in its more etymological sense), or accompanied by a spirant (below, 59). And some native authorities define the surd aspirate as made by the combination of each surd non-aspirate with its own corresponding surd spirant, the h-sound (below, 65). But this would make the two classes of aspirates of quite diverse character, and would also make th the same as ts, ṭh as ṭṣ, ch as cç — which is in any measure plausible only of the last. Pāṇini has no name for aspirates; the scheme given in his comment (to i. 1. 9) attributes to them mahāprāṇa great expiration, and to the non-aspirates alpaprāṇa small expiration.
e. It is usual among European scholars to pronounce both classes of aspirates as the corresponding non-aspirates
with a following h: for example थ् th nearly as in English boathook, फ् ph as in haphazard, ध् dh as in madhouse, भ् bh as in abhor, and so on. This is (as we have seen above) strictly accurate only as regards the surd aspirates.
We take up now the several mute series.
a. The gutturals are defined by the Prātiçākhyas as made by contact of the base of the tongue with the base of the jaw, and they are called, from the former organ, jihvāmūlīya tongue-root sounds. The Paninean scheme describes them simply as made in the throat (kaṇṭha). From the euphonic influence of a k on a following s (below, 180), we may perhaps infer that in their utterance the tongue was well drawn back in the mouth.
The whole palatal series is derivative, being generated by the corruption of original gutturals. The c comes from an original k — as does also, by another degree of alteration, the palatal sibilant ç (see below, 64). The j, in like manner, comes from a g; but the
Sanskrit j includes in itself two degrees of alteration, one corresponding to the alteration of k to c, the other to that of k to ç (see below, 219). The c is somewhat more common than the j (almost as four to three). The aspirate ch is very much less frequent (a tenth of c), and comes from the original group sk. The sonant aspirate jh is excessively rare (occurring but once in RV., not once in AV., and hardly half-a-dozen times in the whole other language); where found, it is either onomatopoetic or of anomalous or not Indo-European origin. The nasal, ñ, never occurs except immediately before — or, in a small number of words, also after (201) — one of the others of the same series.
a. Their description by the old Hindu grammarians, however, gives them a not less absolutely simple character than belongs to the other mutes. They are called tālavya palatal, and declared to be formed against the palate by the middle of the tongue. They seem to have been, then, brought forward in the mouth from the guttural point, and made against the hard palate at a point not far from the lingual one (below, 45), but with the upper flat surface of the tongue instead of its point. Such sounds, in all languages, pass easily into the (English) ch- and j- sounds. The value of the ch as making the preceding vowel “long by position” (227), and its frequent origination from t + ç (203), lead to the suspicion that it, at least, may have had this character from the beginning: compare 37 d, above.
rendered by ‘cerebrals’. In practice, among European Sanskritists, no attempt is made to distinguish them from the dentals: ट् ṭ is pronounced like त् t, ड् ḍ like द d, and so on with the rest.
a. In a certain number of passages numerically examined (below, 75), the abnormal occurrences of lingual mutes were less than half of the whole number (74 out of 159), and most of them (43) were of ṇ: all were found more frequent in the later passages. In the Rig-Veda, only 15 words have an abnormal ṭ; only 6, such a ṭh; only 1, such a ḍh; about 20 (including 9 roots, nearly all of which have derivatives) show an abnormal ḍ, besides 9 that have ṇḍ; and 30 (including 1 root) show an ṇ.
b. Taken all together, the linguals are by far the rarest class of mutes (about 1½ per cent. of the alphabet) — hardly half as frequent even as the palatals.
a. But the modern Hindus are said to pronounce their dentals with the
tip of the tongue thrust well forward against the upper teeth, so that these sounds get a slight tinge of the quality belonging to the English and Modern Greek th-sounds. The absence of that quality in the European (especially the English) dentals is doubtless the reason why to the ear of a Hindu the latter appear more analogous with his linguals, and he is apt to use the linguals in writing European words.
a. From an early period in the history of the language, but increasingly later, b and v exchange with one another, or fail to be distinguished in the manuscripts. Thus, the double root-forms bṛh and vṛh, bādh and vadh, and so on. In the Bengal manuscripts, v is widely written instead of more original b.
a. The name given to this class of sounds by the Hindu grammarians is antaḥsthā standing between — either from their character as utterances intermediate between vowel and consonant, or (more probably) from the circumstance of their being placed between the mutes and spirants in the arrangement of the consonants.
b. The semivowels are clearly akin with the several mute series in their physical character, and they are classified along with those series — though not without some discordances of view — by the Hindu grammarians. They are said to be produced with the organs slightly in contact (īṣatspṛṣṭa), or in imperfect contact (duḥspṛṣṭa).
a. The Paninean scheme reckons r as a lingual. None of the Prātiçākhyas, however, does so; nor are they entirely consistent with one another in its description. For the most part, they define it as made at “the roots of the teeth”. This would give it a position like that of the vibrated r; but no authority hints at a vibration as belonging to it.
b. In point of frequency, r stands very high on the list of consonants; it is nearly equal with v, n, m, and y, and only exceeded by t.
a. The peculiar character of an l-sound, as involving expulsion at the side of the tongue along with contact at its tip, is not noticed by any Hindu phonetist.
b. The semivowels r and l are very widely interchangeable in Sanskrit, both in roots and in suffixes, and even in prefixes: there are few roots containing a l which do not show also forms with r; words written with the one letter are found in other texts, or in other parts of the same text, written with the other. In the later period of the language they are more separated, and the l becomes decidedly more frequent, though always much rarer than the r (only as 1 to 7 or 8 or 10).
a. Examples are ईळे īḻe, for ईडॆ īḍe, but ईड्य iḍya; मीळ्हुषॆ mīḻhuṣe, for मीढुषे mīḍhuṣe, but मीढ्वान् mīḍhvān. It is especially in the Rig-Veda and its auxiliary literature that this substitution is usual.
a. And in the Veda (as the metre shows) an i is very often to be read where, in conformity with the rules of the later Sanskrit euphony, a y is written. Thus the final i-vowel of a word remains i before an initial vowel; that of a stem maintains itself unchanged before an ending; and an ending of derivation — as ya, tya — has i instead of y. Such cases will be noticed in more detail later. The constancy of the phenomenon in certain words and classes of words shows that this was no merely optional interchange. Very probably, the Sanskrit y had everywhere more of an i-character than belongs to the corresponding European sound.
a. By its whole treatment in the euphony of the language, however, the v stands related to an u-vowel precisely as y to an i-vowel. It is, then, a v only according the original Roman value of that letter — that is to say, a w-sound in the English sense; though (as was stated above for the y) it may well have been less markedly separated from u than English w, or more like French ou in oui etc. But, as the original w has in most European languages been changed to v (English), so also in India, and that from a very early time: the Paninean scheme and two of the Prātiçākhyas (VPr. and TPr.) distinctly define the sound as made between the upper teeth and the lower lip — which, of course, identifies it with the ordinarily modern v-sound. As a matter of practice, the usual pronunciation need not be seriously objected to; yet the student should not fail to note that the rules of Sanskrit euphony and the name of “semivowel” have no application except to a w-sound in the English sense: a v-sound (German w) is no semivowel, but a spirant, standing on the same articulate stage with the English th-sounds and the f.
a. In the Veda, under the same circumstances as the y (above, 55 a), v is to be read as a vowel, u.
b. As to the interchange of v and b, see above, 50 a.
a. The term is not found in the Paninean scheme; by different treatises the guttural and labial breathings, these and the visarga, or all these and anusvāra, are also (in addition to the sibilants and h) called ūṣman
(see APr. i., 31 note). The organs of utterance are described as being in the position of the mute-series to which each spirant belongs respectively, but unclosed, or unclosed in the middle.
a. It is, then, dental, as it is classed by all the Hindu authorities. Notwithstanding the great losses which it suffers in Sanskrit euphony; by conversion to the other sibilants, to r, to visarga, etc., it is still very high among the consonants in the order of frequency, or considerably more common than both the other two sibilants together.
a. Its lingual character is shown by its whole euphonic influence, and it is described and classed as lingual by all the Hindu authorities (the APr. adds, i. 23, that the tongue in its utterance is trough-shaped). In its audible quality, it is a sh-sound rather than a s-sound; and, in the considerable variety of sibilant-utterance, even in the same community, it may coincide with the sh of some among ourselves. Yet the general and normal sh is palatal (see below, 63); and therefore the sign ṣ, marked in accordance with the other lingual letters, is the only unexceptionable transliteration for the Hindu character.
b. In modern pronunciation in India, ṣ is much confounded with kh; and the manuscripts are apt to exchange the characters. Some later grammatical treatises, too, take note of the relationship.
from √ sah, 182 b) only twelve words which show a ṣ under other conditions.
a. The final ṣ of a root has in some cases attained a more independent value, and does not revert to s when the euphonic conditions are removed, but shows anomalous forms (225–6).
a. The two sh-sounds, ṣ and ç, are made in the same part of the mouth (the ṣ probably rather further back), but with a different part of the tongue; and they are doubtless not more unlike than, for example, the two t-sounds, written ṭ and t; and it would be not less proper to pronounce them both as one sh than to pronounce the linguals and dentals alike. To neglect the difference of s and ç is much less to be approved. The very near relationship of ṣ and ç is attested by their euphonic treatment, which is to a considerable extent the same, and by their not infrequent confusion by the writers of manuscripts.
a. This is not, however, its real character. It is defined by all the native authorities as not a surd element, but a sonant (or else an utterance intermediate between the two); and its whole value in the euphony of the language is that of a sonant: but what is its precise value is very hard to say. The Paninean scheme ranks it as guttural, as it does also a: this means nothing. The Prātiçākhyas bring it into no relation with the guttural class; one of them quotes the opinion of some authorities that “it has the same position with the beginning of the following vowel” (TPr. ii. 47) — which so far identifies it with our h. There is nothing in its euphonic influence to mark it as retaining any trace of gutturally articulated character.
By some of the native phonetists it is identified with the aspiration of the sonant aspirates — with the element by which, for example, gh differs from g. This view is supported by the derivation of h from the aspirates (next paragraph), by that of ḷ + h from ḍh (54), and by the treatment of initial h after a final mute (163).
a. One Prātiçākhya (TPr. ii. 48) gives just this last description of it. It is by various authorities classed with h, or with h and a: all of them are alike sounds in whose utterance the mouth-organs have no definite shaping action.
a. Certain nasals in Sanskrit are of servile character, always to be assimilated to a following consonant, of whatever character that may be. Such are final m in sentence-combination (213), the penultimate nasal of a root, and a nasal of increment (255) in general. If one of these nasals stands before a contact-letter or mute, it becomes a nasal mute corresponding the the latter — that is, a nasal utterance in the same position of the mouth-organs which gives the succeeding mute. If, on the other hand, the following consonant does not involve a contact (being a semivowel or spirant), the nasal element is also without contact: it is a nasal utterance with unclosed mouth-organs. The question is, now, whether this nasal utterance becomes merely a nasal infection of the preceding vowel, turning it into a nasal vowel (as in French on, en, un, etc., by reason of a similar loss of a nasal mute); or whether it is an element of more individual character, having place between the vowel and the consonant; or, once more, whether it is sometimes the one thing and sometimes the other. The opinions of the Prātiçākhyas and Pāṇini are briefly as follows:
b. The Atharva-Prātiçākhya holds that the result is everywhere a nasalized vowel, except when n or m is assimilated to a following l; in that case, the n or m becomes a nasal l: that is, the nasal utterance is made in the l-position, and has a perceptible l-character.
c. The other Prātiçākhyas teach a similar conversion into a nasal counterpart to the semivowel, or a nasal semivowel, before y and l and v (not before r also). In most of the other cases where the Atharva-Prātiçākhya acknowledges a nasal vowel — namely, before r and the spirants — the others teach the intervention after the vowel of a distinct nasal element, called the anusvāra after-tone.
d. Of the nature of this nasal afterpiece to the vowel no intelligibly clear account is given. It is said (RPr.) to be either vowel or consonant; it is declared (RPr., VPr.) to be made with the nose alone, or (TPr.) to be nasal like the nasal mutes; it is held by some (RPr.) to be the sonant tone of the nasal mutes; in its formation, as in that of the vowel and spirant, there is (RPr.) no contact. As to its quantity, see further on.
e. There are, however, certain cases and classes of cases where these other authorities also acknowledge a nasal vowel. So, especially, wherever
a final n is treated (208–9) as if it were ns (its historically older form); and also in a small number of specified words. They also mention the doctrine of nasal vowel instead of anusvāra as held by some (and TPr. is uncertain and inconsistent in its choice between the one and the other).
f. In Pāṇini, finally, the prevailing doctrine is that of anusvāra everywhere, and it is even allowed in many cases where the Prātiçākhyas prescribe only a nasal mute. But a nasal semivowel is also allowed instead before a semivowel, and a nasal vowel is allowed in the cases (mentioned above) where some of the Prātiçākhyas require it by exception.
g. It is evidently a fair question whether this discordance and uncertainty of the Hindu phonetists is owing to a real difference of utterance in different classes of cases and in different localities, or whether to a different scholastic analysis of what is really everywhere the same utterance. If anusvāra is a nasal element following the vowel, it cannot well be any thing but either a prolongation of the same vowel-sound with nasality added, or a nasalized bit of neutral-vowel sound (in the latter case, however, the altering influence of an i or u-vowel on a following s ought to be prevented, which is not the case: see 183).
a. The Prātiçākhyas (VPr., RPr.) give determinations of the quantity of the anusvāra combining with a short and with a long vowel respectively to make a long syllable.
b. It is a very common custom of the manuscripts to write an anusvāra-sign for any nasal following the vowel of a syllable, either before another consonant or as final (not before a vowel), without any reference to whether it is to be pronounced as nasal mute, nasal semivowel, or anusvāra. Some printed texts follow this slovenly and undesirable habit; but most write a nasal mute whenever it is to be pronounced — excepting where it is an assimilated m (213).
c. It is convenient also in transliteration to distinguish the assimilated m by a special sign, ṁ, from the anusvāra of more independent origin, ṅ; and this method will be followed in the present work.
[[Image:Sanskrit-phonology-chart.png|400px]]
a. The figures set under the characters give the average percentage of frequency of each sound, found by counting the number of times in which it occurred in an aggregate of 10,000 sounds of continuous text, in ten different passages, of 1,000 sounds each, selected from different epochs of the literature: namely, two from the Rig-Veda, one from the Atharva-Veda, two from different Brāhmaṇas, and one each from the Manu, Bhagavad-Gītā, Çakuntalā, Hitopadeça, and Vāsa-vadattā (J.A.O.S., vol. X. p. c1).
a. The protracted vowels are practically of rare occurrence (in RV., three cases; in AV., fifteen; in the Brāhmaṇa literature, decidedly more frequent). They are used in cases of questioning, especially of a balancing between two alternatives, and also of calling to a distance or urgently. The protraction is of the last syllable in a word, or in a whole phrase; and the protracted syllable has usually the acute tone, in addition to any other accent the word may have; sometimes it takes also anusvāra, or is made nasal.
b. Examples are: adháḥ svid āsī́3d upári svid āsī3t (RV.) was it, forsooth, below? was it, forsooth, above> idám bhū́yā́3 idā́3m íti (AV.) saying, is this more, or is that? ágnā́3i pátnīvā́3ḥ sómam piba (TS.) O Agni! thou with thy spouse! drink the soma.
c. A diphthong is protracted by prolongation of its first or a-element: thus, e to ā3i, o to ā3u.
d. The sign of protraction is also sometimes written as the result of accentual combination, when so-called kampa occurs: see below, 87 d.
making heavy syllable. The last syllable of a pāda (primary division of a verse) is reckoned as either heavy or light.
a. The distinction in terms between the difference of long and short in vowel-sound and that of heavy and light in syllable-construction is valuable and should be observed.
a. In transliteration, in this work, the udātta or acute will be marked with the ordinary sign of the acute, and the svarita or circumflex (as being a downward slide of the voice forward) with what is usually called the grave accent: thus, á, acute, yà or và, circumflex.
a. Kṣāipra (quick), when an acute i- or u-vowel (short or long) is converted into y or v before a dissimilar vowel of grave tone: thus, vyā̀pta from ví-āpta, apsvàntár from apsú antár.
b. Jātya (native) or nitya (own), when the same combination lies further back, in the make-up of a stem or form, and so is constant, or belongs to the word in all circumstances of its occurrence: thus, kvà (from kúa), svàr (súar), nyàk (níak), budhnyà (budhnía), kanyā̀ (kaníā), nadyàs (nadī́-as), tanvā̀ (tanū́-ā).
c. The words of both the above classes are in the Veda, in the great majority of cases, to be read with restoration of the acute vowel as a separate syllable; thus, apsú antár, súar, nadī́as, etc. In some texts, part of them are written correspondingly, thus, súvar, tanúvā, budhníya.
d. Praçliṣṭa, when the acute and grave vowels are of such character that they are fused into a long vowel or diphthong (128 c): thus, divī̀ ’va (RV. AV. etc.), from diví iva; sū̀dgātā (TS.), from sú-udgātā; nāì ’vā̀ ’çnīyāt (ÇB.), from ná evá açnīyāt.
e. Abhinihita, when an initial grave a is absorbed by a final acute é or ó (135 a): thus, tè ’bruvan, from té abruvan; sò ’bravīt, from só abravīt.
a. Thus, in téna and té ca, the syllable na and word ca are regarded and marked as circumflex; but in téna té and té ca svàr they are grave.
b. This seems to mean that the voice, which is borne up at the higher pitch to the end of the acute syllable, does not ordinarily drop to grave pitch by an instantaneous movement, but descends by a more or less perceptible slide in the course of the following syllable. No Hindu authority suggests the theory of a middle or intermediate tone for the enclitic, any more than for the independent circumflex. For the most part, the two are identified with one another, in treatment and designation. The enclitic circumflex is likewise divided into a number of sub-varieties, with different names: they are of too little consequence to be worth reporting.
a. The acute syllable is left unmarked; the circumflex, whether independent or enclitic, has a short perpendicular stroke above; and the grave next preceding an acute or (independent) circumflex has a short horizontal stroke below. Thus,
अ॒ग्निम् agním; जु॒होति॑ juhóti; त॒न्वा॑ tanvā̀; क्व॑ kvà.
b. But the introductory grave stroke below cannot be given if an acute syllable is initial; hence an unmarked syllable at the beginning of a word is to be understood as acute; and hence also, if several grave syllables precede an acute at the beginning of a sentence, they must all alike have the grave sign. Thus,
इन्द्रः॑ índraḥ; ते té; क॒रि॒ष्यसि॑ kariṣyási; तु॒वि॒जा॒ता tuvijātā́.
c. All the grave syllables, however, which follow a marked circumflex are left unmarked, until the occurrence of another accented syllable causes the one which precedes it to take the preparatory stroke below. Thus,
सु॒दृशी॑कसँदृक् sudṛ́çīkasaṁdṛk;
but सु॒दृशी॑कसँदृ॒ग्गवा॑म् sudṛ́çīkasaṁdṛg gávām.
d. If an independent circumflex be followed by an acute (or by another independent circumflex), a figure 1 is set after the former circumflexed vowel if it be short, or a figure 3 if it be long, and signs of accent are applied as in the following examples:
अ॒प्स्व१॒न्तः apsv à1ntáḥ (from apsú antáḥ);
रा॒यो॒३॒वनिः rāyò3 vániḥ (from rāyó avániḥ).
The rationale of this mode of designation is not well understood; the Prātiçākhyas give no account of it. In the scholastic utterance of the syllable so designated is made a peculiar quaver or roulade of the voice, called kampa or vikampana.
e. The accent-marks are written with red ink in the manuscripts, being added after the text is written, and perhaps often by another hand.
b. In most manuscripts of the Māitrāyaṇī-Saṁhitā, the acute syllable itself, besides its surroundings, is marked — namely, by a perpendicular stroke above the syllable (like that of the ordinary circumflex in the RV. method). The independent circumflex has a hook beneath the syllable, and the circumflex before an acute (87 d) is denoted simply by a figure 3, standing before instead of after the circumflexed syllable.
c. The Çatapatha-Brāhmaṇa uses only a single accent-sign, the horizontal stroke beneath the syllable (like the mark for grave in RV.). This is put under an acute, or, if two or more acutes immediately follow one another, only under the preceding syllable. To mark an independent circumflex, it is put under the preceding syllable. The method is an imperfect one, allowing many ambiguities.
d. The Sāma-Veda method is the most intricate of all. It has a dozen different signs, consisting of figures, or of figures and letters combined, all placed above the syllables, and varying according to both the accentual character of the syllable and to its surroundings. Its origin is obscure; if anything more is indicated by it then by the other simpler systems, the fact has not been demonstrated.
[[Image:Indra udatta accent method.png|20px]] índra, [[Image:Agne udatta accent method.png|20px]] ágne, स्व॑र् svàr, नद्य॑स nadyàs.
a. These being given, everything else which the Hindu theory recognizes as dependent on and accompanying them can readily be understood as implied.
a. The unmarked grave syllables following a circumflex (either at the end of a sentence, or till the near aproach of another acute) are declared to have the same high tone with the (also unmarked) acute. They are called pracaya or pracita (accumulated: because liable to occur in an indefinite series of successive syllables).
b. The circumflex, whether independent or enclitic, is declared to begin on a higher pitch than acute, and to descend to acute pitch in ordinary cases: the concluding instant of it being brought down to grave pitch, however, in the case of an independent circumflex which is immediately followed by another ascent of the voice to higher pitch, in acute or independent circumflex (a kampa syllable: 87 d).
c. Pāṇini gives the ambiguous name of ekaçruti (monotone) to the pracita syllables, and says nothing of the uplifting of the circumflex to a higher plane; he teaches, however, a depression below the grave pitch for the marked grave syllable before acute or circumflex, calling it sannatara (otherwise anudāttatara).
a. A vocative is usually without accent except at the beginning of a sentence: for further details, see 314.
b. A personal verb-form is usually accentless in an independent-clause, except when standing at the beginning of the clause: for further details, see 591 ff.
a. The particles ca, vā, u, sma, iva, cid, svid, ha, and the Vedic kam (or kám), gha, bhala, samaha, īm, sīm, are always without accent; also yathā in RV. (sometimes also elsewhere) in the sense of iva, at the end of a pāda or verse-division.
b. The same is true of certain pronouns and pronominal stems: mā, me, nāu, nas, tvā, te, vām, vas (491 b), ena (500), tva (503 b), sama (513 c).
c. The cases of the pronominal stem a are sometimes accented and sometimes accentless (502).
d. An accentless word is not allowed to stand at the beginning of a sentence; also not of a pāda or primary division of a verse; a pāda is, in all matters relating to accentuation, treated like an independent sentence.
a. Certain dual copulative compounds in the Veda (see 1255), as mitrā́váruṇā, dyā́vāpṛthivī́. Also, a few other Vedic compounds (see 1267 d), as bṛ́haspáti, tánūnápāt.
b. In a few cases, the further compounds and derivatives of such compounds, as dyā́vāpṛthivī́vant, bṛ́haspátipraṇutta.
c. Infinitive datives in tavāí (see 972 a), as étavāí, ápabhartavāí.
d. A word naturally barytone, but having its final syllable protracted (see 78 a).
e. The particle vā́vá (in the Brāhmaṇas).
a. Thus, índre, agnāú, índreṇa, agnínā, agninā́m, bāhúcyuta, ánapacyuta, parjányajinvita, abhimātiṣāhá, ánabhimlātavarṇa, abhiçasticā́tana, híraṇyavāçīmattama, cátuçcatvāriṅçadakṣara.
a. There are, of course, a certain number of uninflected words—indeclinables, particles; and also not a few that are incapable of analysis.
an increased degree of practical importance belonging to the subject of euphonic combination.
a. This euphonic interdependence of the words of a sentence is unknown to any other language in anything like the same degree; and it cannot but be suspected of being at least in part artificial, implying an erection into necessary and invariable rules of what in the living language were only optional practices. This is strongly indicated, indeed, by the evidence of the older dialect of the Vedas and of the derived Prakritic dialects, in both of which some of the rules (especially that as to the hiatus: see 113) are often violated.
a. There are in this number roots of very diverse character. Those occurring only later are, at least in great part, presumably of secondary origin; and a certain number are even doubtless artificial, used once or twice because found in the root-lists of the Hindu grammarians (103). But also of the rest, some are plainly secondary, while others are questionable; and not a few are variations or differentiated forms of one another. Thus, there are roots showing respectively r and l, as rabh and labh, mruc and mluc, kṣar and kṣal; roots with and without a strengthening nasal, as vand and vad, mand and mad; roots in ā and in a nasal, as khā and khan, gā and gam, jā and jan; roots made by an added ā, as trā from tṛ, mnā from man, psā from bhas, yā from i; roots the product of reduplication, as jakṣ from ghas, dudh from dhū; roots with a final sibilant of formative origin, as bhakṣ and bhikṣ from bhaj, nakṣ from naç, çruṣ from çru, hās from hā; root-forms held apart by a well-established discordance of inflection and meaning, which yet are probably different sides of one root, as kṛṣ drag and kṛṣ plough', vid know and vid find, vṛ enclose and vṛ choose*; and so on. In many such cases it is doubtful whether we ought to acknowledge two roots or only one; and no absolute rule of distinction can be laid down and maintained.
a. The roots unauthenticated by traceable use will be made no account of in this grammar—or, if noticed, will be specified as of that character.
a. Those roots of which the initial n and s are regularly converted to ṇ and ṣ after certain prefixes are by the Hindu grammarians given as beginning with ṇ and ṣ; no western authority follows this example.
b. The Hindus classify as simple roots a number of derived stems: reduplicated ones, as dīdhī, jāgṛ, daridrā; present-stems, as ūrṇu; and denominative stems, as avadhīr, kumār, sabhāg, mantr, sāntv, arth, and the like. These are in European works generally reduced to their true value.
c. A number of roots ending in an ā which is irregularly treated in the present-system are written in the Hindu lists with diphthongs — e or āi or o; here they will be regarded as ā-roots (see 251). The o of such root-forms, especially, is purely arbitrary; no forms or derivatives made from the roots justify it.
d. The roots showing interchangeably ṛ and ir and īr or ur and ūr (242) are written by the Hindus with ṛ or with ṝ, or with both. The ṝ here also is only formal, intended to mark the roots as liable to certain modifications, since it nowhere shows itself in any form or derivative. Such roots will in this work be written with ṛ.
e. The roots, on the other hand, showing a variation between ṛ and ar (rarely ra) as weak and strong forms will be here written with ṛ, as by the native grammarians, although many European authorities prefer the other or strong form. So long as we write the unstrengthened vowel in vid and çī, in mud and bhū, and their like, consistency seems to be require that we write it in sṛj and kṛ also—in all cases alike, without reference to what may have been the more original Indo-European form.
of the elements of words and of words as elements of the sentence; then will be taken up the subject of inflection, under the two heads of declension and conjugation; and an account of the classes of uninflected words will follow.
a. The formation of conjugational stems (tense and mode-stems; also participles and infinitive) will be taught, as is usual, in connection with the processes of conjugational inflection; that of uninflected words, in connection with the various classes of those words. But the general subject of derivation, or the formation of declinable stems, will be taken up by itself later (chap. XVII.); and it will be followed by an account of the formation of compound stems (chap. XVIII.).
a. to the internal make-up of a word, by the addition of derivative and inflectional endings to roots and stems;
b. to the more external putting together of stems to make compound stems, and the yet looser and more accidental collocation of words in the sentence;
c. Hence they are usually divided into rules of internal combination, and rules of external combination.
b. The importance of this distinction in somewhat exaggerated by the ordinary statement of it. In fact, dh is the only sonant mute initial of an ending occurring in conjugation, as bh in declension; and the difference of their treatment is in part owing to the one coming into collision usually with the final of a root and the other of an ending, and in part to the fact that dh, as a dental, is more assimilable to palatals and linguals than bh. A more marked and problematic distinction is made between su and the verbal endings si, sva, etc., especially after palatal sounds and ṣ.
c. Further, before certain of the suffixes of derivation the final of a stem is sometimes treated in the same manner as that of a word in composition.
d. This is especially the case before secondary suffixes having a markedly distinct office, like the possessive mant and vant, the abstract-making tva, the suffix of material maya, and so on; and it is much more frequent in the later language than in the earlier. The examples are sporadic in character, and no rule can be given to cover them: for details, see the various suffixes, in chap. XVII. In the RV. (as may be mentioned here) the only examples are vidyúnmant (beside garútmant, kakúdmant, etc.), pṛ́ṣadvant (beside datvánt, marútvant, etc.), dhṛṣadvín (beside namasvín etc.), and ahaṁyú, kiṁyú, çaṁyú, and aṅhoyú, duvoyú, áskṛdhoyu (beside namasyú, vacasyú, etc.); and the AV. adds only sáhovan (RV. savā́van).
inflection; the rules of external combination may better be left untouched until he comes to dealing with words in sentences, or to translating. Then, however, they are indispensable, since the proper form of the words that compose the sentence is not to be determined without them.
a. The general principles of combination underlying the euphonic rules, and determining their classification, may be stated as follows:
a. For details, and for exceptions, see 125 ff.
b. In the earlier language, however, hiatus in every position was abundantly admitted. This appears plainly from the mantras, or metrical parts of the Veda, where in innumerable instances y and v are to be read as i and u, and, less often, a long vowel is to be resolved into two vowels, in order to make good the metre; e.g. vāryāṇām has to be read as vā-ri-ā-ṇa-ām, svaçvyam as su-aç-vi-am, and so on. In the Brāhmaṇas, also, we find tvac, svar, dyāus described as dissyllables, vyāna and satyam as trisyllables, rājanya as of four syllables, and the like. See further 129 e.
another; but the nasals and l have also in certain cases their special assimilative influence. Thus:
a. In the two classes of non-nasal mutes and spirants, surd and sonant are wholly incompatible; no surd of either class can either precede or follow a sonant of either.
b. A mute, surd or sonant, is assimilated by being changed to its correspondent of the other kind; of the spirants, the surd s is the only one having a sonant correspondent, namely r, to which it is convertible in external combination (164 ff.).
c. The nasals are more freely combinable: a nasal may either precede or follow a mute of either kind, or the sonant spirant h; it may also follow a surd aspirant (sibilant); no nasal, however, ever precedes a sibilant in the interior of a word (it is changed instead to anusvāra); and in external combination their concurrence is usually avoided by insertion of a surd mute.
d. A semivowel has still less sonantizing influence; and a vowel least of all: both are freely preceded and followed by sounds of every other class, in the interior of a word.
e. Before a sibilant, however, is found, of the semivowels, only r and very rarely l. Moreover, in external combination, r is often changed to its surd correspondent s.
But
f. In composition and sentence-collocation, initial vowels and semivowels and nasals also require the preceding final to be sonant. And
g. Before a nasal and l, the assimilative process is sometimes carried further, by the conversion of a final mute to a nasal or l respectively.
a. The dental s and n are very frequently converted to ṣ and ṇ by the assimilating influence of contiguous or neighboring lingual sounds: the s, even by sounds—namely, i- and u-vowels and k—which have themselves no lingual character.
b. A non-nasal dental mute is (with a few exceptions in external combination) made lingual when it comes into collision with a lingual sound.
c. The dental mutes and sibilant are made palatal by a contiguous palatal.
But also:
d. A m (not radical) is assimilated to a following consonant, of whatever kind.
e. For certain anomalous cases, see 151.
and complicated by two circumstances: their reversion to a guttural form (or the appearance of the unaltered guttural instead of them: 43); and the different treatment of j and h according as they represent one or another degree of alteration—the one tending, like c, more to the guttural reversion, the other showing, like ç, a more sibilant and lingual character.
1. Rules of vowel combination, for the avoidance of hiatus.
2. Rules as to permitted finals (since these underlie the further treatment of final consonants in external combination).
3. Rules for loss of aspiration of an aspirate mute.
4. Rules of surd and sonant assimilation, including those for final s and r.
5. Rules for the conversion of dental sounds to lingual and palatal.
6. Rules for the changes of final nasals, including those in which a former final following the nasal re-appears in combination.
7. Rules regarding the special changes of the derivation sounds—the palatal mutes and sibilant, the aspiration, and the lingual sibilant.
8. Rules as to extension and abbreviation of consonant groups.
9. Rules for strengthening and weakening processes.
Everywhere, rules for more sporadic and less classifiable cases will be given in the most practically convenient connection; and the Index will render what help is needed toward finding them.
a. For the not infrequent cases of composition and sentence-combination in which the recent loss of a s or y or v between vowels leave a permanent hiatus, see below, 132 ff., 175–7; for certain final vowels which are maintained unchanged in sentence-combination before an initial vowel, see 138.
b. A very few words in their admitted written form show interior hiatus; such are títaü sieve (perhaps for titasu, BR.), práüga wagon-pole (for prayuga); and, in RV., suūtí.
c. The texts of the older dialect are written according to the euphonic rules of the later language, although in them (see 113 b) the hiatus is really of frequent occurrence. Hence they are not to be read as written, but with constantly recurring reversal of the processes of vowel-combination which they have been made artificially to undergo. See further 129 e.
d. Also in the later language, hiatus between the two pādas or primary divisions of a metrical line is tolerably frequent, and it is not unknown in sporadic cases even in the interior of a pāda.
e. The rules of vowel combination, as regards both the resulting sound and its accent, are nearly the same in internal and in extreme saṁdhi.
स चाप्रजः sa cā ’prajaḥ (ca + aprajaḥ);
अतीव atī ’va (ati + iva);
सूक्तम् sūktam (su-uktam);
राजासीत् rājā ”sīt (rājā + āsīt);
अधीश्वरः adhīçvaraḥ (adhi-īçvaraḥ);
जुहूपभृत् juhūpabhṛt (juhū—upabhṛt).
a. As the above examples indicate, it will be the practice everywhere in this work, in transliteration (not in the devanāgarī text), to separate independent words; and if an initial vowel of a following word has coalesced with a final of the preceding, this will be indicated by an apostrophe—single if the initial vowel be the shorter, double if it be the longer, of the two different initials which in every case of combination yield the same result.
राजेन्द्र rājendra (rāja-indra);
हितोपदेशः hitopadeçaḥ (hita-upadeçaḥ);
महर्षिः maharṣiḥ (mahā-ṛṣiḥ);
सैव sāi ’va (sā + eva);
राजैश्वर्यम् rājāiçvaryam (rājā-āiçvaryam);
दिवौकसः divāukasaḥ (divā-okasaḥ);
ज्वरौषधम् jvarāuṣadham (jvara-āuṣadham).
a. In the Vedic texts, the vowel ṛ is ordinarily written unchanged after the a-vowel, which, if long, is shortened: thus, mahaṛṣiḥ instead of maharṣiḥ. The two vowels, however, are usually pronounced as one syllable.
b. When successive words like indra ā ihi are to be combined, the first combination, to indrā, is made first, and the result is indre” ’hi (not indrāi” ’hi, from indra e ’hi).
इत्याह ity āha (iti + āha);
मध्विव madhv iva (madhu + iva);
दुहित्रर्थे duhitrarthe (duhitṛ-arthe);
स्त्र्यस्य stry asya (strī + asya);
वध्वै vadhvāi (vadhū-āi).
a. But in internal combination the i and u-vowels are not seldom changed instead to iy and uv—and this especially in monosyllables, or after two constants, where otherwise a group of consonants difficult of pronunciation would be the result. The cases will be noticed below, in explaining inflected forms.
b. A radical i-vowel is converted into y even before i in perfect tense-inflection, so ninyima (ninī + ima).
c. In a few sporadic cases, i and u become iy and uv even in word-composition: e.g., triyavi (tri + avi), viyan̄ga (vi + an̄ga), suvita (su + ita): compare 1204 b, c.
d. Not very seldom, the same word (especially as found in different texts of the older language) has more than one form, showing various treatment
of an i or u-vowel: e.g. svàr or súvar, tanvè or tanúve, budhnyà or budhníya, rā́tryāi or rā́triyāi. For the most part, doubtless, these are only two ways of writing the same pronunciation, sú-ar, budhnía, and so on; and the discordance has no other importance, historical or phonetic. There is more or less of this difference of treatment of an i- or u-element after a consonant in all periods of the language.
e. In the elder language, there is a marked difference, in respect to the frequency of vowel-combination for avoiding hiatus as compared with that of non-combination and consequent hiatus, between the class of cases where two vowel-sounds, similar or dissimilar, would coalesce into one (126, 127) and that where an i- or u-vowel would be converted into a semivowel. Thus, in word-composition, the ratio of the cases of coalesced vowels to those of hiatus are in RV. as five to one, in AV. as nineteen to one, while in the cases of semivowel-conversion are in RV. only one in twelve, in AV. only one in five; in sentence-combination, the cases of coalescence are in both RV. and AV. about as seven to one, while those of semivowel-conversion are in RV. only one in fifty, in AV. one in five.
f. For certain cases of the loss or assimilation of i and u before y and v respectively, see 233 a.
व्यु॑ष्ति vyùṣṭi (ví-uṣṭi); अभ्य॑र्चति abhyàrcati;
नद्यौ॑ nadyāù (nadí-āu);
स्वि॑ष्ट svìṣṭa (sú-iṣṭa); तन्व॑स् tanvàs (tanū́-as).
a. Of a similar combination of acute ṛ́ with following grave, only a single case has been noted in accented texts: namely, vijñātr ètát (i.e. vijñātṛ́ etát: ÇB. xiv. 6. 811); the accentuation is in accordance with the rules for i and u.
a. No change of accent, of course, occurs here; each original syllable retains its syllabic identity, and hence also its own tone.
b. Examples can be given only for internal combination, since in external combination there are further changes: see the next paragraph. Thus,
नय naya (ne-a); नाय nāya (nāi-a);
भब bhava (bho-a); भाब bhāva (bhāu-a).
त आगताः ta āgatāḥ (te + āgatāḥ);
नगर इह nagara iha (nagare + iha);
तस्मा अददात् tasmā adadāt (tasmāi + adadāt);
स्त्रिया उक्तम् striyā uktam (striyāi + uktam).
a. The latter grammarians allow the y in such combinations to be either retained or dropped; but the uniform practice of the manuscripts, of every age, in accordance with the strict requirement of the Vedic grammars (Prātiçākhyas), is to omit the semivowel and leave the hiatus.
b. The persistence of the hiatus caused by this omission is a plain indication of the comparatively recent loss of the intervening consonantal sound.
c. Instances, however, of the avoidance of hiatus by combination of the remaining final vowel with the following initial according to the usual rules are met with in every period of the language, from the RV. down; but they are rare and of sporadic character. Compare the similar treatments of the hiatus after a lost final s, 176–7.
d. For the peculiar treatment of this combination in certain cases caused by the MS., see below, 176d.
b. The ब् v of आब् āv from औ āu is usually retained: thus,
तावेव tāv eva (tāu + eva);
उभाविन्द्राग्नी ubhāv indrāgnī (ubhāu + indrāgnī).
c. In the older language, however, it is in some texts dropped before an u-vowel: thus, tā́ ubhāú; in other texts it is treated like āi, or loses its u-element before every initial vowel: thus, tā́ evá, ubhā́ indrāgnī́.
a. The resulting accent is as if the a were not dropped, but rather absorbed into the preceding diphthong, having its tone duly represented in the combination. If, namely, the e or o is grave or circumflex and the a acute, the former becomes acute; if the e or o is acute and the a grave, the former becomes circumflex, as usually in the fusion of an acute a and a grave element. If both are acute or both grave, no change, of course, is seen in the result. Examples are:
ते ऽब्रुवन् tè ‘bruvan (té abruvan);
सो ऽब्रवीत् sò ‘bravīt (sáḥ abravīt);
हिंसितव्यो ऽग्निः hiṅsitavyò ‘gníḥ (hiṅsitavyàḥ agníḥ);
यदिन्द्रो ऽब्रवीत् yád índró ‘bravīt (yád índraḥ ábravīt);
यद्रान्यो ऽब्रवीत् yád rājanyó ‘bravīt (yád rājanàḥ ábravīt).
b. As to the use of the avagraha sign in the case of such an elision, see above, 16. In transliteration, the reversed apostrophe, or rough breathing, will be used in this work to represent it.
c. This elision or absorption of initial a after final e or o, which in the later language is the invariable rule, is in the Veda only an occasional occurrence. Thus, in the RV., out of nearly 4500 instances of such an initial a, it is, as the metre shows, to be really omitted only about seventy times; in the AV., less than 300 times out of about 1600. In neither work is there any accordance in respect to the combination in question between the written and the spoken form of the text: in RV., the a is (as written) elided in more than three quarters of the cases; in the AV., in about two thirds; and in both it is written in a number of instances where the metre requires its omission.
d. In a few cases, an initial ā is thus elided, especially that of ātman.
e. To the rules of vowel combination, as above stated, there are certain exceptions. Some of the more isolated of these will be
noticed where they come up in the processes of inflection etc.; a few require mention here.
a. The augment a makes with the initial vowel of a root the combinations āi, āu, ār (vṛddhi-vowels: 235), instead of e, o, ar (guṇa-vowels), as required by 127; thus, āita (a + ita), āubhnāt (a + ubhnāt), ārdhnot (a + ṛdhnot).
b. The final o of a stem (1203a) becomes av before the suffix ya (original ia: 1210a).
c. The final vowel of a stem is often dropped when a secondary suffix is added (1203a).
d. For the weakening and loss of radical vowels, and for certain insertions, see below, 249 ff., 257–8.
a. The final a or ā of a preposition, with initial ṛ of a root, makes ār instead of ar: Thus, ārchati (ā + ṛchati), avārchati (ava + ṛchati), upārṣati (ÇB.: upa + ṛṣati; but A.V. uparṣanti).
b. Instances are occasionally met with a final a or ā being lost entirely before initial e or o: thus, in verb-forms, av’ eṣyāmas AB., up’ eṣatu etc. AV.; in derivatives, as upetavya, upetṛ; in compounds, as daçoni, yathetam, and (permissibly) compounds with oṣṭha (not rare), otu (not quotable), odana, as adharoṣṭha or adharāuṣṭha, tilodana or tilāudana; and even in sentence-combination, as iv’ etayas, açvin’ eva, yath’ ociṣe (all RV.), tv’ odman B.; and always with the exclamation om or oṁkára.
c. The form ūh from √vah sometimes makes the heavier or vṛddhi (235) diphthongal combination with a preceding a-vowel; thus, prāuḍhi, akṣāuhiṇī (from pra + ūḍhi, etc.).
a. The vowels ī, ū, and e are dual endings, both of declensional and of conjugational forms. Thus, bandhū āsāte imāu; girī ārohatam.
b. The pronoun amī (nom. pl.: 501); and the Vedic pronominal forms asmé, yuṣmé, tvé (492 a).
c. A final o made by combination of a final a-vowel with the particle u (1122b); thus, atho, mo, no.
d. A final ī of a Vedic locative case from an i-stem (336f).
e. A protracted final vowel (78).
f. The final, or only, vowel of an interjection, as aho, he, ā, i, u.
g. The older language shows occasional exceptions to these rules: thus, a dual ī combined with a following i, as nṛpátī ’va; an a elided after o, as átho ‘si; a locative ī turned into a semivowel, as védy asyā́m.
a. The variety of consonants that would ever come at the end of either an inflected form or a derivation stem in the language is very small: namely, in forms, only t (or d), n, m, s; in derivative stems, only t, d, n, r, s (and, in a few rare words, j). But almost all consonants occur as finals of roots; and every root is liable to be found, alone or as last member of a compound, in the character of a declined stem.
a. But neither ṝ nor ḷ ever actually occurs; and ṛ is rare (only as neuter sing. of a stem in ṛ or ar, or as final of such a stem in composition).
Thus, índra, çiváyā, ákāri, nadī́, dā́tu, camū́, janayitṛ́, ágne, çivā́yāi, vā́yo, agnāú.
Thus, agnimát for agnimáth, suhṛ́t for suhṛ́d, vīrút for vīrúdh, triṣṭúp for triṣṭúbh.
a. In a few roots, when their final (sonant aspirate) thus loses its aspiration, the original sonant aspiration of the initial reappears; compare ह् h, below, 147.
Thus, dagh becomes dhak, budh becomes bhut, and so on.
The roots exhibiting this change are stated below, 155.
b. There was some question among the Hindu grammarians as whether the final mute is to be estimated as of surd or of sonant quality; but the great weight of authority, and the invariable practice of the manuscripts, favor the surd.
a. But the final m of a root is changed to n (compare 212 a, below): thus, akran from kram, ágan, ajagan, aganīgan from gam, ánān from nam, ayān from yam, praçān from çam; no other cases are quotable.
a. The change of ṣ to ṭ is of rare occurrence: see below, 226 d.
b. Final radical s is said by the grammarians to be changed to t; but no sure example of this conversion is quotable; see 168; and compare 555 a.
a. In the only RV. cases where the kṣ has a quasi-radical character—namely anák from anákṣ, and ámyak from √myakṣ—the conversion is to k. Also, of forms of the s-aorist (see 890), we have adhāk, asrāk, arāik, etc. (for adhākṣ-t etc.); but also aprāṭ, ayāṭ, avāṭ, asrāṭ (for aprākṣ-t etc.). And RV. has twice ayās from √yaj, and AV. twice srās from √sṛj (wrongly referred by BR. to √sraṅs), both 2d sing., where the personal ending has perhaps crowded out the root-final and tense-sign.
b. The numeral ṣaṣ six is perhaps better to be regarded as ṣakṣ, with its kṣ treated as ṣ, according to the accepted rule.
a. Thus, tudants becomes tudant, and this tudan; udañc-s becomes udan̄k (142), and this udan̄; and achāntst (s-aor., 3d sing., of √chand [890b]) is in like manner reduced to achān.
b. But a non-nasal mute, if radical and not suffixal, is retained after r: thus, ū́rk from ūrj, várk from √vṛj, avart from √vṛt, ámārṭ from √mṛj, suhā́rt from suhārd. The case is not a common one.
c. For relics of former double finals, preserved by the later language under the disguise of apparent euphonic combinations, see below, 207 ff.
a. Of final t to k; thus, 1. in a few words that have assumed a special value as particles, as jyók, tāják (beside tāját), ṛ́dhak (beside ṛ́dhat), pṛ́thak, drāk; and of kindred character is khādagdánt (TA.); 2. in here and there a verbal form, as sāviṣak (AV. and VS. Kāṇ.), dambhiṣak (Āpast.), aviṣak (Pārask.), āhalak (VS. MS.; = āharat); 3. in root-finals or the t added to root-stems (383 e), as -dhṛk for -dhṛt (Sūtras and later) at the end of compounds, suçrúk (TB.), pṛkṣú (SV.); and 4. we may further note here the anomalous en̄kṣva (AB.; for intsva, √idh) and avāksam (AB.), and the feminines in knī from masculines in ta (1176 d).
b. Of final d or t to a lingual: thus, pad in Vedic paḍbhís, páḍgṛbhi, páḍbīça; upānáḍbhyām (ÇB.); vy avāṭ (MS. iii. 4. 9; √vas shine), and perhaps ápā ’rāṭ (MS.; or √raj?).
c. Of k or j to t, in an isolated example or two, as samyát, ásṛt, viçvasṛ́t (TS. K.), and prayátsu (VS. TS.; AV. -kṣu).
d. In Tāittirīya texts, of the final of anuṣṭúbh and triṣṭúbh to a guttural: as, anuṣṭúk ca, triṣṭúgbhis, anuṣṭúgbhyas.
e. Of a labial to a dental: in kakúd for and beside kakúbh; in saṁsṛ́dbhis (TS.) from √sṛp; and in adbhís, adbhyás, from ap or āp (393). Excepting the first, these look like cases of dissimilation; yet examples of the combination bbh are not very rare in the older language: thus, kakúbbhyām, triṣṭúbbhis, kakúbbhaṇḍá, anuṣṭúb bhí.
f. The forms pratidhúṣas, -ṣā (Tāittirīya texts) from pratidúh are isolated anomalies.
finals before a pause they have—doubtless at a comparatively recent period of phonetic history—come to be reduced. Words will everywhere in this work be written with final s or r instead of ḥ; and the rules of combination will be stated as for the two more original sounds, and not for the visarga.
a. Such a case can only arise in internal combination, since the processes of external combination presuppose the reduction of the aspirate to a non-aspirate surd (152).
b. Practically, also, the rules as to changes of aspirates concern almost only the sonant aspirates, since the surd, being of later development and rarer occurrence, are hardly ever found in situations that call for their application.
a. But in the manuscripts, both Vedic and later, an aspirate mute is not seldom found written double—especially, if it be one of rare occurrence: for example (RV.), akhkhalī, jájhjhatī.
a. That is to say, the original initial aspirate of such roots is restored, when its presence does not interfere with the euphonic law, of comparatively recent origin, which (in Sanskrit and Greek) forbids a root to both begin and end with an aspirate.
b. The roots which allow this peculiar change are:
in gh—dagh;
in h (for original gh)—dah, dih, duh, druh, dṛṅh, guh; and also grah (in the later desiderative jighṛkṣa);
in dh—bandh, bādh, budh;
in bh—dabh (but only in the later desiderative dhipsa, for which the older language has dipsa).
c. The same change appears when the law as to finals causes the loss of the aspiration at the end of the root: see above, 141.
d. But from dah, duh, druh, and guh are found in the Veda also forms without the restored initial aspirate: thus, dakṣat; adukṣat; dudukṣa etc.; jugukṣa; mitradrúk.
e. The same analogy is followed by dadh, the abbreviated substitute of the present-stems dadhā, from √dhā (667), in some of the forms of conjugation: thus, dhatthas from dadh + thas, adhatta from adadh + ta, adhaddhvam from adadh + dhvam, etc.
f. No case is met with of the throwing back of an aspiration upon combination with the 2d sing. impv. act. ending dhi: thus, dugdhi, daddhi (RV.), but dhugdhvam, dhaddhvam.
b. To this rule there are some exceptions: thus, some of the derivatives noted at 111 d; final d of a root before the participial suffix na (957 d); and the forms noted below, 161 b.
c. In external combination, on the other hand, an initial sonant of whatever class, even a vowel or semivowel or nasal, requires the conversion of a final surd to sonant.
d. It has been pointed out above (152) that in the rules of external combination only admitted finals, along with s and r, need to be taken account of, all others being regarded as reduced to these before combining with initials.
a. The r, however, has a corresponding surd in s, to which it is sometimes changed in external combination, under circumstances that favor a surd utterance (178).
Thus, in internal combination: átsi, átti, atthás, attá (√ad + si etc.); çagdhí, çagdhvám (√çak + dhi etc.);—in external combination, ábhūd ayám, jyóg jīva, ṣáḍ açītáyaḥ, triṣṭúb ápi, dig-gaja, ṣaḍ-ahá, arcád-dhūma, bṛhád-bhānu, ab-já.
Thus, gh with t or th becomes gdh; dh with the same becomes ddh, as buddhá (√budh + ta), runddhás (√rundh + thas or tas); bh with the same becomes bdh, as labdhá (√labh + ta), labdhvā́ (√labh + tvā).
a. Moreover, h, as representing original gh, is treated in the same manner: thus, dugdhá, dógdhum from duh—and compare rūḍhá and līḍhá from ruh and lih, etc., 222 b.
b. In this combination, as the sonant aspiration is not lost but transferred, the restoration of the initial aspiration (155) does not take place.
c. In dadh from √dhā (155 e), the more normal method is followed; the dh is made surd, and the initial aspirated: thus, dhatthas, dhattas. And RV. has dhaktam instead of dagdham from √dagh; and TA. has inttām instead of inddhām from √idh.
Thus, either tád námas or tán námas, vā́g me or vā́n̄ me, báḍ mahā́n or báṇ mahā́n, triṣṭúb nūnám or triṣṭúm nūnám.
a. In practice, the conversion into a nasal is almost invariably made in the manuscripts, as, indeed, it is by the Prātiçākhyas required and not permitted merely. Even by the general grammarians it is required in the compound ṣáṇṇavati, and before mātrā, and the suffix maya (1225): thus, vān̄máya, mṛnmáya.
b. Even in internal combination, the same assimilation is made in some of the derivatives noted in 111 d, and in the na-participles (957 d). And a few sporadic instances are met with even in verb-inflection: thus,
stin̄noti, stin̄nuyāt (MS.; for stighn-), mṛnnīta (LÇS.; for mṛdn-), jān̄mayana (KS.; for jāgm-); these, however (like the double aspirates, 154a), are doubtless to be rejected as false readings.
a. In practice, the latter method is almost invariably followed; and the grammarians of the Prātiçākhya period are nearly unanimous in requiring it. The phonetic difference between the two is very slight.
Examples are: vā́g ghutáḥ, ṣáḍḍhotā (ṣaṭ + hotā), taddhita (tat + hita), anuṣṭúb bhí.
a. In internal combination, the two are far less exchangeable with one another: and this class of cases may best be taken up first.
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clothe), it is, on account of the equivalence and interchangeability of dhv and ddvh (232), impossible to say whether the s in omitted or converted into d.
a. Final radical s is very rare; RV. (twice, both 2d pers. sing.) treats ághas from √ghas in the same manner as any ordinary word ending in as.
b. For certain cases of irregular loss of the s of a root or tense-stem, see 233 b–e.
a. For t as apparent ending of the 3d sing. in s-verbs, see 555 a.
a. Sporadic cases of a like convention are found in the Veda: namely, mādbhís and mādbhyás from mā́s: uṣádbhis from uṣás; svátavadbhyas from svátavas; svávadbhis etc. (not quotable) from svávas. But the actuality of the conversion here is open to grave doubt; it rather seems the substitution of a t-stem for an s-stem. The same is true of the change of vāṅs to vat in the declension of perfect participles (458). The stem anaḍvah (404), from anas-vah, is anomalous and isolated.
b. In the compound ducchúnā (dus-çunā) and párucchepa (parus-çepa), the final s of the first member is treated as if a t (203).
a. The r is found as original final in certain case-forms of stems in ṛ or ar (369 ff.); in root-stems in ir and ur from roots in ṛ (383 b); in a small number of other stems, as svàr, áhar and ū́dhar (beside áhan and ū́dhan: 430), dvā́r or dur, and the Vedic vádhar, uṣarvasar-, vanar-, çrutar-, sapar-, sabar-, athar- (cf. 176 c); in a few particles, as antár, prātár, púnar; and in the numeral catúr (482 g).
b. The euphonic treatment of s and r yielding precisely the same result after all vowels except a and ā, there are certain forms with regard to which it is uncertain whether they end in s or r, and opinions differ respecting them. Such are ur (or us) of the gen.-abl. sing. of ṛ-stems (371 c), and us (or ur) of the 3d plur. of verbs (550 c).
b. It is retained unchanged only when followed by त् t or थ् th, the surd mutes of its own class.
c. Before the palatal and lingual surd mutes—च् c and छ् ch, ट् ṭ and ठ् ṭh—it is assimilated, becoming the sibilant of either class respectively, namely श् ç or ष् ṣ.
d. Before the guttural and labial surd mutes—क् k and ख् kh, प् p and फ् ph—it is also theoretically assimilated, becoming respectively the jihvāmūlīya and upadhmānīya spirants (69); but in practice these breathings are unknown and the conversion is to visarga.
Examples are: to b. tatas te, cakṣus te; to c. tataç ca, tasyāç chāyā; pādaṣ ṭalati; to d. nalaḥ kāmam, puruṣaḥ khanati; yaçaḥ prāpa, vṛkṣaḥ phalavān.
a. In the Veda, the retention of the sibilant in compounds is the general rule, the exceptions to which are detailed in the Vedic grammars.
b. In the later language, the retention is mainly determined by the intimacy or the antiquity and frequency of the combination. Thus, the final sibilant of a preposition or a word fitting the office of a preposition before a verbal root is wont to be preserved; and that of a stem before a derivative of √kṛ, before pati, before kalpa and kāma, and so on. Examples are namaskāra, vācaspati, āyuṣkāma, payaskalpa.
c. The Vedic retention of the sibilant in sentence-collocation is detailed in full in the Prātiçākhyas. The chief classes of cases are: 1. the final of a preposition or its like before a verbal form; 2. of a genitive before a governing noun: as divás putráḥ, iḍás padé; 3. of an ablative before pári: as himávatas pári; 4. of other less classifiable cases: as dyāúṣ pitā́, tríṣ pūtvā́, yás pátiḥ, paridhíṣ pátāti, etc.
a. The native grammarians are in some measure at variance (see APr. ii. 40, note) as to which of these changes should be made, and in
part they allow either at pleasure. The usage of the manuscripts is also discordant; the conversion to visarga is the prevalent practice, though the sibilant is also not infrequently found written, especially in South-Indian manuscripts. European editors generally write visarga; but the later dictionaries and glossaries generally make the alphabetic place of a word the same as if the sibilant were read instead.
Examples are: manuḥ svayam or manus svayam; indraḥ çūraḥ or indraç çūraḥ; tā́ḥ ṣaṭ or tāṣ ṣaṭ.
a. If the initial sibilant has a surd mute after it, the final s may be dropped altogether—and by some authorities is required to be so dropped. Thus, vāyava stha or vāyavaḥ stha; catustanām or catuḥstanām. With regard to this point the usage of the different manuscripts and editions is greatly at variance.
b. Before ts, the s is allowed to become visarga, instead of being retained.
Examples are: devapatir iva, çrīr iva; manur gacchati, tanūr apsu; svasṝr ajanayat; tayor adṛṣṭakāmaḥ; sarvāir guṇāiḥ; agner manve.
a. For a few cases like dūḍāça, dūṇāça, see below, 199d.
b. The exclamation bhos (456) loses its s before vowels and sonant consonants: thus, bho nāiṣadha (and the s is sometimes found omitted also before surds).
c. The endings अस् as and आस् ās (both of which are extremely common) follow rules of their own, namely:
b. The resulting accentuation, and the fact that the loss of a is only occasional in the older language of the Veda, have been pointed out above, 135a, c.
Examples are: nalo nāma, brahmaṇyo vedavit; manobhava; hantavyo ‘smi; anyonya (anyas + anya), yaçortham (yaças + artham).
c. Final अस् as before any other vowel than अ a loses its स् s, becoming simple अ a; and the hiatus thus occasioned remains.
d. That is to say, the o from as is treated as an original e is treated in same situation: see 132–3.
Examples are: bṛhadaçva uvāca, āditya iva, námaükti, vásyaïṣṭi.
a. The nominative masculine pronouns sás and eṣás and (Vedic) syás (495 a, 499 a, b) lose their s before any consonant: thus, sa dadarça he saw, eṣa puruṣaḥ this man; but so ‘bravīt he said, puruṣaḥ eṣaḥ.
b. Instances are met with, both in the earlier and in the later language, of effacement of the hiatus after alteration of as, by combination of the remaining final a with the following initial vowel: thus, tato ’vāca (tatas + uvāca), payoṣṇī (payas + uṣṇī), adhāsana (adhas + āsana): compare 133 c, 177 b. In the Veda, such a combination is sometimes shown by the metre to be required, though the written text has the hiatus. But sa in RV. is in the great majority of cases combined with the following vowel: e.g. sé ’d for sá íd, sā́ ’smāi for sá asmāi, sāú ’ṣadhīḥ for sá óṣadhīḥ; and similar examples are found also in the other Vedic texts.
c. Other sporadic irregularities in the treatment of final as occur. Thus, it is changed to ar instead of o once in RV. in avás, once in SV. in ávas (RV. ávo), once in MS. in dambhiṣas; in bhuvas (second of the trio of sacred utterances bhūs, bhuvas, svar), except in its earliest occurrences; in a series of words in a Brāhmaṇa passage (TS. K.), viz. jinvár, ugrár, bhīmár, tveṣár, çrutár, bhūtár, and (K. only) pūtár; in janar and mahar; and some of the ar-stems noted at 169 a are perhaps of kindred character. On the other hand, as is several times changed to o in RV. before a surd consonant; and sás twice, and yás once, retains its final sibilant in a like position.
d. In MS., the final a left before hiatus by alteration of either as (o) or e (133) is made long if itself unaccented and if the following initial vowel is accented: thus, sū́rā éti (from sū́ras + éti), nirupyátā índrāya (from -yáte + índ-), and also kāryā̀ éka- (from kāryàs, because virtually kārías); but ādityá índraḥ (from ādityás + índraḥ), etá ítare (from eté + ítare).
a. The maintenance of the hiatus in these cases, as in that of o and e and āi (above, 133–4), seems to indicate a recent loss of the intermediate sound. Opinions are divided as to what this should have been. Some of the native grammarians assimilate the case of ās to that of āi,
o
assuming the conversion of āy in both alike—but probably only as a matter of formal convenience in rule-making.
b. Here, too (as in the similar cases of e and āi and o: 133 c, 176b), there are examples to be found, both earlier and later, of effacement of the hiatus.
a. Thus, it becomes visarga when final, and a sibilant or visarga before an initial surd mute or sibilant (170): thus, rudatī punaḥ, dvās tat, svàç ca, catúçcatvāriṅçat; and (111c, d) prātastána, antastya, catuṣṭaya, dhūstva; prātaḥ karoti, antaḥpāta.
b. But original final r preceded by a or ā maintains itself unchanged before a sonant: thus, punar eti, prātarjit, ákar jyótiḥ, áhār dā́mnā, vārdhi.
c. The r is preserved unchanged even before a surd in a number of Vedic compounds: thus, aharpáti; svàrcanas, svàrcakṣas, svàrpati, svarṣā́, svàrṣāti; dhūrṣád, dhūrṣah; pū́rpati, vārkāryá, āçī́rpada, punartta; and in some of these the r is optionally retained in the later language. The RV. also has āvar támaḥ once in sentence-combination.
d. On the other hand, final ar of the verb-form āvar is changed to o before a sonant in several cases in RV. And r is lost, like s, in one or two cases in the same text: thus, akṣā índuḥ, áha evá.
Thus, punā ramate, nṛpatī rājati, mātū́ rihán, jyotīratha, dūrohaṇá.
a. In some Vedic texts, however, there are instances of ar changed to o before initial r: thus, svò rohāva.
a. The assimilating influence of the preceding lingual vowels and semivowel is obvious enough; that of k and the other vowels appears to be due to a somewhat retracted position of the tongue in the mouth during
their utterance, causing its tip to reach the roof of the mouth more easily at a point further back than the dental one.
b. The general Hindu grammar prescribes the same change after a l also; but the Prātiçākhyas give no such rule, and phonetic considerations, the l being a dental sound, are absolutely against it. Actual cases of the combination do not occur in the older language, nor have any been pointed out in the later.
c. The vowels that cause the alteration of s to ṣ may be called for brevity’s sake “alterant” vowels.
a. A following r prevents the conversion: thus, usra, tiaras, tamisra. And it is but seldom made in the forms and derivatives of a root containing an r-element (whether r or ṛ), whatever the position of that element: thus, sisarti, sisṛtam, sarīsṛpá, tistire, parisrút. To this rule there are a few exceptions, as viṣṭír, viṣṭārá, níṣṭṛta, víṣpardhas, gáviṣṭhira, etc. In ajuṣran the final ṣ of a root is preserved even immediately before r.
b. This dissimilating influence of a following r, as compared with the invariable assimilating influence of a preceding r, is peculiar and problematic.
c. The recurrence of ṣ in successive syllables is sometimes avoided by leaving the former s unchanged: thus, sisakṣi, but siṣakti; yāsisīṣṭās, but yāsiṣīmahi. Similarly, in certain desiderative formations: see below, 184e.
d. Other cases are sporadic: RV. has the forms sisice and sisicus (but siṣicatus), and the stems ṛbī́sa, kīstá, bísa, busá, bṛ́saya; a single root pis, with its derivative pesuka, is found once in ÇB.; MS. has mṛsmṛṣā́; músala begins to be found in AV.; and such cases grow more numerous; for puṁs and the roots niṅs and hiṅs, see below, 183a.
a. Four roots, kaṣ, laṣ, bhaṣ, bhāṣ, of which the last is common and is found as early as the Brāhmaṇas.
b. Further, in RV., áṣa, kaváṣa, caṣā́la, cā́ṣa, jálāṣa, pāṣyà, baṣkáya, váṣaṭ (for vakṣat?), kā́ṣṭhā; and, by anomalous alteration of original s, -ṣāh (turāṣā́h etc.), áṣāḍha, upaṣṭút, and probably apāṣṭhá and aṣṭhīvánt. Such cases grow more common later.
c. The numeral ṣaṣ, as already noted (149 b), is more probably ṣakṣ.
a. But the s of puṁs (394) remains unchanged, apparently on account of the retained sense of its value as pums; also that of √hiṅs, because of its value as hins (hinasti etc.); √niṅs (RV. only) is more questionable.
a. In endings, inflectional or derivative, beginning with s—thus, su; si, se, sva; s of sibilant-aorist, future, and desiderative; suffixes sna, snu, sya, etc.—after a final alterant vowel or consonant of root or stem, or a union-vowel: thus, juhoṣi, çeṣe, anāiṣam, bhaviṣyāmi, çuçrūṣe, deṣṇa, jiṣṇu, vikṣu, akārṣam.
b. The final s of a stem before an ending or suffix: thus: haviṣā, haviṣas, etc., from havis; çakṣuṣmant, çociṣka, mānuṣa, manuṣya, jyotiṣṭva.
c. Roots having a final sibilant (except ç) after an alterant vowel are—with the exception of fictitious ones and pis, niṅs, hiṅs—regarded as ending in ṣ, not s; and concerning the treatment of this ṣ in combination, see below, 225–6.
d. The initial s of a root after a reduplication: thus, siṣyade, suṣvāpa, sīṣāsati, coṣkūyate, saniṣvaṇat.
e. Excepted is in general an initial radical s in a desiderative stem, when the desiderative-sign becomes ṣ: thus, sisīrṣati from √sṛ, sisan̄kṣati from √sañj. And there are other scattering cases, as tresus (perf. from √tras), etc.
a. Both in verbal forms and in derivatives, the final i or u of a preposition or other like prefix ordinarily lingualizes the initial s of the root to which it is prefixed; since such combinations are both of great frequency and of peculiar intimacy, analogous with those of root or stem and affix: thus, abhiṣā́c, pratiṣṭhā́, níṣikta, víṣita; anuṣvadhám, suṣéka; the cases are numberless.
b. The principle exceptions are in accordance with the principles already laid down: namely, when the root contains an r-element, and when a recurrence of the sibilant would take place. But there are also others, of a more irregular character; and the complete account of the treatment of initial radical s after a prefix would be matter of great detail, and not worth giving here.
c. Not infrequently, the initial s, usually altered after a certain prefix, retains the altered sibilant even after an interposed a of augment or reduplication: thus, aty aṣṭhāt, abhy aṣṭhām, pary aṣasvajat, vy aṣahanta, ny aṣadāma, nir aṣṭhāpayan, abhy aṣiñcan, vy aṣṭabhnāt; vi taṣṭhe, vi taṣṭhire.
d. Much more anomalous is the occasional alteration of initial radical s after an a-element of a prefix. Such cases are ava ṣṭambh (against ni stambh and prati stambh) and (according to the grammarians) ava ṣvan.
a. A very few cases occur of the same alteration after an a-element: thus, saṣtúbh, avaṣṭambha, savyaṣṭhā́, apāṣṭhā́, upaṣṭút; also √sah, when its final, by 147, becomes ṭ: thus, satrāṣā́ṭ (but satrāsā́ham).
a. The initial s, especially of particles; as ū ṣú, hí ṣma, kám u ṣvít;—also of pronouns: as hí ṣáḥ;—of verb-forms, especially from √as: as hí ṣṭhá, diví ṣṭha;—and in other scattering cases: as u ṣṭuhi, nū́ ṣṭhirám, trī́ ṣadhásthā, ádhi ṣṇóḥ, nákiḥ ṣáḥ, yájuḥ ṣkannám, agníḥ ṣṭave.
b. A final s, oftenest before pronouns (especially toneless ones): as agníṣ ṭvā, níṣ ṭe, īyúṣ ṭé, çúciṣ ṭvám, sádhiṣ ṭáva;—but also in other cases, and wherever a final s is preserved, instead of being turned into visarga, before a guttural or labial (171): as tríṣ pūtvā́, ā́yuṣ kṛṇotu, vā́stoṣ pátiḥ, dyāúṣ pitā́, víbhiṣ pátāt.
lingual sibilant or semivowels or vowels—that is to say, by ष् ṣ, र् r, or ऋ ṛ or ॠ ṝ—: and this, not only if the altering letter stands immediately before the nasal, but at whatever distance from the latter it may be found: unless, indeed, there intervene (a consonant moving the front of the tongue: namely) a palatal (except य् y), a lingual, or a dental.
a. We may thus figure to ourselves the rationale of the process: in the marked proclivity of the language toward lingual utterance, especially of the nasal, the tip of the tongue, when once reverted into the loose lingual position by the utterance of a non-contact lingual element, tends to hang there and make its next nasal contact in that position; and does so, unless the proclivity is satisfied by the utterance of a lingual mute, or the organ is thrown out of adjustment by the utterance of an element which causes it to assume a different posture. This is not the case with the gutturals or labials, which do not move the front part of the tongue (and, as the influence of k on following s shows, the guttural position favors the succession of a lingual): and the y is too weakly palatal to interfere with the alteration (as its next relative, the i-vowel, itself lingualizes a s).
b. This is a rule of constant application; and (as was pointed out above, 46) the great majority of occurrences of ṇ in the language are a result of it.
a. When suffixes, of influence or derivation, are added to roots or stems containing one of the altering sounds; thus, rudréṇa, rudrā́ṇām, vā́riṇe, vā́riṇī, vā́rīṇi, dātṝ́ṇi, hárāṇi, dvéṣāṇi, krīṇā́mi, çṛṇóti, kṣubhāṇá, ghṛṇá, kárṇa, vṛkṇá, rugṇá, dráviṇa, iṣáṇi, purāṇá, rékṇas, cákṣaṇa, cíkīrṣamāṇa, kṛ́pamāṇa.
b. When the final n of a root or stem comes to be followed, in inflection or derivation, by such sounds as allow it to feel the effect of a preceding altering cause: thus, from √ran, ráṇanti, ráṇyati, rāraṇa, arāṇiṣus; from brahman, bráhmaṇā, bráhmāṇi, brāhmaṇá, brahmaṇyà, bráhmaṇvant.
c. The form piṇak (RV.: 2d and 3d sing. impf.), from √piṣ, is wholly anomalous.
a. The initial n of a root is usually and regularly so altered, in all forms and derivatives, after parā, pari, pra, nir (for nis), antar, dur (for dus): thus, párā ṇaya, pári ṇīyate, prá ṇudasva; parāṇutti, pariṇāma, praṇavá, nirṇíj, durṇáça. Roots suffering this change are written with initial ṇ in the native root-lists. The only exceptions of importance are nṛt, nabh, nand, and naç when its ç becomes ṣ (as in pránaṣṭa).
b. The final n of a root is lingualized in some of the forms of an and han: thus, prā́ ’ṇiti, prāṇá, prá haṇyate, praháṇana.
c. The class-signs nu and nā are altered after the roots hi and mī́: thus, pári hiṇomi, prá miṇanti (but the latter not in the Veda).
d. The 1st sing. impv. ending āni is sometimes altered: thus, prá bhavāṇi.
e. Derivatives by suffixes containing n sometimes have ṇ by influence of a preposition: thus, prayā́ṇa.
f. The n of the preposition ni is sometimes altered, like the initial of a root, after another preposition: thus, praṇipāta, praṇidhi.
b. The RV. has the exceptions úṣṭrānām and rāṣṭrā́nām.
The cases are the following:
a. Under this rule, the combinations ṣṭ, ṣṭh, and ṣṇ are very common; ṣṣ is rarely so written, the visarga being put instead of the former sibilant (172): thus, jyótiḥṣu instead of jyótiṣṣu.
b. Much less often, dh is changed to ḍh after final ṣ of a root or tense-stem, with loss of the ṣ or its conversion to ḍ: see 226 c.
c. Those cases in which the final ṣ becomes ṭ before su (e.g. dviṭsú: 226 b) do not, of course, fall under this rule.
a. A n following immediately a ṇ made such by the rule given at 189, above—or, as it may be expressed, a double as well as a single n—is subject to the lingualization: thus, the participles arṇṇá, kṣuṇṇa, kṣviṇṇa, chṛṇṇá, tṛṇṇá; and, after prefixes (185 a), niṣaṇṇa, pariviṇṇa, viṣaṇṇa, váṣyaṇṇa. But TS. has ádhiṣkanna, and RV. yájuḥ ṣkannám.
b. Only a very few other instances occur: ī́ṭṭe and ā́iṭṭa from √īḍ; ṣaḍḍhā́ (also ṣaḍdhā́ and ṣoḍhā́), and ṣaṇṇā́m (ṣaṣ + nām: anomalous gen. pl. of ṣaṣ: 483). A small number of words follow the same rule in external combination: see below, 199.
c. But tāḍhi (Vedic: √taḍ + dhi) shows loss of the final lingual after assimilation of the dental, and compensatory lengthening.
d. Some of the cases of abnormal occurrence of ḍ are explained in a similar way, as results of a lingualized and afterwards omitted sibilant before d: thus nīḍá from nisda, √pīḍ from pisd, √mṛḍ from mṛsd. For words exhibiting a like change in composition, see below, 199 c.
a. A final t is directed to be assimilated to an initial lingual mute: thus, taṭ-ṭīkā, taḍ ḍayate, taṭ-ṭhālinī, taḍ ḍhāukate: but the case never occurs in the older language, and very rarely in the later. For final n before a lingual, see 205 b.
b. An initial dental after a final lingual usually remains unchanged; and su of the loc. pl. follows the same rule: thus, ṣáṭtriṅçat, ā́naḍ diváḥ, ekarā́ṭ tvám; ṣaṭsú, rāṭsú.
c. Exceptions are: a few compounds with ṣaṣ six showing double ṇ (198 b): namely, ṣáṇṇavati, ṣaṇṇābhi (and one or two others not quotable): IB. has ṣaṇ ṇiramimīta.
d. In a few compounds, moreover, there appears a lingualized dental, with compensatory lengthening, after a lost lingual sibilant or its representative
: namely, in certain Vedic compounds with dus: dūḍábha, dūḍā́ç, dūḍhī́, dūṇáça, dūṇā́ça (compare the anomalous puroḍā́ç and -ḍā́ça: puras + √dāç); and, in the language of every period, certain compounds of ṣaṣ, with change of its vowel to an alterant quality (as in voḍhum and soḍhum: 224 b): ṣóḍaça, ṣoḍhā́ (also ṣaḍḍhā́ and ṣaḍdhā́), ṣoḍant.
e. Between final ṭ and initial s, the insertion of a t is permitted—or, according to some authorities, required: thus, ṣáṭ sahásrāḥ or ṣáṭt sahásrāḥ.
Thus, yācñā́ (the only instance after c), yajñá, jajñé, ajñata, rā́jñā, rā́jñī.
Thus, uc carati, etac chattram, vidyuj jāyate; yātayájjana, vidyujjihva, bṛhácchandas, saccarita.
b. A final न् n is assimilated before ज् j, becoming ञ् ñ.
c. All the grammarians, of every period, require this assimilation of n ot j; but it is more often neglected, or only occasionally made, in the manuscripts.
d. For n before a surd palatal, see below, 208.
Thus, vedavic chūraḥ (-vit çū-), tac chrutvā, hṛcchaya (hṛt + çaya); bṛhañ cheṣaḥ or çeṣaḥ, svapañ chete or çete.
a. Some authorities regard the conversion of ç to ch after t or n as everywhere obligatory, others as only optional; some except, peremptorily or optionally, a ç followed by a mute. And some require the same conversion after every mute save m, reading also vípāṭ chutudrī́, ā́naṭ chúci, anuṣṭup chāradī, çuk chuci. The manuscripts generally write ch, instead of cch, as result of the combination of t and ç.
b. In the MS., t and ç are anomalously combined into ñ ç: e.g. táñ çatám, etāvañçás.
Thus, váṅsi, váṅsva, váṅsat, maṅsyáte, jíghāṅsati.
a. According to the grammarians, it is treated before bh and su in declension as in external combination. But the cases are, at best, excessively rare, and RV. has ráṅsu and váṅsu (the only Vedic examples).
b. Final n of a derivative suffix is regularly and usually dropped before a consonant in inflection and composition—in composition, even before a vowel; and a radical n occasionally follows the same rule: see 421 a, 439, 1203 c, 637.
c. For assimilation of n to a preceding palatal, see 201.
Thus remaining cases are those of external combination.
b. The n is also declared to be assimilated (becoming ṇ) before a sonant lingual (ḍ, ḍh, ṇ), but the case rarely if ever occurs.
a. The manuscripts to a great extent disregard this rule, leaving n unchanged; but also they in part attempt to follow it—and that, either by writing the assimilated n (as the assimilated m, 213 f, and just as reasonably) with the anusvāra-sign, or else by doubling the l and putting a sign of nasality above; the latter, however, is inexact, and a better way would be to represent the two l's, writing the first with virāma and a nasal sign above. Thus (from trīn lokān):
manuscripts त्रीलोकान् or त्रील्लोँकान्; better त्रील्ँ लोकान्.
The second of these methods is the one oftenest followed in printed texts.
a. According to most of the grammarians of the Prātiçākhyas (not RPr.), the insertion of the t in such cases is a necessary one. In the manuscripts it is very frequently made, but not uniformly. It is probably a purely phonetic phenomenon, a transitional-sound to ease the double change of a sonant to a surd and a nasal to a non-nasal utterance—although the not infrequent cases in which final n stands for original nt (as in bharan, abharan, agnimān) may have aided to establish it as a rule. Its analogy with the conversion of n ç to ñch (203) is palpable.
a. This rule, which in the classical language has established itself in the form here given, as a phonetic rule of unvarying application, really involves a historic survival. The large majority of cases of final n in the language (not far from three quarters) are for original ns; and the retention of the sibilant in such cases, when once its historic ground had been forgotten, was extended by analogy to all others.
b. Practically, the rule applies only to n before c and t, since cases involving the other initials occur either not at all, or only with extreme rarity (the Veda does not present an example of any of them). In the Veda, the insertion is not always made, and the different texts have with regard to its different usages, which are fully explained in the Prātiçākhyas; in general, it is less frequent in the older texts. When the ç does not appear between n and c, the n is of course assimilated, becoming ñ (203).
a. Final ān becomes āṅ (nasalized ā) before a following vowel: that is to say, āṅs, with a nasal vowel, is treated like ās, with pure vowel (177): thus, devā́ṅ é ’há, úpabaddhāṅ ihá, mahā́ṅ asi. This is an extremely common case, especially in RV. Once or twice, the s appears as ḥ before p; thus, svátavāṅḥ pāyúḥ.
b. In like manner, s is treated after nasal ī, ū, ṝ as it would be after those vowels when pure, becoming r before a sonant sound (174), and (much more rarely) ḥ before a surd (170): thus, raçmī́ṅr iva, sūnū́ṅr yuvanyū́ṅr út, nṝ́ṅr abhí; nṝ́ṅḥ pā́tram (and nṝ́ṅṣ p-, MS.).
c. RV. has once -īṅ before y. MS. usually has aṅ instead of āṅ.
a. This is also to be regarded as a historical survival, the second nasal being an assimilation of an original consonant following the first. It is always written in the manuscripts, although the Vedic metre seems to show a duplication was sometimes omitted. The RV. has the compound vṛṣaṇaçva.
a. Before m or v (as when final: 143 a), it is changed to n: thus, from √gam come áganma, aganmahi, ganvahi, jaganvā́ṅs (which appear to be the only quotable cases). According to the grammarians, the same change is made in the inflection of root-stems before bh and su: thus, praçānbhis, praçānsu (from praçām: pra + √çam). No derived noun-stem ends in m.
b. The ÇB. and KÇS. have kámvant and çāmvant, and CbU. has kamvara.
a. It remains unchanged only before a vowel or labial mute.
b. But also, by an anomalous exception, before r of the root rāj in samrā́j and its derivatives samrā́jñī and sāmrājya.
c. Before a mute of any other class than labial, it becomes a nasal of that class.
d. Before the semivowels y, l, v it becomes, according to the Hindu grammarians, a nasal semivowel, the nasal counterpart of each respectively (see 71).
e. Before r, a sibilant, or h, it becomes anusvāra (see 71).
f. The manuscripts and the editions in general make no attempt to distinguish the nasal tones produced by the assimilation of m before a following semivowel from that before a spirant.
g. But if h be immediately followed by another consonant (which can only be a nasal or semivowel), the m is allowed to be assimilated to that following consonant. This is because the h has no position of the mouth-organs peculiar to itself, but is uttered in the position of the next sound. The Prātiçākhyas do not take any notice of the case.
h. Cases are met with in the Veda where a final m appears to be dropped before a vowel, the final and initial vowels being then combined into one. The pada-text then generally gives a wrong interpretation. Thus, saṁvánano ’bhayaṁkarám (RV. viii. 1. 2; pada-text: -nanā ubh-; SV. -nanam).
i. It has been pointed out above (73) that the assimilated m is generally represented in texts by the anusvāra-sign, and that in this work it is transliterated by ṁ (instead of a nasal mute or ṅ).
a. Before a of suffix a, final c becomes k in an̄ká, çvan̄ka, arká, pāká, vāká, çúka, parka, marká, vṛ́ka, prátīka etc., reka, séka, moka, roká, çóka, toká, mroká, vraská;—final j becomes g in tyāgá, bhága, bhāgá, yāga, an̄ga, bhan̄gá, san̄ga, svan̄ga, ṛñga, tun̄ga, yun̄ga, varga, mārga, mṛgá, varga, sarga, nega, vega, bhóga, yugá, yóga, loga, róga;—final h becomes gh in aghá, maghá, arghá, dīrghá (and drā́ghīyas, drā́ghiṣṭa), degha, meghá, ogha, dógha, drógha, mógha; and in dúghāna and méghamāna. In neka (√nij) we have further an anomalous substitution of a surd for the final sonant of the root.
b. In another series of derivatives with a, the altered sound appears: examples are ajá, yāja, çucá, çoca, vrajá, vevijá, yuja, ūrjā́, dóha.
c. Before the suffixes as and ana, the guttural only rarely appears: namely, in án̄kas, ókas, rókas, çókas, bhárgas, and in rogana; also in ābhogáya.
d. Before an i-vowel, the altered sound appears (except in ābhogí, ógīyaṅs, tigitá, mokī́, sphigī́): thus, ājí, tují, rúci, çácī, vívici, rociṣṇú.
e. Before u, the guttural reappears, as a rule (the cases are few): thus, án̄ku, van̄kú, rekú, bhṛ́gu, mā́rguka, raghú (and rághīyaṅs).
f. Before n, the examples of reversion are few, except of j (becoming g) before the participial ending na (957 c): thus, rékṇas, vagnú (with the final also made sonant); and participles bhagná, rugṇá, etc.; and apparently pṛgṇa from √pṛc.
g. Before m (of ma, man, mant, min), the guttural generally appears: thus, rukmá, tigmá, yugma, ṛ́gma (with sonant change); takmán, vákman, sákman, yugmán; rúkmant; ṛgmín and vāgmín (with sonant change):—but ájman, ojmán, bhujmán.
h. Before y, the altered sound is used: thus, pacya, yajya, yajyu, yujya, bhujyu. Such cases as bhogya, yogya, negya, okya are doubtless secondary derivatives from bhoga etc.
i. Before r, the cases are few, and the usage apparently divided: thus, takra, sakra, vakrá, çukrá, vigrá, ugrá, túgra, mṛgra, ván̄kri; but vájra and pajrá (?).
j. Before v (of the suffixes va, van, vin, etc., and participial vāṅs) the guttural is regularly preserved: thus, ṛkvá, pakvá, vákva; vákvan, ṛ́kvan, rikvan, çukvan, mṛgvan, túgvan, yugvan; ṛ́kvant, pṛ́kvant; vāgvín, vagvaná, vagvanú (with further sonant change); vivakvā́ṅs, ririkvā́ṅs, vivikvā́ṅs, rurukvā́ṅs, çuçukvā́ṅs; çuçukvaná, çuçukváni: also before the union-vowel i in okivā́ṅs (RV., once). An exception is yájvan.
k. The reversion of h in derivation is comparatively rare. The final j which is analogous with ç (219) shows much less proclivity to reversion than that which corresponds with c.
l. A like reversion shows itself also to some extent in conjugational stem-formation and inflection. Thus, the initial radical becomes guttural after the reduplication in the present or perfect or desiderative or intensive stems, or in derivatives, of the roots ci, cit, ji, hi, han, and in jáguri (√jṛ); and han becomes ghn on the elision of a (402, 637). The RV. has vivakmi from √vac and vāvakre from √vañc; and SV. has sasṛgmahe (RV. -sṛj-). And before ran etc. of 3d pl. mid. we have g for radical j in asṛgran, asṛgram, asasṛgram (all in RV.).
Thus, vákti, uváktha, vákṣi, vakṣyā́mi, vaghdi; vhāgbhís, vākṣú; uktá, ukthá, vaktár.
a. And, as final c becomes k (above 142), the same rule applies also to c in external combination: thus, vā́k ca, vā́g ápi, vā́n̄ me.
Examples of c remaining unchanged in inflection are: ucyáte, riricré, vācí, mumucmáhe.
Thus, ávikṣata, vekṣyā́mi; váṣṭi, viṣṭá, dídeṣḍu; didiḍḍhi, viḍbhís.
a. But a few roots exhibit the reversions of final ç to k before bh and su, and also when final (145): they are diç, dṛç, spṛç, and optionally naç; and viç has in V. always vikṣú, loc. pl., but víṭ, viḍbhís, etc. Examples are díksaṁçita, dṛgbhís, hṛdispṛ́k, nák (or naṭ).
Examples of ç remaining unchanged before vowels etc. are : viçí, viviçyās, aviçran, açnomi, vacmi, uçmási.
b. A ç remains irregularly unchanged before p in the compound viçpáti.
Thus, from yuj: áyukthās, áyukta, yun̄kté, yukti, yóktra, yokṣyā́mi, yukṣú; yun̄gdhí, áyugdhvam, yugbhís.
Again, from mṛj etc.: ámṛkṣat, srakṣyā́mi; mā́rṣṭhi, mṛṣṭá, sṛ́ṣṭi, rāṣṭrá; mṛḍḍhí, mṛḍḍhavám, rāḍbhís, rāṭsú, rā́ṭ.
a. To the former or yuj-class belong (as shown by their quotable forms) about twenty roots and radical stems: namely, bhaj, saj, tyaj (not V.), raj 'color*, svaj, majj, nij, tij, vij, 1 and 2 bhuj, yuj, ruj, vṛj, añj, bhañj, çiñj; ū́rj, sráj, bhiṣáj, ásṛj;—also, stems formed with the suffixes aj and ij (383. IV), as tṛṣṇáj, vaṇíj; and ṛtvíj, though containing the root yaj.
b. To the latter or mṛj-class belong only about one third as many: namely, yaj, bhrajj, vraj, rāj, bhrāj, mṛj, sṛj.
c. A considerable number of j-roots are not placed in circumstances to exhibit the distinction; but such roots are in part assignable to one or the class on the evidence of the related languages. The distinction appears, namely, only when the j occurs as final, or is followed, either in inflection or derivation, by a dental mute (t, th, dh), or, in noun-inflection, by bh or su. In derivation (above, 216) we find a g sometimes from the mṛj-class: thus mārga, sárga, etc.; and (2161) before Vedic mid. endings, sasṛgmahe, asṛgran, etc. (beside sasṛjrire)—while from the yuj-class occur only yuyujre, ayujran, bubhujrire, with j. And MS. has viçvasṛ́k from (√sṛj).
a. Mūrtá is called the participle of mūrch, and a gerund mūrtvā́ is given to the same root. They (with mū́rti) must doubtless come from a simpler form of the root.
b. Of jh there is no occurrence: the grammarians require it to be treated like c.
a. Thus, we are taught by the grammarians to make such forms as goráṭ, goráḍbhis, goráṭṣu (from gorákṣ); and we actually have ṣáṭ, ṣaḍbhís, ṣaṭsú from ṣakṣ or ṣaṣ (146 b). For jagdha etc. from √jakṣ, see 233 f.
b. In the single anomalous root vraçc, the compound çc is said to follow the rules for simple ç. From it are quotable the future vrakṣyáti, the gerunds vṛṣṭvā́ (AV.) and vṛktvī́ (RV.), and the participle (957 c) vṛkṇá. Its c reverts to k in the derivative vraska.
a. In the one class, as duh, we have a reversion of h (as of c) to a guttural form, and its treatment as if it were still its original gh: thus, ádhukṣam, dhokṣyā́mi; dugdhā́m, dugdhá; ádhok, dhúk, dhugbhís, dhukṣú.
b. In the other cases, as ruh and sah, we have a guttural reversion (as of ç) only before s in verb-formations and derivation: thus, árukṣat, rokṣyā́mi, sākṣiyá, sakṣáṇi. As final, in external combination, and in noun-inflection before bh and su, the h (like ç) becomes a lingual mute: thus, turāṣā́ṭ, pṛtanāṣā́ḍ ayodhyáḥ, turāsā́ḍbhis, turāsā́ṭsu. But before a dental mute (t, th, dh) in verb-inflection and in derivation, its euphonic effect is peculiarly complicated: in turns the dental into a lingual (as would ç); but it also makes it sonant and aspirate (as would ḍh: see 160); and further, it disappears itself, and the preceding vowel, if short, is lengthened: thus, from ruh with ta comes rūḍhá, from leh with ti comes léḍhi, from guh with tar comes gūḍhár, from meh with tum comes méḍhum, from lih with tas or thas comes līḍhás, from lih with dhvam comes līḍhvám, etc.
c. This is as if we had to assume as transition sound a sonant aspirate lingual sibilant ṣh, with the euphonic effects of a lingual and of a sonant aspirate (160), itself disappearing under the law of the existing language which admits no sonant sibilant.
a. of the first or duh-class: dah, dih, duh, druh, snuh, snih (and the final of uṣṇíh is similarly treated);
b. of the second or ruh-class: vah, sah, mih, rih or lih, guh, ruh, dṛṅh, tṛṅh, bṛh, baṅh, spṛh (?).
c. But muh forms also (not in RV.) the participle mūḍha and agent-noun mūḍhár, as well as mugdhá and mugdhár; and druh and snih are allowed by the grammarians to do likewise: such forms as drūḍha and snīḍha, however, have not been met with in use.
d. From roots of the ruh-class we find also in the Veda the forms gartārúk, nom. sing., and prāṇadhṛ́k and dadhṛ́k; and hence puruspṛ́k (the only occurrence) does not certainly prove √spṛh to be of the duh-class.
e. A number of other h-roots are not proved by their occurring forms to belong to either class; they, too, are with more or less confidence assigned to the one or the other by comparison with the related languages.
f. In derivation, before certain suffixes (216), we have gh instead of h from verbs of either class.
g. The root nah comes from original dh instead of gh, and its reversion is accordingly to a dental mute: thus, natsyā́mi, naddhá, upānádbhis, upānadyuga, anupānatka. So also the root grah comes from (early Vedic) grabh, and shows labials in many forms and derivatives (though it is assimilated to other h-roots in the desiderative stem jighṛkṣa). In like manner, h is used for dh in some of the forms and derivatives of √dvā put; and further analogous facts are the stem kakuhá beside kakubhá, the double imperative ending dhi and hi, and the dative máhyam beside túbhyam (491).
a. The vowel ṛ is not lengthened after the loss of the h-element: thus, dṛḍhá, tṛḍhá, bṛḍhá (the only cases; and in the Veda their first syllable has metrical value as heavy or long).
b. The roots vah and sah change their vowel to o instead of lengthening it: thus, voḍhám, voḍhā́m, voḍhár, sóḍhum. But from sah in the older language forms with ā are more frequent: thus, sāḍhá, áṣāḍha (also later), sā́ḍhar. The root tṛṅh changes the vowel of its class-sign na into e instead of lengthening it: thus, tṛṇeḍhi, tṛṇéḍhu, atṛṇet (the grammarians teach also tṛṇehmi and tṛṇekṣi: but no such forms are quotable, and, if ever actually in use, they must have been made by false analogy with others).
c. These anomalous vowel-changes seem to stand in connection with the fact that the cases showing them are the only ones where other than an alterant vowel (180) comes before the lingualized sibilant representative of the h. Compare ṣóḍaça etc.
d. Apparently by dissimilation, the final of vah in anomalous compound anaḍvah is changed to d instead of ḍ: see 404.
a. Namely, in the prefix dus (evidently identical with √duṣ); in sajū́s (adverbially used case-form from √juṣ); in (RV.) vivés and ávives, from √viṣ; in āíyes (RV.), from √īṣ; and in āçís, from çiṣ as secondary form of √çās. All these, except the first two, are more or less open in question.
a. Before t and th it remains unchanged, and the latter are assimilated: e.g. dviṣṭas, dviṣṭhas, dvéṣṭum.
This is a common and perfectly natural combination.
b. Before dh, bh, and su, as also in external combination (145), it becomes a lingual mute: and dh is made lingual after it: e.g. piṇḍḍhi, viḍḍhi, viviḍḍhi, dviḍḍhvam, dviḍbhís, dviṭsú; bhinnaviṭka.
c. So also the dh of dhvam as ending of 2d pl. mid. becomes ḍh after final ṣ of a tense-stem, whether the ṣ be regarded as lost or as converted to ḍ before it (the manuscripts write simply ḍhv, not ḍḍhv; but this is ambiguous: see 232). Thus, after ṣ of s-aorist stems (881 a), astoḍhvam, avṛḍhvam, cyoḍhvam (the only quotable cases), from astoṣ + dhvam etc.; but arādhvam from arās + dhvam. Further, after the ṣ of iṣ-aorist stems (901 a), āindhiḍhvam, artiḍhvam, ajaniḍhvam, vepiḍhvam (the only quotable cases), from ajaniṣ + dhvam etc. Yet again, in the precative (924), as bhaviṣīḍhvam, if, as is probable (unfortunately, no example of this person is quotable from any part of the literature), the precative-sign s (ṣ) is to be regarded as present in the form. According, however, to the Hindu grammarians, the use of ḍh or of dh in the iṣ-aorist and precative depends on whether the i of iṣ or of iṣī is or is not “preceded by a semivowel or h”—which both in itself appears senseless and is opposed to the evidence of all the quotable forms. Moreover, the same authorities prescribed the change of dh to ḍh under the same restriction as to circumstances, in the perf. mid. ending dhve also: in this case, too, without any conceivable reason; and no example of ḍhve in the 2d pl. perf. has been pointed out in the literature.
d. The conversion of ṣ to ṭ (or ḍ) as final and before bh and su is parallel with the like conversion of ç, and of j and h in the mṛj and
ruh classes of roots, and perhaps with the occasional change of s to t (167–8). It is a very infrequent case, occurring (save as it may be assumed in the case of ṣaṣ) only once in the RV. and once in the AV. (-dviṭ and -pruṭ), although those texts have more than 40 roots with final ṣ; in the Brāhmaṇas, moreover, have been noticed further only -pruṭ and víṭ (ÇB.), and -çliṭ (K.). From piṅṣ, RV. has the anomalous form piṇak (2d and 3d sing., for pinaṣ-s and pinaṣ-t).
e. Before s in internal combination (except su of loc. pl.) it becomes k: thus, dvékṣi, dvekṣyā́mi, ádvikṣam.
f. This change is of anomalous phonetic character, and difficult of explanation. It is also practically of very rare occurrence. The only RV. examples (apart from piṇak, above) are vivekṣi, from √viṣ, and the desid. stem ririkṣa from √riṣ; AV. has only dvikṣat and dvikṣata, and the desid. stem çiçlikṣa from √çliṣ. Other examples are quotable from √√kṛṣ and piṣ and viṣ (ÇB. etc.), and çiṣ (ÇB.); and they are by the Hindu grammarians prescribed to be formed from about half-a-dozen other roots.
a. The various authorities disagree with one another in detail as to this duplication. According to Pāṇini, ch is doubled within a word after either a long or a short vowel; and, as initial, necessarily after a short and after the particles ā́ and mā́, and optionally everywhere after a long. In RV., initial ch is doubled after a long vowel of ā́ only, and certain special cases after a short vowel are excepted. For the required usage in the other Vedic texts, see their several Prātiçākhyas. The Kāṭhaka writes for original ch (not ch from combination of t or n with ç: 203) after a vowel everywhere çch. The manuscripts in general write simple ch.
b. Opinions are still at variance as to how far this duplication has an etymological ground, and how far it is only an acknowledgment of the fact that ch makes a heavy syllable even after a short vowel (makes “position”: 79). As the duplication is accepted and followed by most European scholars, it will be also adopted in this work in words and sentences (not in roots and stems).
Thus:
अर्क arka, or अर्क्क arkka; कार्य kārya, or कार्य्य kāryya;
अर्थ artha, or अर्त्थ arttha; दीर्घ dīrgha, or दीर्ग्घ dīrggha.
a. Some of the authorities include, along with r, also h or l or v, or more than one of them, in this rule.
b. A doubled consonant after r is very common in manuscripts and inscriptions, as also in native text-editions and in the earlier editions prepared by European scholars—in later ones, the duplication is universally omitted.
c. On the other hand, the manuscripts often write a single consonant after r where a double one is etymologically required: thus, kārtikeya, vārtika, for kaārttikeya, vārttika.
a. This duplication is allowed by Pāṇini and required by the Prātiçākhyas—in both, with mention of authorities who deny it altogether. For certain exceptions, see the Prātiçākhyas; the meaning of the whole matter is too obscure to justify the giving of details here.
a. Between a non-nasal and a nasal mute, the insertion of so-called yamas (twins), or nasal counterparts, is taught by the Prātiçākhyas (and assumed in Pāṇini’s commentary): see APr. i. 99, note.
b. Between h and a following nasal mute the Prātiçākhyas teach the insertion of a nasal sound called a nāsikya: see APr. i. 100, note.
c. Between r and a following nasal consonant the Prātiçākhyas teach the insertion of a svarabhakti or vowel-fragment: see APr. i. 101–2, note.
d. Some authorities assume this insertion only before a spirant; the others regard it as twice as long before a spirant as before any other consonant—namely, a half or a quarter mora before the former, a quarter or an eight before the latter. One (VPr.) admits it after l as well as r. It is variously described as a fragment of the vowel a or of ṛ (or ḷ).
e. The RPr. puts a svarabhakti also between a sonant consonant and a following mute or spirant; and APr. introduces an element called sphoṭana (distinguisher) between a guttural and a preceding mute of another class.
f. For one or two other cases of yet more doubtful value, see the Prātiçākhyas.
a. The abbreviation, allowed by Pāṇini, is required by APr. (the other Prātiçākhyas take no notice of it). It is the more usual practice of the manuscripts, though the full group is also often written.
a. That is to say, the ordinary usage of the manuscripts makes no difference between those groups in which a phonetic duplication is allowed by the rules given above (228, 229) and those in which the duplication is etymological. As every tv after a vowel may also be properly written ttv, so dattvā́ and tattvá may be, and almost invariably are, written as datvā́ and tatvá. As kártana is also properly kárttana, so kārttika (from kṛtti) is written as kārtika. So in inflection, we have always, for example, majñā́ etc., not majjñā́, from majján. Even in composition and sentence-collocation the same abbreviations are made: thus, hṛdyotá for hṛddyotá; chináty asya for chinátty asya. Hence it is impossible to determine by the evidence of written usage whether we should regard ādhvam or āddhvam (from √ās), ádviḍhvam or ádviḍḍhvam (from √dviṣ), as the true form of a second person plural.
Further, certain cases of the loss of a sibilant require notice. Thus:
b. According to the Hindu grammarians, the s of s-aorist stems is lost after a short vowel in the 2d and 3d sing. middle: thus, adithās and adita (1st sing. adiṣi), akṛthās and akṛta (1st sing. akṛṣi). It is, however, probably that such cases are to be explained in a different manner: see 834 a.
c. The s between two mutes is lost in all combinations of the roots sthā and stambh with the prefix ud: thus, út thus, útthita, út thāpaya, úttabdha, etc.
d. The same omission is now and then made in other similar cases: thus cit kámbhanena (for skámbh-: RV.); tasmāt tute (for stute) and puroruk tuta (for stuta: K.); the compounds ṛkthā (ṛk + sthā: PB.) and utphulin̄ga; the derivative utphāla (√sphal). On the other hand, we may have vidyút stanáyantī (RV.), utsthala, kakutstha, etc.
e. So also the tense-sign of the s-aorist is lost after a final consonant of a root before the initial consonant of an ending: thus, achāntta
(and for this, by 231, achānta) for achāntsta, çāpta for çāpsta, tāptam for tāpstam, abhākta for abhāksta, amāuktam for amāukstam. These are the only quotable cases: compare 883.
f. A final s of root or tense-stem is in a few instances lost after a sonant aspirate, and the combination of mutes is then made as if no sibilant had ever intervened. Thus, from the root ghas, with omission of the vowel and then of the final sibilant, we have the form gdha (for ghs-ta: 3d sing. mid.), the participle gdha (in agdhā́d), and the derivative ghdi (for ghs-ti; in sá-gdhi); and further, from the reduplicated form of the same root, or √jakṣ, we have jagdha, jagdhum, jagdhvā, jagdhi (from jaghs-ta etc.); also, in like manner, from baps, reduplication of bhas, the form babdhām (for babhs-tām). According to the Hindu grammarians, the same utter loss of the aorist-sign s takes place after a final sonant aspirate of a root before an ending beginning with t or th: thus, from √rudh, s-aorist stem arāuts act. and aruts mid., come the active dual and plural persons arāuddham and arāuddhām and arāuddha, and the middle singular persons aruddhās and aruddha. None of the active forms, however, have been found quotable from the literature, ancient or modern; and the middle forms admit also of a different explanation: see 834, 883.
a. A guṇa-vowel (guṇa secondary quality) differs from the corresponding simple vowel by a prefixed a-element which is combined with the other according to the usual rules; a vṛddhi-vowel (vṛddhi growth, increment), by the further prefixion of a to the guṇa-vowel. Thus, of इ i or ई ī the corresponding guṇa is (a+i=) ए e; the corresponding vṛddhi is (a+e=) ऐ āi. But in all gunating processes अ a remains unchanged—or, as it is sometimes expressed,
अ a is its own guṇa; आ ā, of course, remains unchanged for both guṇa and vṛddhi.
| simple vowel | a ā | i ī | u ū | ṛ | ḷ |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| guṇa | a ā | e | o | ar | al |
| vṛddhi | ā | āi | āu | ār |
a. There is nowhere any occurrence of ṝ in a situation to undergo either guṇa or vṛddhi-change; nor does ḷ (26) ever suffer change to vṛddhi. Theoretically, ṝ would have the same changes as ṛ; and the vṛddhi of ḷ would be āl.
b. In secondary derivatives requiring vṛddhi of the first syllable (1204), the o of go (361 c) is strengthened to gāu: thus, gāumata, gāuṣṭhika.
a. In root-syllables: either in inflection, as dvéṣṭi from √dviṣ, dóhmi from √duh; or in derivation, as dvéṣa, dóhas, dvéṣṭum, dógdhum.
b. In formative elements: either conjugational class-signs, as tanómi from tanu; or suffixes of derivation, in inflection or in further derivation, as matáye from matí, bhānávas from bhānú, pitáram from pitṛ́ (or pitár), hantavyà from hántu.
a. In root and suffix-syllables, instead of guṇa: thus, stāúti from √stu, sákhāyam from sákhi, ánāiṣam from √nī, ákārṣam and kāráyati and kāryà from √kṛ (or kar), dātā́ram from dātṛ́ (or dātár).
b. Especially often, in initial syllables in secondary derivation: thus, mānasá from mánas, vāidyutá from vidyút, bhāumá from bhū́mi, pā́rthiva from pṛthivī́ (1204).
But—
a. The vṛddhi-increment is not liable to this restriction.
b. Exceptions to the rule are occasionally met with: thus, ehá, ehas from √īh; heḍáyāmi, héḍas, etc., from √hīḍ; coṣa etc. from √cūṣ; óhate etc. from √uh consider; and especially, from roots in īv: didéva deviṣyati, dévana, etc., from √dīv; tiṣṭheva from √ṣṭhīv; sreváyāmi, srévuka, from √srīv—on account of which it is, doubtless, that these roots are written with iv (div etc.) by the Hindu grammarians, although they nowhere show a short i, in either verb-forms or derivatives.
c. A few cases occur of prolongation instead of increment; thus, dūṣáyati from √duṣ, gū́hati from √guh.
The changes of ṛ (more original ar or ra) are so various as to call for further description.
a. For the purpose of artificially indicating this peculiarity of treatment, such roots are by the Hindu grammarians written with long ṝ, or with both r and ṝ: no ṝ actually appears anywhere among their forms.
b. The (quotable) ṝ-roots are 2 kṛ strew, 1 gṛ sing, 2 gṛ swallow, 1 jṛ wear out, tṛ, 1 çṛ crush.
c. The (quotable) ṛ and ṝ-roots are ṛ, 1 dṛ pierce, 1 pṛ fill, 1 mṛ die, 2 vṛ choose, stṛ , hvṛ.
d. Forms analogous with these are sometimes made also from other roots: thus, cīrṇa, cīrtvā, carcūryá, from √car; spūrdhán and spūrdháse from √spṛdh.
b. Final radical ir and ur (from variable ṛ-roots: 242) are liable to prolongation before all consonants except those of personal endings: namely, before y and tvā and na: and in declensions before bh and s (392). Radical is has the same prolongation in declension (392).
Words of which the finals are thus treated are:
a. Particles: namely, áthā, ádhā, evā́, utā́, ghā́, hā, ihā́, ivā, cā, smā, nā́, an̄gā́, kílā, átrā, yátrā, tátrā, kútrā, anyátrā, ubhayátrā, adyā́, ácchā, ápā, prā́; átī, nī́, yádī, nahī́, abhī́, vī́; ū, tū́, nū́, sū́, makṣū́.
b. Case-forms: especially instr. sing., as enā́, ténā, yénā, svénā, and others; rarely gen. sing., as asyā, hariṇásyā. Cases besides these are few: so símā, vṛṣabhā, hariyojanā (voc.); tanvī̀ (loc.); and urū́ and (not rarely) purū́.
c. Verb-forms ending in a, in great number and variety: thus (nearly in the order of their comparative frequency), 2d sing. impv. act., as pibā, syā, gamayā, dhāráyā;—2d pl. act. in ta and tha, as sthā, attā, bibhṛtā, jayatā, çṛṇutā, anadatā, nayathā, jīvayathā (and one or two in tana: aviṣṭanā, hantanā);—1st pl. act. in ma, as vidmā, riṣāmā, ṛdhyāmā, ruhemā, vanuyāmā, cakṛmā, marmṛjmā;—2d sing. impv. mid. in sva, as yukṣvā, iḍiṣvā, dadhiṣvā, vahasvā;—1st and 3d sing. perf. act., as vedā, viveçā, jagrabhā; 2d sing. perf. act., vetthā;——2d pl. perf. act., anajā, cakrā. Of verb-forms ending in i, only the 2d sing. impv. act.: thus, kṛdhī, kṛṇuhī́, kṣidhī́, çrudhī, çṛṇudhī, çṛṇuhī, dīdihī, jahī.
d. To these may be added the gerund in ya (993 a), as abhigū́ryā, ā́cyā.
a. Of the class-sign nā (of the krī-class of verbs: 717 ff.), the ā is in weak forms changed to ī, and before vowel-endings dropped altogether. The final ā of certain roots is treated in the same manner: thus, mā, hā, etc. (662–6). And from some roots, ā- and ī- or i-forms so interchange that it is difficult to classify them or to determine the true character of the root.
b. Radical ā is weakened to the semblance of the union-vowel i in certain verbal forms: as perfect dadima from √dā etc. (794 k); aorist adhithās from √dhā etc. (834 a); present jahimas from √hā etc. (665).
c. Radical ā is shortened to the semblance of stem-a in a number reduplicated forms, as tiṣṭa, piba, dada, etc.: see 671–4; also in a few aorists, as áhvam, ákhyam, etc.: see 847.
d. Radical ā sometimes becomes e, especially before y: as stheyāsam, deya.
a. To this change is given by European grammarians the name of samprasāraṇa, by adaptation of a term used in the native grammar.
a. That character belongs oftenest to i, which is very widely used: 1. before the s of aorist and future and desiderative stems, as in ájīviṣam, jīviṣyā́mi, jíjīviṣāmi; 2. in tense-inflection, especially perfect, as jijīvimá; occasionally also present, as ániti, róditi; 3. in derivation, as jīvitá, khánitum, janitṛ́, rociṣṇú, etc. etc.
b. Long ī is used sometimes instead of short: thus, ágrahīṣam, grahīṣyā́mi; bravīti, vāvadīti; tarītṛ́, savītṛ́; it is also often introduced before s and t of the 2d and 3d sing. of verbs: thus, ā́sīs, ā́sīt.
c. For details respecting these, and the more irregular and sporadic occurrences of u- and a-vowels in the same character, see below.
a. Examples are, of roots: ac and añc, grath and granth, vid and vind, daç and daṅç, sras and sraṅs, dṛh and dṛṅh: of endings, bhárantam and bháratā, mánasī and mánāṅsi.
b. Other more sporadic cases of inserted y — such as that in the pronoun-forms ayam, iyam, vayam, yūyam, svayam; and in optative inflection before an ending beginning with a vowel (565) — will be pointed out below in their connection.
a. in present-stem formation (642 ff.): as dádāmi, bibhármi;
b. in perfect-stem formation, almost universally (782 ff.): as tatā́na, dadhāú, cakā́ra, riréca, lulópa;
c. in aorist-stem formation (856 ff.): as ádīdharam, ácucyavam;
d. in intensive and desiderative-stem formation, throughout (1000 ff., 1026 ff.): as ján̄ghanti, jóhavīti, marmṛjyáte; pípāsati, jíghāṅsati;
e. in the formation of derivative noun-stems (1143 e): as pápri, cárcara, sāsahí, cikitú, malimlucá.
f. Rules for the treatment of reduplication in these several cases will be given in the proper connection below.
a. The only words which show no sign of gender-distinction are the personal pronouns of the first and second person (491), and the numerals above four (483).
a. A few words are used only in the plural: as dārās wife, ā́pas water; the numeral dva two, is dual only; and, as in other languages, many words are, by the nature of their use, found to occur only in the singular.
a. The dual is used alone (without dva two) properly when the duality of the objects indicated is well understood; thus, açvínāu the two Açvins; índrasya hárī Indra's two bays; but tasya dvāv açvāu staḥ he has two horses. But now and then the dual stands alone pregnantly: thus, vedaṁ vedāu vedān vā one Veda or two or more than two; ekaṣaṣṭe çate two hundred and sixty-one.
a. The order in which they are here mentioned is that established for them by the Hindu grammarians, and accepted from these by Western scholars. The Hindu names of the cases are founded on this order: the nominative is called prathamā first, the accusative dvitīyā second, the genitive ṣaṣṭhī sixth (sc. vibhakti division, i.e. case), etc. The object sought in the arrangement is simply to set next to one another those cases which are to a greater or less extent, in one or another number, identical in form; and, putting the nominative first, as leading case, there is no other order by which that object could be attained. The vocative is not considered and named by the native grammarians as a case like the rest; in this work, it will be given in the singular (where alone it is ever distinguished from the nominative otherwise than by accent) at the end of the series of cases.
A compendious statement of the uses of the cases is given in the following paragraphs:
a. A predicate nominative, instead of an objective predicate in the accusative, is used with middle verb-forms that signify regarding or calling one’s self: thus, sómam manyate papivā́n (RV.) he thinks he has been drinking soma; sá manyeta purāṇavít (AV.) he may regard himself as wise in ancient things; durgā́d vā́ āhartā́ ’vocathāḥ (MS.) thou hast claimed to be a savior out of trouble; índro brāhmaṇó brúvāṇaḥ (TS.) Indra pretending to be a Brahman; katthase satyavādī (R.) thou boasted thyself truthful. Similarly with the phrase rūpaṁ kṛ: thus, kṛṣṇó rūpáṁ kṛtvā́ (TS.) taking on a black form (i.e. making shape for himself as one that is black).
b. A word made by iti (1102) logically predicate to an object is ordinarily nominative: thus, svargó loká íti yáṁ vádanti (AV.) what they call the heavenly world: tam agniṣṭoma ity ācakṣate (AB.) it they style agniṣṭoma; vidarbharājatanayāṁ damayantī ’ti viddhi mām (MBh.) know me for the Vidarbha-king’s daughter, Damayantī by
name. Both constructions are combined in ajñaṁ hi bālam ity āhuḥ pite ’ty eva tu mantradam (M.) for to an ignorant man they give the name of ‘child’, but that of ‘father’ to one who imparts the sacred texts.
c. A nominative, instead of a second vocative, is sometimes added to a vocative by ca and: thus, índraç ca sómam pibatam bṛhaspate (RV.) together with Indra, do ye two drink the soma, O Bṛhaspati! víçve devā yájamānaç ca sīdatā (TS.) O ye All-Gods, and the sacrificer, take seats!
a. Derivatives in u from desiderative stems (1038) have wholly the character of present participles: thus, damayantīm abhīpsavaḥ (MBh.) desiring to win Damayantī; didṛkṣur janakātmajām (R.) desiring to see Janaka’s daughter. Rarely, also, the verbal noun in ā from such a root: thus, svargam abhikān̄kṣayā (R.) with desire of paradise.
b. So-called primary derivatives in in have the same character: thus, mā́ṁ kāmínī (AV.) loving me; enam abhibhāṣiṇī (MBh.) addressing him. Even the obviously secondary garbhín has in ÇB. the same construction: thus, sárvāṇi bhūtā́ni garbhy àbhavat he became pregnant with all beings.
c. Derivations in aka, in the later language: as, bhavantam abhivādakaḥ (MBh.) intending to salute you; mithilām avarodhakaḥ (R.) besieging Mithilā.
d. Nouns in tar, very frequently in the older language, and as periphrastic future forms (942 ff.) in the later: thus, hántā yó vṛtráṁ
sánito ’tá vā́jaṁ dā́tā maghā́ni (RV.) who slayeth the dragon, winneth booty, bestoweth largesses; tāu hī ’daṁ sarvaṁ hartārāu (JB.) for they seize on this universe; tyaktāraḥ saṁyuge prāṇān (MBh.) risking life in battle.
e. The root itself, in the older language, used with the value of a present participle at the end of a compound: thus, yáṁ yajñám paribhū́r ási (RV.) what offering thou surroundest (protectest); áhim apáḥ pariṣṭhā́m (RV.) the dragon confining the waters. Also a superlative of a root-stem (468, 471): thus, tváṁ vásu devayaté vániṣṭhaḥ (RV.) thou art chief winner of wealth for the pious; tā́ sómaṁ somapā́tamā (RV.) they two are the greatest drinkers of soma.
f. The derivative in i from the (especially the reduplicated) root, in the older language: thus, babhrír vájram papíḥ sómaṁ dadír gā́ḥ (RV.) bearing the thunderbolt, drinking the soma, bestowing kine; yajñáṁ ātániḥ (RV.) extending the sacrifice.
g. Derivatives in uka, very frequently in the Brāhmaṇa language: thus, vatsā́ṅç ca ghā́tuko vṛ́kaḥ (AV.) and the wolf destroys his calves; véduko vā́so bhavati (TS.) he wins a garment; kā́mukā enaṁ stríyo bhavanti (MS.) the women fall in love with him.
h. Other cases are more sporadic: thus, derivatives in a, as índro dṛḍhā́ cid ārujáḥ (RV.) Indra breaks up even what is fast; nāi ’vā ’rhaḥ pāitṛkaṁ riktham (M.) by no means entitled to his father’s estate; — in atnu, as vīḍú cid ārujatnúbhiḥ (RV.) with the breakers of whatever is strong; — in atha, as yajáthāya devā́n (RV.) to make offering to the gods; — in ana, as taṁ nivāraṇe (MBh.) in restraining him; svamāṅsam iva bhojane (R.) as if in eating one’s own flesh; — in ani, as samátsu turváṇiḥ pṛtanyū́n (RV.) overcoming foes in combats; — in ti, as ná táṁ dhūrtíḥ (RV.) there is no injuring him; — in van, as ápaçcāddaghvā́ ’nnam bhavati (MS.) he does not come short of food; — in snu, as sthirā́ cin namayiṣṇavaḥ (RV.) bowing even firm things.
a. It stands especially as the goal of motion, with verbs of going, bringing, sending, and the like: thus, vidarbhān agaman (MBh.) they went to Vidarbha; divaṁ yayuḥ (MBh.) they went to heaven; vanagulmān dhāvantaḥ (MBh.) running to woods and bushes; apó dívam úd vahanti (AV.) they carry up waters to the sky; devā́n yaje (AV.) I make offering to the gods.
b. With verbs meaning go, this is an extremely common construction; and the use of such a verb with an abstract noun makes peculiar phrases of becoming: thus, samatām eti he goes to equality (i.e. becomes equal); sa gacched badhyatām mama (MBh.) he shall become liable to be slain by me; sa pañcatvam āgataḥ (H.) he was resolved into the five elements (underwent dissolution, died).
c. Verbs of speaking follow the same rule: thus, tam abravīt he said to him; prākroçad uccāir nāiṣadham (MBh.) she cried out loudly to the Nishadhan; yás tvo ’vā́ca (AV.) who spoke to thee.
d. The assumption of an accusative object is exceptionally easy in Sanskrit, and such an object is often taken by a verb or phrase in which is strictly of intransitive character: thus, sáhasā prā́ ’sy anyā́n (RV.) in might thou excellest (lit. art ahead) others, devā́ vāí bráhma sám avadanta (MS.) the gods were discussing (lit. were talking together) brahman; antár vāí mā yajn̄ā́d yanti (MS.) surely they are cutting me off (lit. are going between) from the offering; tā́ṁ sám babhūva (ÇB.) he had intercourse with her.
a. Occasionally, to denote measure of space: thus, yojanaçataṁ gantum (MBh.) to go a hundred leagues; ṣaḍ ucchrito yojanāni (MBh.) six leagues high.
b. Much more often, to denote measure or duration of time: thus, sá saṁvatsarám ūrdhvò ‘tiṣṭhat (AV.) he stood a year upright; tisró rā́trīr dīkṣitáḥ syāt (TS.) let him be consecrated three nights; gatvā trīn ahorātrān (MBh.) having traveled three complete days.
c. Sometimes, to denote the point of space, or, oftener, of time: thus, yā́m asya díçaṁ dásyuḥ syā́t (ÇB.) whatever region his enemy may be in; ténāi ’tā́ṁ rā́triṁ sahā́” jagāma (ÇB.) he arrived that night with him; imāṁ rajanīṁ vyuṣṭām (MBh.) this current night.
d. Very often, to denote manner or accompanying circumstance. Thus, the neuter accusative of innumerable adjectives, simple or compound
(1111), is used adverbially, while certain kinds of compounds are thus used to such an extent that the Hindu grammarians have made of them a special adverbial class (1313).
e. Special cases are occasionally met with: thus, brahmacáryam uvāsa (ÇB.) he kept a term of studentship; phalám pacyánte (MS.) they ripen their fruit; gā́ṁ dīvyadhvam (MS., S.) gamble for a cow.
a. A causative form of a transitive verb regularly admits two accusative objects: thus, devā́ṅ uçatáḥ pāyayā havíḥ (RV.) make the eager gods drink the oblation; óṣadhīr evá phálaṁ grāhayati (MS.) he makes the plants bear fruit; vaṇijo dāpayet karān (M.) he should cause the merchants to pay taxes. But such a causative sometimes takes an instrumental instead of a second accusative: see 282 b.
a. Nearly all the uses of the case are readily deducible from this fundamental meaning, and show nothing anomalous or difficult.
a. Accordance, equality, likeness, and the like: thus, samáṁ jyótiḥ sū́ryeṇa (AV.) a brightness equal with the sun; yeṣām ahaṁ na pādarajasā tulyaḥ (MBh.) to the dust of whose feet I am not equal.
b. Price (by which obtained): thus, daçábhiḥ krīṇāti dhenúbhiḥ (RV.) he buys with ten kine; gavāṁ çatasahasreṇa dīyatāṁ çabalā mama (R.) let Çabalā be given me for a hundred thousand cows; sa te ’kṣahṛdayaṁ dātā rājā, ’çvahṛdayena vāi (MBh.) the king will give thee the secret science of dice in return for that of horses.
c. Medium, and hence also space or distance or road, traversed: thus, udnā́ ná nā́vam anayanta (RV.) they brought [him] as it were a ship by water; é ’há yātam pathíbhir devayā́nāiḥ (RV.) come hither by god-traveled paths; jagmur vihāyasā (MBh.) they went off through the air.
d. Time passed through, or by the lapse of which anything is brought about: thus, vidarbhān yātum icchāmy ekāhnā (MBh.) I wish to go to Vidarbha in the course of one day; te ca kālena mahatā yāuvanam pratipedire (R.) and they in a long time attained adolescence; tatra kālena jāyante mānavā dīrghajīvinaḥ (M.) 'there in time are born men long-lived. This use of the instrumental borders upon that of the locative and ablative.
e. The part of the body on (or by) which anything is borne is usually expressed by the instrumental: as, kukkuraḥ skandheno ’hyate (H.) a dog is carried on the shoulder; and this construction is extended to such cases as tulayā kṛtam (H.) put on (i.e. so as to be carried by) a balance.
f. Not infrequently used are such phrases as bahunā kim pralāpena (R.) 'what is the use of (i.e. is gained by) much talking? ko nu me jīvitenā ’rthaḥ (MBh.) what object is life to me? nīrujas tu kim āuṣadhāiḥ (H.) but what has a well man to do with medicines?
g. An instrumental of accompaniment is occasionally used almost or quite with the value of an instrumental absolute: thus, na tvayā ’tra mayā ’vasthitena kā ’pi cintā kāryā (Pañc.) with me at hand, thou need’st feel no anxiety whatever on this point.
b. A causative verb sometimes takes an instrumental instead of an accusative as second object: thus, tāṁ çvabhiḥ khādayed rājā (M.) the king should have her devoured by dogs; tā́ váruṇenā ’grāhayat (MS.) he caused Varuṇa to seize them.
a. More anomalously, however, the instrumental is used interchangeably with the ablative with words signifying separation: thus, vatsāír víyutāḥ (RV.) separated from their calves; mā́ ’hám ātmánā ví rādhiṣi (AV.) let me not be severed from the breath of life; sa tayā vyayujyata (MBh.) he was parted from her; pāpmánāi ’vāí ’naṁ ví punanti (MS.) they cleanse him from evil (compare English parted with). The same meaning may be given to the case even when accompanied by saha with: thus, bhartrā saha viyogaḥ (MBh.) separation from her husband.
a. In more physical connections, the uses of the dative approach those of the accusative (the more proper to-case), and the two are sometimes interchangeable; but the general value of the dative as the toward- or for-case is almost everywhere distinctly to be traced.
a. Words signifying give, share out, assign, and the like: thus, yó ná dádāti sákhye (RV.) who gives not to a friend; yácchā ’smāi çárma (RV.) bestow upon him protection.
b. Words signifying show, announce, declare, and the like: thus, dhanur darçaya rāmāya (R.) show the bow to Rāma; āvír ebhyo abhavat sū́ryaḥ (RV.) the sun was manifested to them; ṛtuparṇam bhīmāya pratyavedayan (MBh.) they announced Rituparṇa to Bhīma; tebhyaḥ pratijñāya (MBh.) having promised to them.
c. Words signifying give attention, have a regard or feeling, aspire, and the like: thus, niveçāya mano dadhuḥ (MBh.) they set their minds upon encamping; māté ’va putrébhyo mṛḍa (AV.) be gracious as a mother to her sons; kím asmábhyaṁ hṛṇīṣe (RV.) why art thou angry at us? kāmāya spṛhayaty ātmā (Spr.) the soul longs for love.
d. Words signifying please, suit, conduce, and the like: thus, yadyad rocate viprebhyaḥ (M.) whatever is pleasing to Brahmans; tad ānantyāya kalpate (KU.) that makes for immortality
e. Words signifying inclination, 'obeisance, and the like: thus, máhyaṁ namantām pradíçaç cátasraḥ (RV.) let the four quarters bow themselves to me; devebhyo namaskṛtya (MBh.) *having paid homage to the gods;;.
f. Words signifying hurling or casting: as yéna dūḍā́çe ásyasi (AV.) with which thou hurlest at the impious.
g. In some of these constructions the genitive and locative are also used: see below.
a. Such a dative is much used predicatively (and oftenest with the copula omitted), in the sense of makes for, tends toward; also is intended for, and so must; or is liable to, and so can. Thus, upadeço mūrkhāṇām prakopāya na çāntaye (H.) good counsel [tends] to the exasperation, not the conciliation, of fools; sa ca tasyāḥ saṁtoṣāya nā ’bhavat (H.) and he was not to her satisfaction; sugopā́ asi ná dábhāya (RV.) thou art a good herdsman, not one for cheating (i.e. not to be cheated).
b. These uses of the dative are in the older language especially illustrated by the dative infinitives, for which see 982.
gāma patháḥ (RV.) may we not go away from the path; éti vā́ eṣá yajñamukhā́t (MS.) he verily goes away from the face of the sacrifice; āré asmád astu hetíḥ (AV.) far from us be your missile; pātáṁ no vṛ́kāt (RV.) save us from the wolf; ástabhnād dyā́m avasrásaḥ (RV.) he kept (lit. made firm) the sky from falling.
a. Hence also, procedure as from a cause or occasion is signified by the ablative: this is especially frequent in the later language, and in technical phraseology is a standing construction; it borders on instrumental constructions. Thus, vájrasya çúṣṇād dadāra (RV.) from (by reason of) the fury of the thunderbolt he burst asunder; yasya daṇḍabhayāt sarve dharmam anurudhyanti (MBh.) from fear of whose rod all are constant to duty; akāramiçritatvād ekārasya (Tribh.) because e contains an element of a.
b. Very rarely, an ablative has the sense of after: thus, agacchann ahorātrāt tīrtham (MBh.) they went to the shrine after a whole day; ṭakārāt sakāre takāreṇa (APr.) after ṭ, before s, is inserted t
a. The ablative with words implying fear (terrified recoil from): thus, tásyā jātā́yāḥ sárvam abibhet (AV.) everything was afraid of her at her birth; yásmād réjanta kṛṣṭáyaḥ (RV.) at whom mortals tremble; yuṣmád bhiyā́ (RV.) through fear of you; yasmān no ’dvijate lokaḥ (BhG.) of whom the world is not afraid.
b. The ablative of comparison (distinction from): thus, prá ririce divá índraḥ pṛthivyā́ḥ (RV.) Indra is greater than the heaven and the earth. With a comparative, or other word used in a kindred way, the ablative is the regular and almost constant construction: thus, svādóḥ svā́dīyaḥ (RV.) sweeter than the sweet; kiṁ tasmād duḥkhataram (MBh.) what is more painful than that? ko mitrād anyaḥ (H.) who else than a friend; gā avṛṇīthā mat (AB.) thou hast chosen the kine rather than me; ajñebhyo granthinaḥ çreṣṭhā granthibhyo dhāriṇo varāḥ (M.) possessors of texts are better than ignorant men; rememberers are better than possessors; tád anyátra tván ní dadhmasi (AV.) we set this down elsewhere (away) from thee; pū́rvā víçvasmād bhúvanāt (RV.) earlier than all beings.
c. Occasionally, a probably possessive genitive is used with the comparative; or an instrumental (as in comparison of equality): thus,
nā ’sti dhanyataro mama (R.) there is no one more fortunate than I (i.e. my superior in fortune); putram mama prāṇāir garīyasam (MBh.) a son dearer than my life.
d. Occasionally, an ablative is used instead of a partitive genitive: thus, mithunād ekaṁ jaghāna (R.) he slew one out of the pair; tebhya ekam (KSS.) one of them.
a. In the Veda, ádhi and pári are much used as directing and strengthening adjuncts with the ablative: as, jātó himávatas pári (AV.) born from the Himalaya (forth); samudrā́d ádhi jajñiṣe (AV.) thou art born from the ocean; cárantam pári tasthúṣaḥ (RV.) moving forth from that which stands fast.
b. Also purā́ (and purás), in the sense of forward from, and hence before: as, purā́ járasaḥ (RV.) before old age: and hence also, with words of protection and the like, from: as çaçamānáḥ purā́ nidáḥ (RV.) securing from ill-will.
c. Also ā́, in the sense of hither from, all the way from: as, ā́ mū́lād ánu çuṣyatu (AV.) let it dry completely up from the root; tásmād ā́ nadyò nā́ma stha (AV.) since that time ye are called rivers. But usually, and especially in the later language, the measurement of interval implied in ā́ is reversed in direction, and the construction means all the way to, until: as, yatī́ giríbhya ā́ samudrā́t (RV.) going from the mountains to the ocean; ā́ ’syá yajñásyo ’dṛ́caḥ (VS.) until the end of this sacrifice; ā ṣoḍaçāt (M.) till the sixteenth year; ā pradānāt (Ç.) until her marriage.
b. The use of the genitive has become much extended, especially in the later language, by attribution of a noun-character to the adjective, and by pregnant verbal construction, so that it often bears the aspect of being a substitute for other cases—as dative, instrumental, ablative, locative.
equivalence (city of Rome), and of characteristic (man of honor), do not occur, and hardly that of material (house of wood). Examples are: índrasya vájraḥ Indra's thunderbolt; pitā putrāṇām father of sons; putraḥ pituḥ son of the father; pituḥ kāmaḥ putrasya the father's love of the son; ke naḥ which of us; çataṁ dāsīnām a hundred female slaves.
a. The expression of possession etc. on the part of pronouns is made almost entirely by the genitive case, and not by a derived possessive adjective (516).
b. Exceptional cases like nagarasya mārgaḥ the road to the city (cf. le chemin de Paris), yasyā ’haṁ dūta īpsitaḥ (MBh.) as messenger to whom I am wanted, are occasionally met with.
a. A so-called partitive genitive with a superlative, or another word of similar substantival value: thus, çreṣṭhaṁ vīrāṇām best of heroes; vīrúdhāṁ vīryàvatī (AV.) of plants the mighty (mightiest) one.
b. Very often, by a transfer of the possessive genitive from noun to adjective, the adjective being treated as if it had noun-value: thus, tasya samaḥ or anurūpaḥ or sadṛçaḥ resembling him (i.e. his like); tasya priyā dear to him (his dear one); tasyā ’viditam unknown to him (his unknown thing); hávyaç carṣaṇīnā́m (RV.) to be sacrificed to by mortals (their object of sacrifice); īpsito naranārīṇām (MBh.) desired of men and women (their object of desire); yasya kasya prasūtaḥ (H.) of whomsoever born (his son); hantavyo ‘smi na te (MBh.) I am not to be slain of thee; kim arthināṁ vañcayitavyam asti (H.) why should there be a deceiving of supplicants?
c. In part, by a construction similar to that of verbs which take a genitive object: thus, abhijñā rājadharmāṇām (R.) understanding the duties of a king.
a. A possessive genitive of the recipient, by pregnant construction, with verbs signifying give, impart, communicate, and the like: thus, varān pradāyā ’sya (MBh.) having bestowed gifts upon him (made them his by bestowal); rājño niveditam (H.) it was made known to the king (made his by knowledge); yad anyasya pratijñāya punar anyasya dīyate (M.) that after being promised to one she is given to another. This construction, by which the genitive becomes substitute for a dative or locative, abounds in the later language, and is extended sometimes to problematic and difficult cases.
b. A (in most cases, probably) partitive genitive, as a less complete or less absolute object than an accusative: thus, with verbs meaning partake (eat, drink, etc.), as píba sutásya (AV.) drink (of) the soma; mádhvaḥ pāyaya (RV.) cause to drink the sweet drought;—with verbs meaning impart (of the thing imparted) etc., as dadāta no amṛ́tasya (RV.) bestow upon us immortality ;—with verbs meaning enjoy, be satisfied or filled
with: as, mátsy ándhasaḥ (RV.) do thou enjoy the juice; ājyasya pūrayanti (S.) they fill with butter;—with verbs meaning perceive, note, care for, regard with feeling of various kinds: as, vásiṣṭhasya stuvatá índro açrot (RV.) Indra listened to Vasishtha who was praising him; yáthā máma smárāt (AV.) that he may think of me; tasya cukopa (MBh.) he was angry at him.
c. A genitive of more doubtful character, with verbs meaning rule or have authority: as, tvám īçiṣe vásūnām (RV.) thou art lord of good things; yáthā ’hám eṣā́ṁ virā́jāni (AV.) that I may rule over them; katham mṛtyuḥ prabhavati vedaçāstravidām (M.) how has death power over those who know the Vedas and treatises?
d. A genitive, instead of an ablative, is sometimes found used with a verb of receiving of any kind (hearing included), and with one of fearing: thus, yo rājñaḥ pratigṛhṇāti lubdhasya (M.) whoever accepts a gift from a greedy king; çṛṇu me (MBh.) learn from me; bibhīmas tava (MBh.) we are afraid of thee.
b. A genitive is occasionally used in the older language with an adverb, either of place or of time: thus, yátra kvà ca kurukṣetrásya (ÇB.) in whatever part of Kurukshetra; yátra tú bhū́mer jā́yeta (MS.) on what spot of earth he may be born; idā́nīm áhnaḥ (RV.) at this time of the day; yásyā rā́tryāḥ prātáḥ (MS.) on the morn of what night; dviḥ saṁvatsarasya (K.) twice a year. Such expression as the last occur also later.
b. A genitive, originally of possession, passing over into one of general concernment, comes in the later language (the construction is unknown earlier) to be used absolutely, with an agreeing participle, or quite rarely
an adjective. From such cases as the following—paçyato bakamūrkhasya nakulāir bhakṣitāḥ sutāḥ (H.) of the foolish heron, while he looked on, the young were eaten by the ichneumons, or gato ‘rdharātraḥ kathāḥ kathayato mama (KSS.) half my night was passed in telling stories, or kartavyasya karmaṇaḥ kṣipram akriyamāṇasya kālaḥ pibati tadrasam (H.) of a work needing to be done but left undone time quickly drinks up its essence—come into currency, by increasing independence of the genitive, such other cases as: divaṁ jagāma munīnām paçyatāṁ tadā (R.) he went then to heaven, the ascetics looking on; evaṁ lālapatas tasya devadūtas tadā ’bhyetya vākyam āha (MBh.) as he thus lamented, a divine messenger coming addressed him; iti vādina evā ’sya dhenur āvavṛte vanāt (Ragh.) while he thus spoke, the cow came from the forest. The genitive always indicates a living actor, and the participle is usually one of seeing or hearing or uttering, especially the former. The construction is said by the Hindu grammarians to convey an implication of disregard or despite; and such is often to be recognized in it, though not prevailingly.
b. Unimportant variations of the sense of in are those of amid or among, on, and at. Of course, also, situation in time as well as place is indicated by the case; and it is applied to yet less physical relations, to sphere of action and feeling and knowledge, to state of things, to accompanying circumstance; and out of this last grows the frequent use of the locative as the case absolute.
c. Moreover, by a pregnant construction, the locative is used to denote the place of rest or cessation of action or motion (into or on to instead of in or on; German in with accusative instead of dative: compare English there for thither).
b. The locative of time indicates the point of time at which anything takes place: thus, asyā́ uṣáso vyùṣṭāu (RV.) at the shining forth of this dawn; etasminn eva kāle (MBh.) at just that time; dvādaçe varṣe (MBh.) in the twelfth year. That the accusative is occasionally used in this sense, instead of the locative, was pointed out above (276 c).
c. The person with whom, instead of the place at which, one is or remains is put in the locative: thus, tíṣṭhanty asmin paçávaḥ (MS.) animals abide with him; gurāu vasan (M.) living at a teacher's; and, pregnantly, tāvat tvayi bhaviṣyāmi (MBh.) so long will I cleave to thee.
a. This construction is, on the one hand, generalized into an expression for in the matter or case of; or with reference to, respecting, and takes in the later language a very wide range, touching upon genitive and dative constructions: thus é ’mám bhaja grā́me áçveṣu góṣu (AV.) be generous to him in retainers, in horses, in cattle; tám ít sakhitvá īmahe (RV.) him we beg for friendship; upāyo ‘yaṁ mayā dṛṣṭa ānayane tava (MBh.) this means was devised by me for (with reference to) bringing thee hither; satītve kāraṇaṁ striyāḥ (H.) the cause of (in the case of) a woman's chastity; na çakto ‘bhavan nivāraṇe (MBh.) he was not capable of preventing.
b. On the other hand, the expression by the locative of a condition of things in which anything takes place, or of a conditioning or accompanying circumstance, passes over into a well-marked absolute construction, which is known even in the earliest stage of the language, but becomes more frequent later. Transitional examples are: háve tvā sū́ra údite háve madhyáṁdine diváḥ (RV.) I call to thee at the arisen sun (when the sun has risen), I call at midtime of the day; aparādhe kṛte ‘pi ca na me kopaḥ (MBh.) and even in the case of an offence committed, there is no anger on my part.
c. The normal condition of the absolute construction is with a participle accompanying the noun: thus, stīrṇé barhíṣi samidhāné agnāú (RV.) when the barhis is strewn and the fire kindled; kāle çubhe prāpte (MBh.) a propitious time having arrived; avasannāyāṁ rātrāv astācalacūḍāvalambini candramasi (H.) the night having drawn to a close, and the moon resting on the summit of the western mountain.
d. But the noun may be wanting, or may be replaced by an adverbial substitute (as evam, tathā, iti): thus, varṣati when it rains; [sūrye] astamite after sunset; ādityasya dṛçyamāne (S.) while there is seen [some part] of the sun; ity ardhokte (Ç.) with these words half uttered; asmābhiḥ samanujñāte (MBh.) it being thus spoken by Kali; tathā ’nuṣṭhite (H.) it being thus accomplished. So likewise the participle may be wanting (a copula sati or the like having to be supplied): thus, dūre bhaye the cause of fear being remote; while, on the other hand, the participle sati etc. is sometimes redundantly added to the other participle: thus, tathā kṛte sati it being thus done.
e. The locative is frequently used adverbially or prepositionally (1116): thus, -arthe or -kṛte in the manner of, for the sake of; agre in front of; ṛte without; samīpe near.
uncommon from the earliest time. It is by no means to be sharply distinguished from the ordinary construction; the two pass into one another, with a doubtful territory between. It occurs:
a. Especially with verbs, as of arriving, sending, placing, communicating, bestowing, and many others, in situations where an accusative or a dative (or a genitive, 297 a) might be looked for, and exchangeable with them: thus, sá íd devéṣu gacchati (RV.) that, truly, goes to (to be among) the gods; imáṁ no yajñám amṛ́teṣu dhehi (RV.) set this offering of ours among the immortals; yá āsiñcánti rásam óṣadhīṣu (AV.) who pour in the juice into the plants (or, the juice that is in the plants); mā prayacche ”çvare dhanam (H.) do not offer wealth to a lord; papāta medinyām (MBh.) he fell to (so as to be upon) the earth; skandhe kṛtvā (H.) putting on the shoulder; saṁçrutya pūrvam asmāsu (MBh.) having before promised us.
b. Often also with nouns and adjectives in similar constructions (the instances not always easy to separate from those of the locative meaning with reference to: above, 303 a): thus, dayā sarvabhūteṣu compassion toward all creatures; anurāgaṁ nāiṣadhe (MBh.) affection for the Nishadhan; rājā samyag vṛttaḥ sadā tvayi (MBh.) the king has always behaved properly toward thee.
a. The stem itself, however, in many words and classes of words, is liable to variation, especially assuming a stronger form in some cases and a weaker in others.
b. And between stem and ending are sometimes inserted connecting elements (or what, in the recorded condition of the language, have the aspect of being such).
c. Respecting all of these points, the details of treatment, as exhibited by each class of words or by single words, will be given in the following chapters. Here, however, it is desirable to present a brief general view of them.
b. In the accusative, m or am is the masc. and fem. ending—am being added after a consonant and ṛ, and after ī and ū in the radical division, and m elsewhere after vowels. The neuter accusative is like the nominative.
c. The instrumental ending for all genders alike is ā. With final i- and u-vowels, the ā is variously combined, and in the older language it is sometimes lost by contraction with them. Stems in a make the case end in ena (sometimes enā in V.), and those in ā make it end in ayā; but instances occur, in the early language, of immediate addition of ā to both a and ā.
d. The dative ending is in general e; and with it likewise the modes of combination of i and u final are various (and disappearance by contraction not unknown in the oldest language). The a-stems are quite irregular in this case, making it end in āya—excepted is the pronominal element -sma, which combines (apparently) with e to -smāi. In the personal pronouns is found bhyam (or hyam).
e. A fuller ending āi (like gen.-abl. ās and loc. ām: see below) belongs to feminine stems only. It is taken (with interposed y) by the great class of those in derivative ā; also by those in derivative ī, and (as reckoned in the later language) in derivative ū. And later it is allowed to be taken by feminine stems in radical ī and ū, and even by those in i and u: these last have it in the earliest language in only exceptional instances. For the substitution of āi for abl.-gen. ās, see below, h.
f. The ablative has a special ending, d (or t), only in a-stems, masc. and neut., the a being lengthened before it (except in the personal pronouns of 1st and 2d person, which have the same ending at in the pl., and even, in in the old language, in the dual). Everywhere else, the ablative is identical with the genitive.
g. The genitive of a-stems (and of one pronominal u-stem, amu) adds sya. Elsewhere, the usual abl.-gen. ending is as; but its irregularities of treatment in combination with a stem-final are considerable. With i and u, it is either directly added (only in the old language), added with interposed n, or fused to es and os respectively. With ṛ (or ar) it yields ur (or us: 169 b).
h. The fuller ās is taken by feminine stems precisely as āi is taken in the dative: see above. But in the language of the Brāhmaṇas and Sūtras, the dative-ending āi is regularly and commonly used instead of ās, both of ablative and of genitive. See 365 d.
i. The locative ending is i in consonant- and ṛ and a-stems (fusing with a to e in the latter). The i- and u-stems (unless the final vowel is saved by an interposed n) make the case end in āu; but the Veda has some relics or traces of the older forms (ay-i [?] and av-i) out of which this appears to have sprung. Vedic locatives
from i-stems end also in ā and ī. The pronominal element -sma makes the locative -smin. Stems in an in the older language often lose the i, and use the bare stem as locative.
j. The ending ām is the locative corerspondent to dat. āi and abl.-gen. ās, and is taken under the same circumstances: see above.
k. The vocative (unless by accent: 314) is distinguished from the nominative only in the singular, and not quite always there. In a-stems, it is the unaltered stem, and so also in most consonant-stems; but neuters in an and in may drop the n; and the oldest language has sometimes a vocative in s from stems in nt and ṅs. Stems in ṛ change this to ar. In masc. and fem. i- and u-stems, the case ends respectively in e and o; in neuters, in the same or in i or u. Stems in ā change ā to e; derivative ī and ū are shortened; radical stems in long vowels use the nominative form.
b. But the pronouns of 1st and 2d person in the older language distinguish five dual cases: see 492 b.
c. The masc. and fem. endings for nom.-accus.-voc. is in the later language usually āu; but instead of this the Veda has prevailingly ā. Stems in ā make the case end in e. Stems in i and u, masc. and fem., lengthen those vowels; and derivative ī in the Veda remains regularly unchanged, though later it adds āu. The neuter ending is only ī; with final a this combines to e.
d. The universal ending for the instr.-dat.-abl. is bhyām, before which final a is made long. In the Veda, it is often to be read as two syllables, bhiām.
e. The universal ending of gen.-loc. is os; before this, a and ā alike become e (ai).
b. The neuter ending (which is accusative also) is in general i; and before this the final of a stem is apt to be strengthened, by prolongation of a vowel, or by insertion of a nasal, or by both. But in the Veda the hence resulting forms in āni, īni, ūni are frequently abbreviated by loss of the ni, and sometimes by further shortening of the preceding vowel.
c. The accusative ending is also as in consonant-stems and in the radical division of ī- and ū-stems (and in the old language even elsewhere). Stems in short vowels lengthen those vowels and add in the masculine n (for ns, of which abundant traces remain), and in the feminine s. In the neuter, this case is like the nominative.
d. In the instrumental, the case-ending is everywhere bhis except in a-stems, where in the later language the case always ends in āis, but in the earlier either in ais or the more regular ebhis (ābhis in the two personal pronouns; and the pronominal stem a [501] makes ebhis only).
e. The dative and ablative have in the plural the same form, with the ending bhyas (in the Veda often bhias), before which only a is altered, becoming e. But the two personal pronouns distinguish the two cases, having for the ablative the singular ending (as above pointed out), and for the dative the peculiar bhyam (almost never in Veda bhiam), which they extend also into the singular.
f. Of the genitive, the universal ending is ām; which (except optionally after radical ī and ū, and in a few scattering Vedic instances) takes after the final vowels an inserted consonant, s in the pronominal declension, n elsewhere; before n, a short vowel is lengthened; before s, a becomes e. In the Veda, it is frequently to be pronounced in two syllables, as a-am.
g. The locative ending is su, without any exceptions, and the only change before it is that of a to e.
h. The vocative, as in the dual, differs from the nominative only by its accent.
| Singular. | Dual. | Plural. | |
|---|---|---|---|
| m. f. n. | m. f. n. | m. f. n. | |
| N. | s - | āu ī | as i |
| A. | am - | āu ī | as i |
| I. | ā | bhyām | bhis |
| D. | e | bhyām | bhyas |
| Ab. | as | bhyām | bhyas |
| G. | as | os | ām |
| L. | i | os | su |
a. It is taken in bulk by the consonantal stems and by the radical divisions of ī- and ū-stems; by other vowel-stems, with more or less considerable variations and modifications. The endings which have almost or quite unbroken range, through stems of all classes, are bhyām and os of the dual, and bhis, bhyas, ām, and su of the plural.
b. The class of strong cases, as above defined, belongs only to masculine and feminine stems. In neuter inflection, the only strong cases are the nom.-acc. pl.; while, in those stems that make a distinction of weakest and middle form, the nom.-acc. du. belongs to the weakest class, and the nom.-acc. sing. to the middle: thus, for example, compare (408) प्रत्यञ्चि pratyáñc-i, nom.-acc. pl. neut., and प्रत्यञ्चस् pratyáñc-as, nom. pl. masc.; प्रतीची pratīc-ī́, nom.-acc. du. neut., and प्रतीचोस् pratīc-ós, gen.-loc. du.; प्रत्यक् pratyák, nom.-acc. sing. neut., and प्रत्यग्भिस् pratyág-bhis, instr. pl.
enough to mention here is only the guṇa-strengthening of a final i or u, which in the later language is always made before as of nom. pl. and e of dat. sing. in masc. and fem.; in the Veda, it does not always take place; nor is it forbidden in dat. sing. neut. also; and it is seen sometimes in loc. sing. Final ṛ has guṇa-strengthening in loc. sing.
a. The place of n before gen. pl. ām is taken by s in pronominal a- and ā-stems.
b. The y after ā before the endings āi, ās, and ām is most probably an insertion, such as is made elsewhere (258).
b. And in the Veda (the case is a rare one), whenever a syllable written as one is to be pronounced as two by restoration of a semivowel to vowel form, the first element only has the vocative accent, and the syllable as written is circumflex (83–4): thus, dyāùs (i.e. díāus) when dissyllabic, but dyāús when monosyllabic; jyā̀ke when for jíāke.
c. But the vocative is accented only when it stands at the beginning of a sentence—or, in verse, at the beginning also of a metrical division or pāda; elsewhere it is accentless or enclitic: thus, ágne yáṁ yajñám paribhū́r ási (RV.) O Agni! whatever offering thou protectest; but úpa tvā ’gna é ’masi (RV.) *unto thee, Agni, we come;;.
d. A word, or more than one word, qualifying a vocative—usually an adjective or appositive noun, but sometimes a dependent noun in the genitive (very rarely in any other case)—constitutes, so far as accent is
concerned, a unity with the vocative: thus, (all the examples from RV.) at the beginning of a pāda, with first syllable of the combination accented, índra bhrātaḥ O brother Indra! rā́jan soma O king Soma! yáviṣṭha dūta most youthful messenger! hótar yaviṣṭha sukrato most youthful skilled officer! ū́rjo napāt sahasvan mighty son of strength!—in the interior of a pāda, without accent, sómāsa indra girvaṇaḥ the somas, O song-loving Indra! tā́v açvinā bhadrahastā supāṇi ye, O Açvins of propitious and beautiful hands! ā́ rājānā maha ṛtasya gopā hither, ye two kingly guardians of great order!
e. On the other hand, two or more independent or coordinate vocatives at the beginning of a pāda are regularly and usually both accented: thus, pítar mā́taḥ O father! O mother! ágna índra váruṇa mítra dévāḥ Agni! Indra! Varuṇa! Mitra! gods! çátamūte çátakrato thou of a hundred aids! of a hundred arts! vásiṣṭha çúkra dī́divaḥ pā́vaka best, bright, shining, cleansing one! ū́rjo napād bhádraçoce son of strength, propitiously bright one! But the texts offer occasional irregular exceptions both to this and to the preceding rule.
f. For brevity, the vocative dual and plural will be given in the paradigms below along with the nominative, without taking the trouble to specify in each instance that, if the latter be accented elsewhere than on the first syllable, the accent of the vocative is different.
a. The only exceptions are a few numeral stems: see 483.
a. The endings of nominative and accusative singular and dual and of the nominative plural (that is to say, of the strong cases: 311) have no tendency to take the accent away from the stem, and are therefore only accented when a final vowel of the stem and the vowel of the ending are blended together into single vowel or diphthong. Thus, from dattá come dattāú (= dattá + āu) and dattā́s (= dattá + as); but from nadī́ come nadyāù (= nadī́ + āu) and nadyàs (= nadī́ + as).
b. All other endings sometimes take the accent; but those beginning with a vowel (i.e. of the weakest cases: 311) do so more readily than those beginning with a consonant (i.e. of the middle cases: 311). Thus, from nāús come nāvā́ and nāubhís; from mahánt, however, come mahatā́ but mahádbhis.
The general rules of accent, then, may be thus stated:
a. But some monosyllabic stems retain the accent throughout: thus, góbhis, gávām, góṣu. For such cases, see below, 350, 361 c, d, 372, 390, 427. And in the acc. pl. the stem is even oftener accented than the ending, some words also admitting either accentuation.
a. Present participles in ánt or át: thus, from tudánt, tudatā́ and tudatós and tudatā́m; but tudádbhyām and tudátsu.
b. A few adjectives having the form of such participles, as mahatā́, bṛhatás.
c. Stems of which the accented final loses its syllable character by syncopation of the vowel: thus, majjñā́, mūrdhné, dāmnás (from majján etc.: 423).
d. Other sporadic cases will be noticed under the different declensions.
e. Case-forms used adverbially sometimes show a changed accent: see 1110 ff.
a. But ām of the gen. pl. from stems in í and ú and ṛ́ may, and in the older language always does, take the accent, though separated by n from the stem: thus, agnīnā́m, dhenūnā́m, pitṝṇā́m. In RV., even derivative ī-stems show usually the same shift: thus, bahvīnā́m. Of stems in á, only numerals (483 a) follow this rule: thus, saptānā́m, daçānā́m.
b. They may be classified, for convenience of description, as follows:
I. Stems in अ a;
II. Stems in इ i and उ u;
III. Stems in आ ā, ई ī, and ऊ ū: namely, A. radical-stems (and a few others inflected like them); B. derivative stems;
IV. Stems in ऋ ṛ (or अर् ar);
V. Stems in consonants.
c. There is nothing absolute in this classification and arrangement; it is merely believed to be open to as few objections as any other. No general agreement has been reached among scholars as to the number and order of Sanskrit declensions. The stems in a are here treated first because of the great predominance of the class.
a. This class is essentially only a special class of compound adjectives, since in the earliest Veda the simple as well as the compounded root was sometimes used adjectively. But the compounded root was from the beginning much more often so used, and the later the more exclusively, so that practically the class is a separate and important one.
a. In a few cases, also, the final noun is syntactically object of the preceding member (1309–10): thus, atimātra immoderate (ati mātram beyond measure); yāvayáddveṣas driving away enemies.
a. As to accent, it needs only to be remarked here that a root-word ending a compound has the accent, but (320) loses the peculiarity of monosyllabic accentuation, and does not throw the tone forward upon the ending (except añc in certain old forms: 410).
b. Its endings deviate more widely than any others from the normal.
b. The acc. (masc. and neut.) adds m (not am); and this form has the office also of nom. neuter.
c. The instr. changes a to ena uniformly in the later language; and even in the oldest Vedic this is the predominant ending (in RV., eight ninths of all cases). Its final is in Vedic verse frequently made long (enā). But the normal ending ā — thus, yajñā́ , suhávā, mahitvā́ (for yajñéna etc.) — is also not rare in the Veda.
d. The dat. has āya (as if by adding aya to a), alike in all ages of the language.
e. The abl. has t (or doubtless d: it is impossible from the evidence of the Sanskrit to tell which is the original form of the ending),
before which ā is made long: this ending is found in no other noun-declension, and elsewhere only in the personal pronouns (of all numbers).
f. The gen. has sya added to the final a; and this ending is also limited to a-stems (with the single exception of the pronoun amúṣya: 501). Its final a is in only three cases made long in the Veda; and its y is vocalized (asia) almost as rarely.
g. The loc. ends in e (as if by combining the normal ending i with the final of the stem), without exception.
h. The voc. is the bare stem.
b. The nom., acc., and voc. masc. end in the later language always in āu. In the Veda, however, the usual ending is simple ā (in RV., in seven eights of the occurrences). The same cases in the neut. end in e, which appears to be the result of fusion of the stem-final with the normal ending ī.
c. The instr., dat., and abl. have bhyām (in only one or two Vedic instances resolved into bhiām), with the stem-final lengthened to ā before it.
d. The gen. and loc. have a y inserted after the stem-final before os (or as if the a had been changed to e). In one or two (doubtful) Vedic instances (as also in the pronominal forms enos and yos), os is substituted for the final a.
b. The acc. masc. ends in ān (for earlier āns, of which abundant traces are left in the Veda, and, under the disguise of apparent euphonic combination, even in the later language: see above, 208 ff.).
c. The nom. and acc. neut. have in the later language always the ending āni (like the an-stems: see 421; or else with n, as in the gen. pl., before normal i). But in the Veda this ending alternates with simple ā (which in RV. is to āni as three to two, in point of frequency; in AV., as three to four).
d. The instr. ends later always in āis; but in the Veda is found abundantly the more normal form ebhis (in RV., nearly as frequently as āis; in AV., only one fifth as frequent).
e. The dat. and abl. have bhyas as ending, with e instead of the final a before it (as in the Vedic instr. ebhis, the loc. pl., the gen. loc. du. [?], and the instr. sing.). The resolution into ebhias is not infrequent in the Veda.
f. The gen. ends in ānām, the final a being lengthened and having n inserted before the normal ending. The ā of the ending is not seldom (in less than half the instances) to be read as two syllables, aam: opinions are divided as to whether the resolution is historical or metric only. A
very small number (half-a-dozen) of examples of simple ām as ending instead of ānām occur in RV.
g. The loc. ends in eṣu—that is to say, with the normal ending, before which the stem-final is changed to e (with consequent change of s to ṣ: 180).
h. Of accent, in this declension, nothing requires to be said; the syllable accented in the stem retains its own accent throughout.
| Singular: | |||
|---|---|---|---|
| N. | कामस् kā́mas | देवस् devás | आस्यम् āsyàm |
| A. | कामम् kā́mam | देवम् devám | आस्यम् āsyàm |
| I. | कामेन kā́mena | देवेन devéna | आस्येन āsyèna |
| D. | कामाय kā́māya | देवाय devā́ya | आस्याय āsyā̀ya |
| Ab. | कामात् kā́māt | देवात् devā́t | आस्यात् āsyā̀t |
| G. | कामस्य kā́masya | देवस्य devásya | आस्यस्य āsyàsya |
| L. | कामे kā́me | देवे devé | आस्ये āsyè |
| V. | काम kā́ma | देव déva | आस्य ā́sya |
| Dual: | |||
| N. A. V. | कामौ kā́māu | देवौ devāú | आस्ये āsyè |
| I. D. Ab. | कामाभ्याम् kā́mābhyām | देवाभ्याम् devā́bhyām | आस्याभ्याम् āsyā̀bhyām |
| G. L. | कामयोस् kā́mayos | देवयोस् deváyos | आस्ययोस् āsyàyos |
| Plural: | |||
| N. V. | कामास् kā́mās | देवास् devā́s | आस्यानि āsyā̀ni |
| A. | कामान् kā́mān | देवान् devā́n | आस्यानि āsyā̀ni |
|---|---|---|---|
| I. | कामैस् kā́māis | देवैस् devāís | आस्यैस् āsyāìs |
| D. Ab. | कामेभ्यस् kā́mebhyas | देवेभ्यस् devébhyas | आस्येभ्यस् āsyèbhyas |
| G. | कामानाम् kā́mānām | देवानाम् devā́nām | आस्यानाम् āsyā̀nām |
| L. | कामेषु kā́meṣu | देवेषु devéṣu | आस्येषु āsyèṣu |
Examples of the peculiar Vedic forms are:
a. Sing.: instr. raváthenā, yajñā́ (such genitive forms as áçvasiā are purely sporadic).
b. Du.: nom. etc. masc. devā́; gen.-loc. pastyòs (stem pastyà).
c. Pl.: nom.-voc. masc. devā́sas; neut. yugā́; instr. devébhis; gen. caráthām, devā́naam.
a. Whether a masc.-neut. stem in a shall form its feminine in ā or in ī is a question to be determined in great part only by actual usage, and not by grammatical rule. Certain important classes of words, however, can be pointed out which take the less common ending ī of the feminine: thus, 1. the (very numerous) secondary derivatives in a with vṛddhi of the first syllable (1204): e.g. āmitrá -trī́, mā́nuṣa -ṣī, pāvamāná -nī́, pāurṇamāsá -sī́; 2. primary derivatives in ana with accent on the radical syllable (1150): e.g. códana -nī, saṁgráhaṇa -ṇī, subhāgaṁkáraṇa -nī; 3. primary derivatives in a, with strengthening of the radical syllable, having a quasi-participial meaning: e.g. divākará -rī, avakrāmá -mī́,
rathavāhá -hī́ (but there are many exceptions); 4. secondary derivatives in maya (1225) and tana (1245 e): e.g. ayasmáya -yī; adyatana -nī; 5. most ordinal numbers (487 h): e.g. pañcamá -mī́, navadaçá -çī́, triṅçattamá -mī́. Not a few words make the feminine in either ā or ī: e.g. kévalā or -lī, ugrā́ or -rī́, pāpā or -pī́, rāmā́ or -mī́; but ordinarily only one of these is accepted as regular.
b. For the most part, an adjective compound having a noun in a as final member makes its feminine in ā. But there are numerous exceptions, certain nouns taking, usually or always, ī instead. Some of the commonest of these are as follows: akṣa eye (e.g. lohitākṣī, dvyakṣī, gavākṣī), parṇa leaf (e.g. tilaparṇī, saptaparṇī; but ekaparṇā), mukha face (e.g. kṛṣṇamukhī, durmukhī; but trimukhā etc.), an̄ga limb, body (e.g. anavadyān̄gī, sarvān̄gī; but caturan̄gā etc.), keça hair (e.g. sukeçī, muktakeçī or -çā, etc.), karṇa ear (e.g. mahākarṇī; but gokarṇā etc.), udara belly (e.g. lambodarī), mūla root (e.g. pañcamūlī; but oftener çatámūlā etc.). The very great majority of such nouns (as the examples indicate) signify parts of the body.
c. On the other hand, a feminine noun ending in derivative ā shortens its final to a to form a masculine and neuter base: see 367 c.
d. In frequent cases, nouns of consonant ending are, as finals of compounds, transferred to the a-declension by adding suffix a (1209 a) or ka (1222).
a. The endings of this declension also differ frequently and widely from the normal, and the irregularities in the older language are numerous.
b. The acc. masc. and fem. adds m to the stem. Vedic forms in iam and uam, and, with n, inam and unam, are excessively rare, and doubtful.
c. The instr. fem. in the later language takes the normal ending ā simply, while the masc. and neut. insert n before it, making inā and unā. But in the Veda, forms in yā and vā (or iā and uā) are not infrequent in masc. and neut. also; while inā is found, very rarely, as a fem. ending. Moreover, fem. yā is often (in two thirds of the occurrences) contracted to ī; and this is even sometimes shortened to i. An adverbial instr. in uyā́ from half-a-dozen stems in u occurs.
d. The dat. masc. and fem. gunates the final of the stem before the ending e, making aye and ave. These are the prevailing endings in the Veda likewise; but the more normal ye and ve (or ue) also occur; and the fem. has in this case, as in the instr., sometimes the form ī for ie. In the later language, the neuter is required in this, as in all the other weakest cases, to insert n before the normal ending: but in the Veda such forms are only sporadic; and the neut. dat. has also the forms aye, ve, ave, like the other genders.
e. The abl. and gen. masc. and fem. have regularly, both earlier and later, the ending s with gunated vowel before it: thus, es, os; and in the Veda, the neut. forms the cases in the same way; although unas, required later, is also not infrequent (inas does not occur). But the normal forms yas (or ias) and vas (or uas) are also frequent in both masc. and neut. As masc. ending, unas occurs twice in RV. The anomalous didyót (so TS.; in the corresponding passages, vidyót VS., didyāut K., didivás MS.) is of doubtful character.
f. The loc. masc. and fem. has for regular ending in the later language āu, replacing both finals, i and u. And this is in the Veda also the most frequent ending; but, beside it, the i-stems form (about half as often in RV.) their loc. in ā: thus, agnā́; and this is found once even in the neuter. The RV. has a number of examples of masc. and neut. locatives in avi (the normal ending and the u gunated before it) from u-stems; and certain doubtful traces of a corresponding ayi from i-stems. Half-a-dozen locatives in ī (regarded by the Vedic grammarians as pragṛhya or uncombinable: 138 d) are made from i-stems. The later language makes the neuter locative in ini and uni; but the former never occurs in the oldest texts, and the latter only very rarely.
g. The later grammar allows the dat., abl.-gen., and loc. fem. to be formed at will with the fuller fem. terminations of long-vowel stems, namely āi, ās (for which, in Brāhmaṇa etc., āi is substituted: 307 h), ām. Such forms are quite rare in the oldest language even from i-stems (less than 40 occurrences altogether in RV.; three times as many in AV.); and from u-stems they are almost unknown (five in RV. and AV.).
h. The voc. gunates the final of the stem, in masc. and fem., alike in the earlier and in the later language. In the neut., it is later allowed to be either of the same form or the unaltered stem; and this was probably the usage in the older time also; not instances enough quotable to determine the question (AV. has u once, and VS. o once).
b. The unvarying ending of instr.-dat.-abl., in all genders, is bhyām added to the unchanged stem.
c. The gen.-loc. of all ages add os to the stem in masc. and fem.; in the neut., the later language interposes, as elsewhere in the weakest cases, a n; probably in the earlier Vedic the form would be like that of the other genders; but the only occurrence noted is one unos in AV.
b. The accus. masc. ends in īn and ūn, for older īns and ūns, of which plain traces remain in the Veda in nearly half the instances of occurrence, and even not infrequently in the later language, in the guise of phonetic combination (208 ff.). The accus. fem. ends in īs and ūs. But both masc. and fem. forms in ias and uas are found sparingly in the Veda.
c. The instr. of all genders adds bhis to the stem.
d. The dat.-abl. of all genders adds bhyas (in V., almost never bhias) to the stem.
e. The gen. of all genders is made alike in īnām and ūnām (of which the ā is not seldom, in the Veda, to be resolved into aam). Stems with accented final in the later language may, and in the earlier always do, throw forward the accent upon the ending.
f. The loc. of all genders adds su (as ṣu: 180) to the stem-final.
g. The accent is in accordance with the general rules already laid down, and there are no irregularities calling for special notice.
| Singular: | |||
|---|---|---|---|
| N. | अग्निस् agnís | गतिस् gátis | वारि vā́ri |
| A. | अग्निम् agním | गतिम् gátim | वारि vā́ri |
| I. | अग्निना agnínā | गत्या gátyā | वारिणा vā́riṇā |
| D. | अग्नये agnáye | गतये, गत्यै gátaye, gátyāi | वारिणे vā́riṇe |
| Ab. G. | अग्नेस् agnés | गतेस्, गत्यास् gátes, gátyās | वारिणस् vā́riṇas |
| L. | अग्नौ agnāú | गतौ, गत्याम् gátāu, gátyām | वारिणि vā́riṇi |
| V. | अग्ने ágne | गते gáte | वारि, वारे vā́ri, vā́re |
| Dual: | |||
| N. A. V. | अग्नी agnī́ | गती gátī | वारिणी vā́rīṇī |
| I. D. Ab. | अग्निभ्याम् agníbhyām | गतिभ्याम् gátibhyām | वारिभ्याम् vā́ribhyām |
| G. L. | अग्न्योस् agnyós | गत्योस् gátyos | वारिणोस् vā́riṇos |
| Plural: | |||
| N. V. | अग्नयस् agnáyas | गतयस् gátayas | वारीणि vā́riṇi |
| A. | अग्नीन् agnī́n | गतीस् gátīs | वारीणी vā́rīṇī |
| I. | अग्निभिस् agníbhis | गतिभिस् gátibhis | वारिभिस् vā́ribhis |
| D. Ab. | अग्निभ्यस् agníbhyas | गतिभ्यस् gátibhyas | वारिभ्यस् vā́ribhyas |
| G. | अग्नीनाम् agnīnā́m | गतीनाम् gátīnām | वारीणाम् vā́rīṇām |
| L. | अग्निषु agníṣu | गतिषु gátiṣu | वारिषु vā́riṣu |
a. Singular. Nom. agnís etc., as above.
b. Acc.: masc. agním, yayíam, ūrmíṇam (?); fem. and neut. as above.
c. Instr.: masc. agnínā, rayyā́ and ūrmiā́; fem. ácittī, ūtiā́, matyā́, suvṛktí, dhāsínā; neut. wanting.
d. Dat.: masc. agnáye; fem. tujáye, ūtī́, turyāí; neut. çúcaye.
e. Gen.-abl.: masc. agnés, ávyas, ariás; fem. ádites, hetyā́s and bhū́miās; neut. bhū́res.
f. Loc.: masc. agnāú, agnā́, ājáyi (?); fem. ā́gatāu, úditā, dhánasātayi (?), védī, bhū́myām; neut. apratā́, saptáraçmāu.
g. Voc.: as above (neut wanting).
h. Dual. Nom.-acc.-voc.: masc. hárī; fem. yuvatī́; neut. çúcī, máhi, háriṇī (?).
i. Instr.-dat.-abl.: as above.
j. Gen.-loc.: masc. hários; fem. yuvatyós and jāmiós; neut. wanting.
k. Plural. Nom.: masc. agnáyas; fem. matáyas, bhū́mīs; neut. çúcī, bhū́ri, bhū́rīṇi.
l. Accus.: masc. agnī́n; fem. kṣitī́s, çúcayas (?).
m. Instr., dat.-abl, and loc., as above.
n. Gen.: masc. fem. kavīnā́m, ṛ́ṣīṇaam etc. (neut. wanting).
| Singular: | |||
|---|---|---|---|
| N. | शत्रुस् çátrus | धेनुस् dhenús | मधु mádhu |
| A. | शत्रुम् çátrum | धेनुम् dhenúm | मधु mádhu |
| I. | शत्रुणा çátruṇā | धेन्वा dhenvā́ | मधुना mádhunā |
| D. | शत्रवे çátrave | धेनवे, धेन्वै dhenáve, dhenvāí | मधुने mádhune |
| Ab. G. | शत्रोस् çátros | धेनोस्, धेन्वास् dhenós, dhenvā́s | मधुनस् mádhunas |
| L. | शत्रौ çátrāu | धेनौ, धेन्वाम् dhenāú, dhenvā́m | मधुनि mádhuni |
| V. | शत्रो çátro | धेनो dhéno | मधु, मधो mádhu, mádho |
| Dual: | |||
|---|---|---|---|
| N. A. V. | शत्रू çátrū | धेनू dhenū́ | मधुनी mádhunī |
| I. D. Ab. | शत्रुभ्याम् çátrubhyām | धेनुभ्याम् dhenúbhyām | मधुभ्याम् mádhubhyām |
| G. L. | शत्र्वोस् çátrvos | धेन्वोस् dhenvós | मधुनोस् mádhunos |
| Plural: | |||
| N. V. | शत्रवस् çátravas | धेनवस् dhenávas | मधूनि mádhūni |
| A. | शत्रून् çátrūn | धेनूस् dhenū́s | मधूनि mádhūni |
| I. | शत्रुभिस् çátrubhis | धेनुभिस् dhenúbhis | मधुभिस् mádhubhis |
| D. Ab. | शत्रुभ्यस् çátrubhyas | धेनुभ्यस् dhenúbhyas | मधुभ्यस् mádhubhyas |
| G. | शत्रूणाम् çátrūṇām | धेनूनाभ् dhenūnā́m | मधूनाभ् mádhūnām |
| L. | शत्रुषु çátruṣu | धेनुषु dhenúṣu | मधुषु mádhuṣu |
a. Singular. Nom.: masc. and fem. as above; neut. urú, urū́.
b. Accus.: masc. ketúm, ábhīruam, sucetúnam (?); fem. dhenúm.
c. Instr.: masc. ketúnā, paçvā́ and krátuā; fem. ádhenuā and panvā́, āçuyā́; neut. mádhunā, mádhvā.
d. Dat.: masc. ketáve, çíçve; fem. çárave, íṣvāi; neut. páçve (?), uráve, mádhune.
e. Abl.-gen.: masc. manyós, pitvás, cā́ruṇas; fem. síndhos, íṣvās; neut. mádhvas and mádhuas, mádhos, mádhunas.
f. Loc.: masc. pūrāú, sūnávi; fem. síndhāu, rájjvām; neut. sā́nāu, sā́navi, sā́no, sā́nuni.
g. Voc.: as above.
h. Dual. Nom.-acc.-voc.: masc. and fem. as above; neut. urvī́, jā́nunī.
i. Instr.-dat.-abl.: as above.
j. Gen.-loc.: as above (but vos or uos).
k. Plural. Nom.: masc. ṛbhávas, mádhuas and mádhvas; fem. dhenávas, çatakratvas; neut. purū́ṇi, purú, purū́.
l. Accus.: masc. ṛtū́n, paçvás; fem. íṣūs, mádhvas.
m. Instr., dat.-abl., and loc., as above; also gen. (but with the resolution ūnaam in part).
a. Sákhi m. friend has for the five strong cases a peculiarly strengthened base (vriddhied), namely sákhāy, which in the nom. sing. is reduced to sákhā (without ending), and in the other cases takes the normal endings. The instr. and dat. sing. have the normal endings simply, without inserted n or guṇa; the abl.-gen. sing. adds us; and the loc. sing. adds āu: the rest is like agní. Thus:
Sing. sákhā, sákhāyam, sákhyā, sákhye, sákhyus, sákhyāu, sákhe; Du. sákhāyāu, sákhibhyām, sákhyos; Pl. sákhāyas, sákhīn, etc. etc.
b. The Veda has usually sákhāyā du., and often resolves the y to i, in sákhiā, sákhius, etc. The compounds are usually declined like the simple word, unless (1315 b) sakha be substituted.
c. There is a corresponding fem., sakhī (declined like devī: 364); but the forms of sakhi are also sometimes found used with feminine value.
d. Páti m. is declined regularly in composition, and when it has the meaning lord, master; when uncompounded and when meaning husband, it is inflected like sákhi in the instr., dat., abl.-gen., and loc. sing., forming pátyā, pátye, pátyus, pátyāu. There are occasional instances of confusion of the two classes of forms.
e. For pati as the final member of a possessive compound is regularly and usually substituted patnī in the fem.: thus, jīvapatnī having a living husband; dāsapatnī having a barbarian for master.
f. Jáni f. wife has the gen. sing. jányus in the Veda.
g. Arí eager, greedy, hostile has in the Veda aryás in pl. nom. and accus., masc. and fem. Its accus. sing. is arím or aryám.
h. Ví bird has in RV. the nom. vés (beside vís). In the plural it accents víbhis, víbhyas, but vīnā́m.
i. The stems ákṣi eye, ásthi bone, dádhi curds, and sákthi thigh, are defective, their forms exchanging with and complementing forms from stems in án (akṣán etc.): see the stems in an, below (431).
j. The stem pathí road is used to make up part of the inflection of páthan: see below, 433.
k. Króṣṭu m. jackal lacks the strong cases, for which the corresponding forms of kroṣṭṛ́ are substituted.
in u). Their inflection is like that of nouns, and has been included in the rules given above. In those weak cases, however—namely, the dat., abl.-gen., and loc. sing., and the gen.-loc. dual—in which neuter nouns differ from masculines in the later language by an inserted n (we have seen above that this difference does not exist in the Veda), the neuter adjective is allowed to take either form. The stem is the same for masculine and neuter, and generally (and allowably always) for feminine also.
a. There are a few instances of a feminine noun in ī standing (sometimes with changed accent) beside a masculine in i: thus, krími m., krimī́ f.; sákhi (343 a) m., sakhī́ f.; dundubhí m., dundubhī f., dhúni m., dhunī f.; çakúni m., çakunī or -ni f. In the later language, especially, there is a very frequent interchange of i and ī as finals of the same stem. No adjective in i makes a regular feminine in ī.
b. With stems in u the case is quite different. While the feminine may, and in part does, end in u, like the masculine and neuter, a special feminine-stem is often made by lengthening the u to ū, or also by adding ī; and for some stems a feminine is formed in two of these three ways, or even in all the three: thus, kārū, -dipsū́, çundhyū́, cariṣṇū́, vacasyū́; -aṇvī, urvī́, gurvī, pūrvī́ (with a prolongation of u before r: compare 245 b), bahvī́, prabhvī́, raghvī́, sādhvī́, svādvī́;—pṛthú and pṛthvī́, vibhū́ and vibhvī́, mṛdú and mṛdvī́, laghu and laghvī, vásu and vásvī; babhrú and babhrū́, bībhatsú and bībhatsū́, bhīrú and bhīrū;—tanú and tanū́ and tanvī́, phalgú and phalgū́ and phalgvī, mádhu and madhū́ and mádhvī. There are also some feminine noun-stems in ū standing (usually with changed accent) beside masculines in u: thus, ágru m., agrū́ f.; kádru m., kadrū́ f.; gúggulu m., guggulū́ f.; jatu m., jatū́ f.; pṛ́dāku m., pṛdākū́ f.
a. Yet, in the Veda, a few words ending in a short radical u are declined as if this were suffixal: thus, ásmṛtadhru, suṣṭú; and the AV. has pṛtanājí (once). Roots in ū sometimes also shorten ū to u: thus, prabhú, vibhú, etc. (354); go (361 e) becomes gu in composition; and re perhaps becomes ri (361 e); while roots in ā sometimes apparently weaken ā to i (in -dhi from √dhā etc.: 1155).
a. But in such compounds a final i or u is sometimes lengthened to form a feminine stem: thus, suçroṇī, svayonī or -ni, -gātrayaṣṭī or -ṭi; vāmorū or -ru, durhaṇū or -ṇu, varatanū, mātṛbandhū; and RV. has áçiçvī from çíçu.
1. Root-words, or monosyllables having the aspect of such. Those in ā are so rare that it is hardly possible to make up a whole scheme of forms in actual use; those in ī and ū are more numerous, but still very few.
2. Compounds having such words, or other roots with long final vowels, as last member.
3. Polysyllabic words, of various origin and character, including in the Veda many which later are transferred to other declensions.
4. As an appendix to this class we may most conveniently describe the half-dozen stems, mostly of regular inflection, ending in diphthongs.
a. The first of these is rather arbitrarily extended from the four cases which actually occur; of the loc. sing. and gen.-loc. du., no Vedic examples from ā-stems are found.
| Singular: | |||
|---|---|---|---|
| N. | जास् jā́s | धीस् dhī́s | भूस् bhū́s |
| A. | जाम् jā́m | धियम् dhíyam | भुवम् bhúvam |
| I. | जा jā́ | धिया dhiyā́ | भुवा bhuvā́ |
| D. | जे jé | धिये, धियै dhiyé, dhiyāí | भुवे, भुवै bhuvé, bhuvāí |
| Ab. G. | जस् jás | धियस्, धियास् dhiyás, dhiyā́s | भुवस्, भुवास् bhuvás, bhuvā́s |
| L. | जि jí | धियि, धियाम् dhiyí, dhiyā́m | भुवि, भुवाम् bhuví, bhuvā́m |
| V. | जास् jā́s | धीस् dhī́s | भूस् bhū́s |
| Dual: | |||
|---|---|---|---|
| N. A. V. | जौ jāú | धियौ dhíyāu | भुवौ bhúvāu |
| I. D. Ab. | जाभ्याम् jā́bhyām | धीभ्याम् dhībhyā́m | भूभ्याम् bhūbhyā́m |
| G. L. | जोस् jós | धियोस् dhiyós | भुवोस् bhuvós |
| Plural: | |||
| N. V. | जास् jā́s | धियस् dhíyas | भुवस् bhúvas |
| A. | जास् (जस्?) jā́s, jás | धियस् dhíyas | भुवस् bhúvas |
| I. | जाभिस् jā́bhis | धीभिस् dhībhís | भूभिस् bhūbhís |
| D. Ab. | जाभ्यस् jā́bhyas | धीभ्यस् dhībhyás | भूभ्यस् bhūbhyás |
| G. | जाणाम् (जाम्?) jā́ṇām, jā́m | धियाभ्, धीनाम् dhiyā́m, dhīnā́m | भुवाभ्, भूनाभ् bhuvā́m, bhūnā́m |
| L. | जासु jā́su | धीषु dhīṣú | भूषु bhūṣú |
| Masc. and fem. Singular: | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| N. V. | -dhī́s | -bhū́s | ||
| A. | -dhíyam | -dhyàm | -bhúvam | -bhvàm |
| I. | -dhíyā | -dhyā̀ | -bhúvā | -bhvā̀ |
| D. | -dhíye | -dhyè | -bhúve | -bhvè |
| Ab. G. | -dhíyas | -dhyàs | -bhúvas | -bhvàs |
| L. | -dhíyi | -dhyì | -bhúvi | -bhvì |
| Dual: | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| N. A. V. | -dhíyāu | -dhyaù | -bhúvāu | -bhvāù |
| I. D. Ab. | -dhī́bhyām | -bhū́bhyām | ||
| G. L. | -dhíyos | -dhyòs | -bhúvos | -bhvòs |
| Plural: | ||||
| N. A. V. | -dhíyas | -dhyàs | -bhúvas | -bhvàs |
| I. | -dhī́bhis | -bhū́bhis | ||
| D. Ab. | -dhī́bhyas | -bhū́bhyas | ||
| G. | -dhíyām -dhī́nām | -dhyā̀m | -bhúvām -bhū́nām | -bhvā̀m |
| L. | -dhī́ṣu | -bhū́ṣu | ||
a. As to the admissibility of the fuller endings āi, ās, and ām in the singular (feminine), grammatical authorities are somewhat at variance; but they are never found in the Veda, and have been omitted from the above scheme as probably unreal.
b. If two consonants precede the final ī or ū, the dissyllabic forms, with iy and uv, are regularly written; after one consonant, the usage is varying. The grammarians prescribe iy and uv when the monosyllabic stem has more the character of a noun, and y and v when it is more purely a verbal root with participial value. No such distinction, however, is to be seen in the Veda—where, moreover, the difference of the two forms is only graphic, since the yā- and vā-forms and the rest are always to be read as dissyllabic: iā or īā and uā or ūā, and so on.
c. As to neuter stems for such adjectives, see 367.
a. Of the ā-stems, the forms in ās, ām, ā (du.) are sometimes to be read as dissyllables, aas, aam, aa. The dative of the stem used as infinitive is āí (as if ā́+e): thus, prakhyāí, pratimāí, parādāí.
b. Irregular transfer of the accent to the ending in compopunds is seen in a case or two: thus, avadhyabhiyā́ (RV.), ādhiā́ (AV.).
a. Thus, compound stems in -ga, -ja, -da, -stha, -bhu, and others, are found even in the Veda, and become frequent later (being made from all, or nearly all, the roots in ā); and sporadic cases from yet others occur: for example, çṛtapā́n, vayodhāís and ratnadhébhis, dhanasāís (all RV.); and, from ī and ū compounds, veṣaçrís (TS.), áhrayas (RV.), gaṇaçríbhis (RV.), karmaṇís (ÇB), and ṛtaníbhyas (RV.) and senāníbhyas (VS.) and grímaṇíbhis (TB.), supúnā (AV.), çitíbhráve (TS.).
b. Still more numerous are the feminines in ā which have lost
their root-declension: examples are prajā́ (of which the further compounds in part have root-forms), svadhā́, çraddhā́, pratimā́, and others.
c. Thus, in the later language, a few feminines in ī are made from the stems in a shortened from ā: thus, gopī, goṣṭhī, pannagī, pan̄kajī, bhujagī, bhujaṁgī, surāpī.
a. Of stems in ā, masculines, half-a-dozen occur in the Veda: pánthā, mánthā, and ṛbhukṣā́ are otherwise viewed by the later grammar: see below, 433-4; uçánā (nom. pr.) has the anomalous nom. sing. uçánā (and loc. as well as dat. uçáne); mahā́ great is found only in accus. sing. and abundantly in composition; ā́tā frame has only ā́tāsu not derivable from ā́ta.
b. Of stems in ī, over seventy are found in the Veda, nearly all feminines, and all accented on the final. Half of the feminines are formed from masculines with change of accent: thus, kalyāṇī́ (m. kalyā́ṇa), puruṣī́ (m. púruṣa); others show no change of accent: thus, yamī́ (m. yamá); others still have no corresponding masculines: thus, nadī́, lakṣmī́, sūrmī́. The masculines are about ten in number: for example, rathī́, prāvī́, starī́, ahī́, āpathī́.
c. Of stems in ū, the number is smaller: these, too, are nearly all feminines, and all accented on the final. The majority of them are the feminine adjectives in ū́ to masculines in ú or u (above, 344b): thus, caraṇyū́, cariṣṇū́, jighatsū́, madhū́. A few are nouns in ū́, with change of accent: thus, agrū́ (ágru), pṛdākū́ (pṛ́dāku), çvaçrū́ (çváçura); or without change, as nṛtū́. And a few have no corresponding masculines: thus, tanū́, vadhū́, camū́. The masculines are only two ore three: namely, prāçū́, kṛkadāçū́, makṣū́ (?); and their forms are of the utmost rarity.
a. No one of the selected examples occurs in all the forms; forms for which no example at all is quotable are put in brackets. No loc. sing. from any ī-stem occurs, to determine what the form would be. The stem nadī́ is selected as an example partly in order to emphasize the difference between the earlier language and the later in regard to the words of this division: nadī́ is later the model of derivative inflection.
| Singular: | |||
|---|---|---|---|
| N. | rathī́s | nadī́s | tanū́s |
| A. | rathíam | nadíam | tanúam |
| I. | rathíā | nadíā | tanúā |
| D. | rathíe | nadíe | tanúe |
| Ab. G. | rathías | nadías | tanúas |
| L. | ..... | ..... | tanúi |
| V. | ráthi (?) | nádi | tánu |
| Dual: | |||
| N. A. V. | rathíā | nadíā | tanúā |
| I. D. Ab. | [rathī́bhyām] | nadī́bhyām | [tanū́bhyām] |
| G. L. | [rathíos] | nadíos | tanúos |
| Plural: | |||
| N. A. | rathías | nadías | tanúas |
| I. | [rathī́bhis] | nadī́bhis | tanū́bhis |
| D. Ab. | [rathī́bhyas] | nadī́bhyas | tanū́bhyas |
| G. | rathī́nām | nadī́nām | tanū́nām |
| L. | [rathī́ṣu] | nadī́ṣu | tanū́ṣu |
b. The cases — nadíam, tanúam, etc — are written above according to their true phonetic form, almost invariably belonging to them in the Veda; in the written text, of course, the stem-final is made a semi-vowel, and the resulting syllable is circumflexed: thus, nadyàm, tanvàm, etc.; only, as usual, after two consonants the resolved forms iy and uv are written instead; and also where the combination yv would otherwise result: thus, cakríyā, [agrúvāi,] and mitrāyúvas. The RV. really reads staryàm etc. twice, and tanvàs etc. four times; and such contractions are more often made in the AV. The ending ā of the nom.-acc.-voc. du. is the equivalent of the later āu. The nom. sing. in s from ī-stems is found in the older language about sixty times, from over thirty stems.
a. stems in āu: nāú and glāú;
b. stems in āi: rāí;
c. stems in o: gó and dyó (or dyú, dív).
b. The stem rāí f. (or m.) wealth might be better described as rā with a union-consonant y (258) interposed before vowel endings, and is regularly inflected as such, with normal endings and monosyllabic accent. Thus: rā́s, rā́yam, rāyā́, rāyé, rāyás, rāyí; rā́yāu, rābhyā́m, rāyós; rā́yas, rāyás, rābhís, rābhyás, rāyā́m, rāsú. But in the Veda the accus. pl. is either rāyás or rā́yas; for accus. sing. and pl. are also used the briefer forms rām (RV. once: rā́yam does not occur in V.) and rā́s (SV., once); and the gen.-sing. is sometimes anomalously accented rā́yas.
c. The stem gó m. or f. bull or cow is much more irregular. In the strong cases, except accus. sing., it is strengthened to gāú, forming (like naú) gāús, gā́vāu, gā́vas. In accus. sing. and pl. it has (like rāí) the brief forms gā́m and gā́s. The abl.-gen. sing. is gós (as if from gu). The rest is regularly made from go, with the normal endings, but with accent always remaining irregularly upon the stem: thus, gávā, gáve, gávi, gávos, gávām; góbhyām, góbhis, góbhyas, góṣu. In the Veda, another form of the gen. pl. is gónam; the nom. etc. du. is (as in all other such cases) also gā́vā; and gā́m, gós, and gā́s are not infrequently to be pronounced as dissyllables. As acc. pl. is found a few times gāvas.
d. The stem dyó f. (but in V. usually m.) sky, day is yet more anomalous, having beside it a simpler stem dyu, which becomes div before a vowel-ending. The native grammarians treat the two as
independent words, but it is more convenient to put them together. The stem dyó is inflected precisely like gó, as above described. The complete declension is as follows (with forms not actually met with in use bracketed):
| Singular. | Dual. | Plural. | |
|---|---|---|---|
| N. | dyāús | [dívāu] dyā́vāu | dívas dyā́vas |
| A. | dívam dyā́m | divás, dyū́n [dyā́s] | |
| I. | divā́ [dyávā] | [dyúbhyām dyóbhyām] | dyúbhis [dyóbhis] |
| D. | divé dyáve | [dyúbhyas dyóbhyas] | |
| Ab. | divás dyós | ||
| G. | divás dyós | [divós dyávos] | [divā́m dyávām] |
| L. | diví dyávi | dyúṣu [dyóṣu] |
e. The dat. sing. dyáve is not found in the early language. Both dívas and divás occur as accus. pl. in V. As nom. etc. du., dyā́vā is, as usual, the regular Vedic form: once occurs dyávī (du.), as if a neuter form; and dyāús is found once used as ablative. The cases dyāus, dyām and dyūn (once) are read in V. sometimes as dissyllables; and the first as accented vocative then becomes dyāùs (i.e. díāus: see 314).
f. Adjective compounds having a diphthongal stem as final member are not numerous, and tend to shorten the diphthong to a vowel. Thus, from nāu we have bhinnanu; from go, several words like águ, saptágu, sugu, bor hugú (f. gū́ JB.); and, correspondingly, rāi seems to be reduced to ri in bṛhádraye and ṛdhádrayas (RV.). In derivation, go maintains its full form in gotra, agótā, -gava (f. -gavī), etc.; as first member of a compound, it is variously treated: thus, gávāçir, gáviṣṭi (but gaāçir, gaīṣṭi K.), etc.; goaçvá or go‘çva, góṛjīka, góopaça, etc. In certain compounds, also, dyu or dyo takes an anomalous form: thus, dyāurdā (K.), dyāurloká (ÇB.), dyāúsaṁçita (AV.). In revánt (unless this is for rayivant) rāi becomes re. RV. has ádhrigāvas from ádhrigu (of questionable import); and AV. has ghṛtastā́vas, apparently accus. pl. of ghṛtastú or -stó.
1. a. The great mass of derivative feminine ā-stems, substantive and adjective.
b. The inflection of these stems has maintained itself with little change through the whole history of the language, being almost precisely the same in the Vedas as later.
2. c. The great mass of derivative feminine ī-stems.
d. This class is without exception in the later language. In the earlier, it suffers the exception pointed out above (355 b): that feminines made with change of accent follow this mode of declension only when the accent is not on the ī́: thus, táviṣī, páruṣṇī, páliknī, róhiṇī.
e. The ī-stems of this division in general are regarded as made by contraction of an earlier ending in yā. Their inflection has become in the later language somewhat mixed with that of the other division, and so far different from the Vedic inflection: see below, 363 g.
f. Very few derivative stems in ī are recognized by the grammarians as declined like the root-division; the Vedic words of that class are, if retained in use, transferred to this mode of inflection.
g. A very small number of masculine ī-stems (half-a-dozen) are in the Veda declined as of the derivative division: they are a few rare proper names, mā́talī etc.; and rā́ṣṭrī and sirī́ (only one case each).
3. h. The ū-stems are few in number, and are transfers from the other division, assimilated in inflection to the great class of derivative ī-stems (except that they retain the ending s of the nom. sing.).
a. In nom. sing. the usually s-ending is wanting: except in the ū-stems and a very few ī-stems — namely, lakṣmī, tarī, tantrī, tandrī — which have preserved the ending of the other division.
b. The accus. sing. and pl. add simply m and s respectively.
c. The dat., abl.-gen., and loc. sing. take always the fuller endings āi, ās, ām; and these are separated from the final of the ā-stems by an interposed y. In Brāhmaṇa etc., āi is generally substituted for ās (307 h).
d. Before the endings ā of instr. sing. and os of gen.-loc. du., the final of ā-stems is treated as if changed to e; but in the Veda, the instr. ending ā very often (in nearly half the occurrences) blends with the final to ā. The yā of ī-stems is in a few Vedic examples contracted to ī, and even to i. A loc. sing. in ī occurs a few times.
e. In all the weakest cases above mentioned, the accent of an ī- or ū-stem having acute final is thrown forward upon the ending. In the remaining case of the same class, the gen. pl., a n is always interposed between stems and ending, and the accent remains upon the former (in RV., however, it is usually thrown forward upon the ending, as in i and u-stems).
f. In voc. sing., final ā becomes e; final ī and ū are shortened.
g. In nom.-acc.-voc. du. and nom. pl. appears in ī (and ū)-stems a marked difference between the earlier and later language, the latter borrowing the forms of the other division. The du. ending āu is unknown in RV., and very rare in AV.; the Vedic ending is ī (a corresponding dual of ū-stems does not occur). The regular later pl. ending as has only a
doubtful example or two in RV., and a very small number in AV.; the case there (and it is one of very frequent occurrence) adds s simply; and though yas-forms occur in the Brāhmaṇas, along with īs-forms, both are used rather indifferently as nom. and accus. (as, indeed, they sometimes interchange also in the epics). Of ā-stems, the du. nom. etc. ends in e, both earlier and later; in pl., of course, s-forms are indistinguishable from as-forms. The RV. has a few examples of āsas for ās.
h. The remaining cases call for no remark.
| Singular: | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| N. | सेना sénā | कन्या kanyā̀ | देवी devī́ | वधूस् vadhū́s |
| A. | सेनाम् sénām | कन्याम् kanyā̀m | देवीम् devī́m | वधूम् vadhū́m |
| I. | सेनया sénayā | कन्यया kanyàyā | देव्या devyā́ | वध्वा vadhvā́ |
| D. | सेनायै sénāyāi | कन्यायै kanyā̀yāi | देव्यै devyāí | वध्वै vadhvāí |
| Ab. G. | सेनायास् sénāyās | कन्यायास् kanyā̀yās | देव्यास् devyā́s | वध्वास् vadhvā́s |
| L. | सेनायाम् sénāyām | कन्यायाम् kanyā̀yām | देव्याम् devyā́m | वध्वाम् vadhvā́m |
| V. | सेने séne | कन्ये kánye | देवि dévi | वधु vádhuv |
| Dual: | ||||
| N. A. V. | सेने séne | कन्ये kanyè | देव्यौ devyāú | वध्वौ vadhvāù |
| I. D. Ab. | सेनाभ्याम् sénābhyām | कन्याभ्याम् kanyā̀bhyām | देवीभ्याम् devī́bhyām | वधूभ्याम् vadhū́bhyām |
| G. L. | सेनयोस् sénayos | कन्ययोस् kanyàyos | देव्योस् devyós | वध्वोस् vadhvós |
| Plural: | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| N. V. | सेनास् sénās | कन्यास् kanyā̀s | देव्यास् devyàs | वध्वास् vadhvàs |
| A. | सेनास् sénās | कन्यास् kanyā̀s | देवीस् devī́s | वधूस् vadhū́s |
| I. | सेनाभिस् sénābhis | कन्याभिस् kanyā̀bhis | देवीभिस् devī́bhis | वधूभिस् vadhū́bhis |
| D. Ab. | सेनाभ्यस् sénābhyas | कन्याभ्यस् kanyā̀bhyas | देवीभ्यस् devī́bhyas | वधूभ्यस् vadhū́bhyas |
| G. | सेनानाम् sénānām | कन्यानाम् kanyā̀nām | देवीनाम् devī́nām | वधूनाम् vadhū́nām |
| L. | सेनासु sénāsu | कन्यासु kanyā̀su | देवीषु devī́ṣu | वधूषु vadhū́ṣu |
a. In the Veda vadhū́ is a stem belonging to the other division (like tanū́, above, 356).
a. ā-stems: instr. sing. manīṣā́ (this simpler form is especially common from stems in tā and iā); nom. pl. vaçā́sas (about twenty examples); accus. pl. araṁgamā́sas (a case or two). Half the bhyas-cases are to be read as bhias; the ām of gen. pl. is a few times to be resolved into aam; and the ā and ām of nom. accus. sing. are, very rarely, to be treated in the same manner.
b. ī-stems: instr. sing. çámī, çámi; loc. gaurī́; nom. etc. du. devī́; nom. pl. devī́s; gen. pl. bahvīnā́m. The final of the stem is to be read as a vowel (not y) frequently, but not in the majority of instances: thus, deviā́, deviā́s, deviā́m, ródasios.
c. The sporadic instances of transfer between this division and the preceding have been already sufficiently noticed.
d. Of the regular substitution made in the Brāhmaṇa language (307 g, 336 g, 363 c) of the dat. sing. ending ai for the gen.-abl. ending ās, in all classes of words admitting the latter ending, a few examples may be given here: abhibhūtyāi rūpam (AB.) a sign of overpowering; triṣṭubhaç ca jagatyāi ca (AB.) of the metres triṣṭubh and jagati; vāco dāivyāi ca mānuṣyāi ca (AA.) of speech, both divine and human; striyāi payaḥ (AB.) woman's milk; dhenvāí vā́ etád rétaḥ (TB.) that, forsooth, is the seed of the cow; jīrṇāyāi tvacaḥ (KB.) of dead skin; jyāyasī yājyāyāi (AB.) superior to the yājyā; asyāi divo ‘smād antarikṣāt (ÇÇS.) from this heaven, from this atmosphere. The same substitution is made once in the AV.: thus, svápantv asyāi jñātáyaḥ let her relatives sleep.
b. Such neuter forms are very rare, and in the older language almost unknown. Of neuters from ī-stems have been noted in the Veda only hariçríyam, acc. sing. (a masc. form), and suādhías, gen. sing. (same as mac. and fem.); from ū-stems, only a few examples, and from stem-forms which might be masc. and fem. also: thus, vibhú, subhú, etc. (nom.-acc. sing.: compare 354); supúā and mayobhúvā, instr. sing.; and mayobhú, acc. pl. (compare purú: 342 k); from ā-stems occur only half-a-dozen examples of a nom. sing. in ās, like the masc. and fem. form.
c. Compounds having nouns of the second division as final member are common only from derivatives in ā; and these shorten the final to a in both masculine and neuter: thus, from a not and prajā progeny come the masc. and neut. stem apraja, fem. aprajā childless. Such compounds with nouns in ī and ū are said to be inflected in masc. and fem. like the simple words (only with īn and ūn in acc. pl. masc.); but the examples given by the grammarians are fictitious.
d. Stems with shortened final are occasionally met with: thus, ekapatni, āttalakṣmi; and such adverbs (neut. sing. accus.) as upabhāimi, abhyujjayini. The stem strī is directed to be shortened to stri for all genders.
| Singular: | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| m. | n. | f. | f. | |
| N. | पापस् pāpás | पापम् pāpám | पापा pāpā́ | पापी pāpī́ |
| A. | पापम् pāpám | पापम् pāpā́m | पापीम् pāpī́m | |
| I. | पापेन pāpéna | पापया pāpáyā | पाप्या pāpyā́ | |
| D. | पापाय pāpā́ya | पापायै pāpā́yāi | पाप्यै pāpyāí | |
| Ab. | पापात् pāpā́t | पापायास् pāpā́yās | पाप्यास् pāpyā́s | |
| G. | पापत्य pāpásya | पापायास् pāpā́yās | पाप्यास् pāpyā́s | |
| L. | पापे pāpé | पापायाम् pāpā́yām | पाप्याम् pāpyā́m | |
| V. | पाप pā́pa | पापे pā́pe | पापि pā́pi | |
| Dual: | ||||
| N. A. V. | पापौ pāpāú | पापे pāpé | पापे pāpé | पाप्यौ pāpyāù |
| I. D. Ab. | पापाभ्याम् pāpā́bhyām | पापाभ्याम् pāpā́bhyām | पापीभ्याम् pāpī́bhyām | |
| G. L. | पापयोस् pāpáyos | पापयोस् pāpáyos | पाप्योस् pāpyós | |
| Plural: | ||||
| N. | पापास् pāpā́s | पापानि pāpā́ni | पापास् pāpā́s | पाप्यस् pāpyàs |
| A. | पापान् pāpā́n | पापानि pāpā́ni | पापास् pāpā́s | पापीस् pāpī́s |
| I. | पापैस् pāpāís | पापाभिस् pāpā́bhis | पापीभिस् pāpī́bhis | |
| D. Ab. | पापेभ्यस् pāpébhyas | पापाभ्यस् pāpā́bhyas | पापीभ्यस् pāpī́bhyas | |
| G. | पापानाम् pāpā́nām | पापानाम् pāpā́nām | णाणीनाम् pāpī́nām |
|---|---|---|---|
| L. | पापेषु pāpéṣu | पापासु pāpā́su | णाणीषु pāpī́ṣu |
a. But it includes also a few nouns of relationship not made with that suffix: namely devṛ́ m., svásṛ and nánāndṛ f.; and besides these, nṛ́ m., stṛ́ (in V.) m., usṛ́ (in V.) f., savyaṣṭhṛ m., and the feminine numerals tisṛ and catasṛ (for which, see 482 e, g). The feminines in tṛ are only mātṛ́, duhitṛ́, and yā́tṛ.
b. The inflection of these stems is quite closely analogous with that of stems in i and u (second declension); its peculiarity, as compared with them, consists mainly in the treatment of the stem itself, which has a double form, fuller in the strong cases, briefer in the weak ones.
a. The nom. sing. (masc. and fem.) ends always in ā (for original ars or ārs). The voc. sing. ends in ar.
b. The accus. sing. adds am to the (strengthened) stem; the accus. pl. has (like i- and u-stems) n as masc. ending and s as fem. ending, with the ṛ lengthened before them.
c. The abl.-gen. sing. changes ṛ to ur (or us: 169 b).
d. The gen. pl. (as in i and u-stems) inserts n before ām, and lengthens the stem-final before it. But the ṛ of nṛ́ may also remain short.
e. The above are the rules of the later language. The older presents certain deviations from them. Thus:
f. The ending in nom.-acc.-voc. du. is (as universally in the Veda) regularly ā instead of āu (only ten āu-forms in RV.).
g. The i of loc. sing. is lengthened to ī in a few words: thus, kartárī.
h. In the gen. pl., the RV. has once svásrām, without inserted n; and narā́m instead of nṛṇā́m is frequent.
i. Other irregularities of nṛ́ are the sing. dat. náre, gen. náras, and loc. nári. The Veda writes always nṛṇā́m in gen. pl., but its ṛ is in a majority of cases metrically long.
j. The stem usṛ́ f. dawn has the voc. sing. uṣar, the gen. sing. usrás; and the accus. pl. also usrás, and loc. sing. usrā́m (which is metrically trisyllable: usṛā́m), as if in analogy with ī and ū-stems. Once occurs usrí in loc. sing., but it is to be read as if the regular trisyllable form, uṣúri (for the exchange of s and ṣ, see 181 a).
k. From stṛ́ come only tā́ras (apparently) and stṛ́bhis.
l. In the gen.-loc. du., the r is almost always to be read as a separate syllable, ṛ, before the ending os: thus, pitṛós, etc. On the contrary, nánāndari is once to be read nánāndri.
m. For neuter forms, see below, 375.
| Singular: | |||
|---|---|---|---|
| N. | दाता dātā́ | स्वसा svásā | पिता pitā́ |
| A. | दातारम् dātā́ram | स्वसारम् svásāram | पितरम् pitáram |
| I. | दात्रा dātrā́ | स्वस्रा svásrā | पित्रा pitrā́ |
|---|---|---|---|
| D. | दात्रे dātré | स्वस्रे svásre | पित्रे pitré |
| Ab. G. | दातुर् dātúr | स्वसुर् svásur | पितुर् pitúr |
| L. | दातरि dātári | स्वसरि svásari | पितरि pitári |
| V. | दातर् dā́tar | स्वसर् svásar | पितर् pítar |
| Dual: | |||
| N. A. V. | दातारौ dātā́rāu | स्वसारौ svásārāu | पितरौ pitárāu |
| I. D. Ab. | दातृभ्याम् dātṛ́bhyām | स्वसृभ्याम् svásṛbhyām | पितृभ्याम् pitṛ́bhyām |
| G. L. | दात्रोस् dātrós | स्वस्रोस् svásros | पित्रोस् pitrós |
| Plural: | |||
| N. V. | दातारस् dātā́ras | स्वसारस् svásāras | पितरस् pitáras |
| A. | दातॄन् dātṝ́n | स्वसॄस् svásṝs | पितॄन् pitṝ́n |
| I. | दातृभिस् dātṛ́bhis | स्वसृभिस् svásṛbhis | पितृभिस् pitṛ́bhis |
| D. Ab. | दातृभ्यस् dātṛ́bhyas | स्वसृभ्यस् svásṛbhyas | पितृभ्यस् pitṛ́bhyas |
| G. | दातॄणाम् dātṝṇā́m | स्वसॄणाम् svásṝṇām | पितॄणाम् pitṝṇā́m |
| L. | दातृषु dātṛ́ṣu | स्वसृषु svásṛṣu | पितृषु pitṛ́ṣu |
a. The feminine stem मातृ mātṛ́, mother, is inflected precisely like पितृ pitṛ́, excepting that its accusative plural is मातॄस् mātṝ́s.
b. The peculiar Vedic forms have been sufficiently instanced above; the only ones of other than sporadic occurrence being the nom. etc. du. dātā́rā, svásārā, pitárā, and the gen. pl. of nṛ, narā́m.
c. The nom. pl. forms pitaras and mātaras etc. are found used also as accus. in the epics.
| Sing. | Du. | Plur. | |
|---|---|---|---|
| N. A. | dhātṛ́ | dhātṛ́ṇī | dhātṝ́́ṇi |
| I. | dhātṛ́ṇā | dhātṛ́bhyām | dhātṛ́bhis |
| G. | dhātṛ́ṇas | dhātṛ́ṇos | dhātṝṇā́m |
| V. | dhā́tṛ, dhā́tar | dhā́tṛṇī | dhā́tṝṇi |
a. The weakest cases, however (as of i- and u-stems used adjectively: 344), are allowed also to be formed like the corresponding masculine cases: thus, dhātrā́ etc.
b. No such neuter forms chance to occur in the Veda, but they begin to appear in the Brāhmaṇas, under influence of the common tendency (compare Germ. Retter, Retterin; Fr. menteur, menteuse) to give this nomen agentis a more adjective character, making it correspond in gender with the noun which it (appositively) qualifies. Thus, we have in TB. bhartṛ́ and janayitṛ́, qualifying antárikṣam; and bhartṝ́́ṇi and janayitṝ́́ṇi, qualifying nákṣatrāṇi; as, in M., grahītṝṇi, qualifying indriyāṇi.
c. When a feminine noun is to be qualified in like manner, the usual feminine derivative in ī is employed: thus, in TB., bhartryàs and bhartryāù, janayitryàs and janayitryāù, qualifying ā́pas and ahorātré; and such instances are not uncommon.
d. The RV. shows the same tendency very curiously once in the accus. pl. mātṝ́́n, instead of mātṝ́́s, in apposition with masculine nouns (RV. x. 35.2).
e. Other neuter forms in RV. are sthātúr gen. sing., dhmātárī loc. sing.; and for the nom. sing., instead of -tṛ, a few more or less doubtful cases, sthātar, sthātúr, dhartári.
b. Roots ending in ṛ (like those in i and u: 345) add a t to make a declinable stem, when occurring as final member of a compound
: thus, armakṛ́t (√kṛ), vajrabhṛ́t (√bhṛ), balihṛ́t (√hṛ). From some ṛ-roots, also, are made stems in ir and ur: see below, 383 a, b.
c. Nouns in ṛ as finals of adjective compounds are inflected in the same manner as when simple, in the masculine and feminine; in the neuter, they would doubtless have the peculiar neuter endings in nom.-acc.-voc. of all numbers.
d. But TS. has once tvátpitāras, nom. pl., having thee for father.
a. The majority of consonantal stems, however, are not inflected in the feminine, but form a special feminine derivative stem in ई ī (never in आ ā), by adding that ending to the weak form of the masculine.
b. Exceptions are in general the stems of divisions A and B — namely, the radical stems etc., and those in as and is and us. For special cases, see below.
a. The peculiar neuter forms, according to the usual rule (311 b), are made in the plural from the strong stem, in singular and dual from the weak — or, when the gradation is threefold, in singular from the middle stem, in dual from the weakest.
b. As in the case of stems ending in short vowels (āsyā̀ni, vā́rīṇi, mádhūni, dātṝ́ṇi, etc.), a nasal sometimes appears in the special neuter plural cases which is found nowhere else in inflection. Thus, from the stems in as, is, us, the nom.-acc.-voc. pl. in -āṅsi, -īṅṣi, -ūṅṣi are very common at every period. According to the grammarians, the radical stems etc. (division A) are treated in the same way; but examples of such neuters are of extreme rarity in the language; no Vedic text offers one, and in the Brāhmaṇas and Sūtras have been noted only -hunti (AB. vii. 2. 3), -vṛnti (PB. xvi. 2. 7 et al.), -bhāñji (KB. xxvii. 7), -bhṛ́nti (ÇB. viii. 1. 31), and -yuñji (LÇS. ii. 1. 8); while in the later language is found here and there a case, like -çrunti (Ragh.), -pūṅṣi (Çiç.); it may be questioned whether they are not later analogical formations.
a. By the general law as to finals (150), the s of the nom. sing, masc. and fem. is always lost; and irregularities of treatment of the final of the stem in this case are not infrequent.
b. The gen. and abl. sing. are never distinguished in form from one another — nor are, by ending, the nom. and accus. pl.: but these sometimes differ in stem-form, or in accent, or in both.
a. But a few of the compounds of the root añc or ac show an irregular shift of accent in the oldest language: see below, 410.
will be well to separate from the general mass of consonantal stems certain special classes which show kindred peculiarities of inflection, and may be best described together.
Thus:
B. Derivative stems in as, is, us;
C. Derivative stems in an (an, man, van);
D. Derivative stems in in (in, min, vin);
E. Derivative stems in ant (ant, mant, vant);
F. Perfect active participles in vāṅs;
G. Comparatives in yāṅs or yas.
b. There remain, then, to constitute division A, especially radical stems, or those identical in form with roots,
together with a comparatively small number of others which are inflected like these.
They will be taken up in the order thus indicated.
follows:
I. a. Root-stems, having in them no demonstrable element added to a root: thus, ṛ́c verse, gír song, pád foot, díç, direction, máh (V.) great.
b. Such stems, however, are not always precisely identical in form with the root: thus, vā́c from √vac, sráj from √sṛj, mū́ṣ from √muṣ, vríç from √vraçc (?), úṣ from √vas shine; — from roots in final ṛ come stems in ir and ur: thus, gír, ā-çír, stír; júr, túr, dhúr, púr, múr, stúr, sphúr; and psúr from √psar.
c. With these may be ranked the stems with reduplicated root, as cikít, yavīyúdh, vánīvan, sasyád.
d. Words of this division in uncompounded use are tolerably frequent in the older language: thus, in RV. are found more than a hundred of them; in AV., about sixty; but in the classical Sanskrit the power of using any root at will in this way is lost, and the examples are comparatively few. In all periods, however, the adjective use as final of a compound is very common (see below, 401).
e. As to the infinitive use of various cases of the root-noun, see 971.
II. f. Stems made by the addition of t to a final short vowel of a root.
g. No proper root-stem ends in a short vowel, although there are (354) examples of transfer of such to short-vowel-declensions; but i or u or ṛ adds a t to make a declinable form: thus, -jít, -çrút, -kṛ́t. Roots in ṛ, however, as has just been seen (b), also make stems in ir or ur.
h. As regards the frequency and use of these words, the same is true as was stated above respecting root-stems. The Veda offers examples of nearly thirty such formations, a few of them (mít, rít, stút, hrút, vṛ́t, and dyút if this is taken from dyu) in independent use. Of roots in ṛ, t is added by kṛ, dhṛ, dhvṛ, bhṛ, vṛ, sṛ, spṛ, hṛ, and hvṛ. The roots gā (or gam) and han also make -gát and -hát by addition of the t to an abbreviated form in a (thus, adhvagát, dyugát, dvigat, navagát, and saṁhát).
III. i. Monosyllabic (also a few apparently reduplicated) stems not certainly connectible with any verbal root in the language, but having the aspect of root-stems, as containing no traceable suffix:
thus, tvác skin, páth road, hṛ́d heart, áp and vā́r water, dvā́r door, ā́s mouth, kakúbh and kakúd, summit.
j. Thirty or forty such words are found in the older language, and some of them continue in later use, while others have been transferred to other modes of declension or have become extinct.
k. Stems more or less clearly derivative, but made with
suffixes of rare or even isolated occurrence. Thus:
1. derivatives (V.) from prepositions with the suffix vat: arvāvát, āvát, udvát, nivát, parāvát, pravát, saṁvát; — 2. derivatives (V.) in tāt (perhaps abbreviated from tāti), in a few isolated forms: thus, uparátāt, devátāt, vṛkátāt, satyátāt, sarvátāt; — 3. other derivatives in t preceded by various vowels: thus, daçát, vehát, vahát, sravát, saçcát, vāghát; nápāt; taḍít, divít, yoṣít, rohít, sarít, harít; marút; yákṛt, çákṛt; and the numerals for 30, 40, 50, triṅçát etc. (475); — 4. stems in ad: thus, dṛṣád, dhṛṣád, bhasád, vanád, çarád, samád; — 5. stems in j preceded by various vowels: thus, tṛṣṇáj, dhṛṣáj, sanáj, bhiṣáj; uçíj, vaṇíj, bhuríj, niṇíj (?); ásṛj; — 6. a few stems ending in a sibilant apparently formative: thus, jñā́s, -dās, bhā́s, mā́s, bhī́ṣ; — 7. a remnant of unclassifiable cases, such as viṣṭáp, vípāç, kápṛth, çurúdh, iṣídh, pṛkṣúdh, raghát (?), sarágh, visrúh, uṣṇíh, kaváṣ.
a. The independent neuter stems are hṛ́d (also -hārd), dám, vā́r, svàr, mā́s flesh, ā́s mouth, bhā́s, dós (with which may be mentioned the indeclinables çā́m and yós); also the apparent derivatives yákṛt, çákṛt, kápṛth, ásṛj.
1. Compounds having as final member the root ac or añc: see below. 407 ff.; and RV. has once uruvyáñcam from root vyac; — 2. The
stem yuj, sometimes, in the older language: thus, nom. sing. yúñ (for yúñk), accus. yúñjam, du. yúñjā (but also yújam and yújā); — 3. The stem -dṛç, as final of a compound in the older language; but only in the nom. sing, masc., and not always: thus, anyādṛ́n̄, īdṛ́n̄, kīdṛ́n̄, tādṛ́n̄, etādṛn, sadṛ́n̄ and pratisadṛ́n̄: but also īdṛ́k, tādṛ́k, svardṛ́k, etc.; — 4. For path and puṁs, which substitute more extended stems, and for dant, see below, 394–6.
1. Of the roots vac, sac, sap, nabt, ças, in a few instances (V.), at the end of compounds; — 2. Of the roots vah and sah, but irregularly; see below, 403–5; — 3. Of ap water (see 393); also in its compound rītyàp; — 4. Of pad, foot: in the compounds of this word, in the later language, the same lengthening is made in the middle cases also; and in RV. and AV. the nom. sing. neut. is both -pat and -pāt, while RV. has once -pāde, and -pādhbis and -pātsu occur in the Brāhmaṇas; — 5. Of nas nose (? nā́sā nom. du. fem. RV., once); — 6. Sporadic cases (V.) are: yāj (?), voc. sing.; pāthás and -rāpas, accus. pl.; vánīvānas, nom. pl. The strengthened forms bhāj and rāj are constant, through all classes of cases.
1. In -han: see below, 402; — 2. In kṣam (V.), along with prolongation of a: thus, kṣā́mā du., kṣā́mās pl.; kṣamā́ instr. sing., kṣámi loc. sing., kṣmás abl. sing.; — 3. In dvā́r, contracted (V.) to dur in weak cases (but with some confusion of the two classes); — 4. In svàr, which becomes, in RV., sūr in weak cases; later it is indeclinable.
a. Respecting their combination with the final of the stem, as well as the treatment of the latter when it occurs at the end of the word, the rules of euphonic combination (chap. III.) are to be consulted; they require much more constant and various application here than anywhere else in declension.
b. Attention may be called to a few exceptional cases of combination (V.): mādbhís and mādbhyás from mā́s month; the wholly anomalous paḍbhís (RV. and VS.: AV. has always padbhís) from pád; and saráṭ and saráḍbhyas corresponding to a nom. pl. sarághas (instead of saráhas: 222). Dán is apparently for dám, by 143 a.
c. According to the grammarians, neuter stems, unless they end in a nasal or a semivowel, take in nom.-acc.-voc. pl. a strengthening nasal before the final consonant. But no such cases from neuter noun-stems appear ever to have been met with in use; and as regards adjective stems ending in a root, see above, 379 b.
a. But the accusative plural has its normal accentuation as a weak case, upon the ending, in only a minority (hardly more than a third) of the stems: namely in datás, pathás, padás, nidás, apás, uṣás, jñāsás, puṁsás, māsás, mahás; and sometimes in vācás, srucás, hrutás, sridhás, kṣapás, vipás, durás, iṣás, dviṣás, druhás (beside vā́cas etc.).
b. Exceptional instances, in which a weak case has the tone on the stem, occur as follows: sádā, nádbhyas, tánā (also tanā́) and táne, bā́dhe (infln.), ráṇe and ráṅsu, váṅsu, sváni, vípas, kṣámi, sū́rā and sū́ras (but sūré), áṅhas, and vánas and bṛ́has (in vánaspáti, bṛ́haspáti). On the other hand, a strong case is accented on the ending in mahás, nom. pl., and kāsám (AV.: perhaps a false reading). And preṣā́, instr. sing., is accented as if préṣ were a simple stem, instead of pra-íṣ. Vimṛdháḥ is of doubtful character. For the sometimes anomalous accentuation of stems in ac or añc, see 410.
| Singular: | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| N. V. | वाक् vā́k | पात् pā́t | मरुत् marút | त्रिवृत् trivṛ́t |
| A. | वाचम् vā́cam | पादम् pā́dam | मरुतम् marútam | त्रिवृत् trivṛ́t |
| I. | वाचा vācā́ | पदा padā́ | मरुता marútā | त्रिवृता trivṛ́tā |
| D. | वाचे vācé | पदे padé | मरुते marúte | त्रिवृते trivṛ́te |
| Ab. G. | वाचस् vācás | पदस् padás | मरुतस् marútas | त्रिवृतस् trivṛ́tas |
| L. | वाचि vācí | पदि padí | मरुति marúti | त्रिवृति trivṛ́ti |
| Dual: | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| N. A. V. | वाचौ vā́cāu | पादौ pā́dāu | मरुतौ marútāu | त्रिवृती trivṛ́tī |
| I. D. Ab. | वाग्भ्याम् vāgbhyā́m | पद्भ्याम् padbhyā́m | मरुद्भ्याम् marudbhyām | त्रिवृद्भ्याम् trivṛ́dbhyām |
| G. L. | वाचोस् vācós | पदोस् padós | मरुतोस् marútos | त्रिवृतोस् trivṛ́tos |
| Plural: | ||||
| N. V. | वाचस् vā́cas | पादस् pā́das | मरुतस् marútas | त्रिवृन्ति trivṛ́nti |
| A. | वाचस् vācás, vā́cas | पदस् pádas | मरुतस् marútas | त्रिवृन्ति trivṛ́nti |
| I. | वाग्भिस् vāgbhís | पद्भिस् padbhís | मरुद्भिस् marúdbhis | त्रिवृद्भिस् trivṛ́dbhis |
| D. Ab. | वाग्भ्यस् vāgbhyás | पद्भ्यस् padbhyás | मरुद्भ्यस् marúdbhyas | त्रिवृद्भ्यस् trivṛ́dbhyas |
| G. | वाचाम् vācā́m | पदाम् padā́m | मरुताम् marútām | त्रिवृताम् trivṛ́tām |
| L. | वाक्षु vākṣú | पत्सु patsú | मरुत्सु marútsu | त्रवृत्सु trivṛ́tsu |
By way of illustration of the leading methods of treatment of a stem-final, at the end of the word and in combination with case-endings, characteristic case-forms of a few more stems are here added. Thus:
a. Stems in j: yuj-class (219 a, 142), bhiṣáj physician: bhiṣák, bhiṣájam, bhiṣágbhis, bhiṣákṣu; — mṛj-class (219 b, 142), samrā́j universal ruler: samrā́ṭ, samrā́jam, samrā́ḍbhis, samrā́ṭsu.
b. Stems in dh: -vṛ́dh increasing: -vṛ́t, -vṛ́dham, -vṛ́dbhis, -vṛ́tsu; -búdh (155) waking: -bhút, -búdham, -bhúdbhis, -bhútsu.
c. Stems ending in bh: -stúbh prasing: -stúp, -stúbham, -stúbbhis, -stúpsu.
d. Stems in ç: díç (218 a, 145) direction: dík, díçam, digbhís, dikṣú; — víç (218, 145) the people: víṭ, víçam, viḍbhís, viṭsú (V. vikṣú: 218 a).
e. Stems in ṣ (226 b, 145): dvíṣ enemy: dvíṭ, dvíṣam, dviḍbhís, dviṭsú.
f. Stems in h: duh-class (232-3 a, 155 b, 147), dúh milki
yielding: -dhúk, -dúham, -dhúgbhis, -dhúkṣu; — ruh-class (223 b, 147), -lih licking: -liṭ, -liham, -liḍbhis, -liṭsu.
g. Stems in m (143 a, 212 a: only praçā́n, nom. sing., quotable): -çām quieting: -çā́n, -çā́mam, -çā́nbhis, -çā́nsu.
a. Thus, from gír f. song come gī́r (gī́ḥ), gíram, girā́, etc.; gírāu, gīrbhyā́m, girós; gíras, gīrbhís, gīrbhyás, girā́m, gīrṣú (165); and, in like manner, from púr f. stronghold come pū́r (pū́ḥ), púram, purā́, etc.; púrāu, pūrbhyā́m, purós; púras, pūrbhís, pūrbhyás, purā́m, pūrṣú.
b. There are no roots in is (except the excessively rare pis) or in us; but from the root çās with its ā weakened to i (250) comes the noun āçís f. blessing, which is inflected like gír: thus, āçī́s (āçī́ḥ), āçíṣam, āçíṣā, etc.; āçíṣāu, āçī́rbhyām, āçíṣos; āçíṣas, āçī́rbhis, āçī́rbhyas, āçíṣām, āçī́ḥṣu. And sajū́s together is apparently a stereotyped nominative of like formation from the root juṣ. The form aṣṭā́prūṭ (TS.), from the root-stem pruṣ, is isolated and anomalous.
c. These stems in ir, ur, is show a like prolongation of vowel also in composition and derivation: thus, gīrvāṇa, pūrbhíd, dhūrgata, dhūstva, āçīrdā́, āçī́rvant, etc. (but also gírvan, gírvaṇas).
d. The native grammar sets up a class of quasi-radical stems like jigamis desiring to go, made from the desiderative conjugation-stem (1027), and prescribes for it a declension like that of āçís: thus, jigamīs, jigamiṣā, jigamīrbhis, jigamīḥṣu, etc. Such a class appears to be a mere figment of the grammarians, since no example of it has been found quotable from the literature, either earlier or later, and since there is, in fact, no more a desiderative stem jigamis than a causative stem gamay.
a. But RV. has the sing. instr. apā́ and gen. apás. In the earlier language (especially AV.), and even in the epics, the nom. and accus. pl. forms are occasionally confused in use, ā́pas being employed as accus., and apás as nominative.
b. Besides the stem ap, case-forms of this word are sometimes used in composition and derivation: thus, for example, abjā́, āpodevata, āpomáya, apsumant.
inflected perfect participles: see 462 a) púman in the later language, but púmas in the earlier. Thus: púmān, púmāṅsam, puṁsā́, puṁsé, puṁsás, puṁsí, púman; púmāṅsāu, pumbhyā́m, puṁsós; púmāṅsas, puṁsás, pumbhís, pumbhyás, puṁsā́m, puṁsú.
a. The accentuation of the weak forms, it will be noticed, is that of a true monosyllabic stem. The forms with bh-endings nowhere occur in the older language, nor do they appear to have been cited from the later. Instances of the confusion of strong and weak forms are occasionally met with. As to the retention of s unlingualized in the weakest cases (whence necessarily follows that in the loc. pl.), see 183 a.
b. This stem appears under a considerable variety of forms in composition and derivation: thus, as puṁs in puṁçcalī́, puṁstva, púṁsvant, -puṁska, etc; as pum in púṁvatsa, púṁrūpa, puṁvat, pumartha, etc.; as puṁsa in puṁsavant; — at the end of a compound, either with its full inflection, as in strīpúṁs etc.; or as puṁsa, in strīpuṁsa, mahāpuṁsa; or as puma in strīpuma (TS. TA.).
a. Thus, hṛ́d n. heart, mā́ṅs or mā́s n. meat, mā́s m. month, nás f. nose, niç f. night (not found in the older language), pṛ́t f. army, are said by the grammarians to lack the nom. of all numbers and the accus. sing. and du. (the neuters, of course, the acc. pl. also), making them respectively from hṛ́daya, māṅsá, mā́sa, nā́sikā, niçā, pṛ́tanā. But the usage in the older language is not entirely in accordance with this requirement: thus, we find mā́s flesh accus. sing.; mā́s month nom. sing.; and nā́sā nostrils du. From pṛ́t occurs only the loc. pl. pṛtsú and (RV., once) the same case with double ending, pṛtsúṣu.
a. Thus, ásṛj n. blood, çákṛt n. ordure, yákṛt n. liver, dós n. (also m.) fore-arm, have beside them defective stems in án: see below, 432. Of none of them, however, is anything but the nom.-acc. sing. found in the older language, and other cases later are but very scantily represented.
b. Of ā́s n. mouth, and úd water, only a case or two are found, in the older language, beside āsán and āsyà, and udán and údaka (432).
a. A few irregular stems will find a more proper place under the head of Adjectives.
a. About a dozen are quotable from the RV., for the most part only in a few scattering cases. But mah, great, is common in RV., though it dies out rapidly later. It makes a derivative feminine stem, mahī́, which continues in use, as meaning earth etc.
a. Possessive adjective compounds, also, of the same form, are not very rare: examples are yatásruc with offered bowl; sū́ryatvac sun-skinned; cátuṣpad four-footed; suhā́rd kind-hearted, friendly; rītyàp (i.e. rītí-ap) having streaming waters; sahásradvār furnished with a thousand doors.
b. The inflection of such compounds is like that of the simple root-stems, masculine and feminine being throughout the same, and the neuter varying only in the nom.-acc.-voc. of all numbers. But special neuter forms are of rare occurrence, and masc.-fem. are sometimes used instead.
c. Only rarely is a derivative feminine stem in ī formed: in the older language, only from the compounds with ac or añc (407 ff.), those with han (402), those with pad, as ékapadī, dvipádī, and with dant, as vṛ́ṣadatī, and mahī, ámucī (AV.), úpasadī (? ÇB).
Irregularities of inflection appear in the following:
| Singular. | Dual. | Plural. | |
|---|---|---|---|
| N. | vṛtrahā́ | vṛtraháṇāu | vṛtraháṇas |
| A. | vṛtraháṇam | vṛtraghnás | |
| I. | vṛtraghnā́ | vṛtrahábhyām | vṛtrahábhis |
| D. | vṛtraghné | vṛtrahábhyas | |
| Ab. | vṛtraghnás | ||
| G. | vṛtraghnós | vṛtraghnā́m | |
| L. | vṛtraghní, -háṇi | vṛtrahásu | |
| V. | vṛ́trahan | vṛ́trahaṇāu | vṛ́trahaṇas |
a. As to the change of n to ṇ, see 193, 195.
b. A feminine is made by adding ī to, as usual, the stem-form shown in the weakest cases: thus, vṛtraghnī́.
c. An accus. pl. -hánas (like the nom.) also occurs. Vṛtrahábhis (RV., once) is the only middle case-form quotable from the older language. Transitions to the a-declension begin already in the Veda: thus, to -há (RV. AV.), -ghná (RV.), -hana.
a. In the earlier language, only strong forms of compounds with vah have been found to occur: namely, -vā́ṭ, -vā́ham, -vā́hāu or -vā́hā, and -vā́has. But feminines in ī, from the weakest stem — as turyāuhī́, dityāuhī́, paṣṭhāuhī́ — are met with in the Brāhmaṇas. TS. has the irregular nom. sing. paṣṭhavā́t.
| Singular. | Dual. | Plural. | |
|---|---|---|---|
| N. | anaḍvā́n | anaḍvā́hāu | anaḍvā́has |
| A. | anaḍvā́ham | anaḍúhas | |
| I. | anaḍúhā | anaḍúdbhyām | anaḍúdbhis |
| D. | anaḍúhe | anaḍúdbhyas | |
| Ab. | anaḍúhas | ||
| G. | anaḍúhos | anaḍúhām | |
| L. | anaḍúhi | anaḍútsu | |
| V. | ánaḍvan | ánaḍvāhāu | ánaḍvāhas |
a. Anaḍúdbhyas (AV., once) is the only middle case-form quotable from the older language. But compounds showing the middle stem — as anaḍucchata, anaḍudarha — are met with in Brāhmaṇas etc.
b. The corresponding feminine stem (of very infrequent occurrence) is either anaḍuhī́ (ÇB.) or anaḍvāhī́ (K. MS.).
a. Its only quotable form is avayā́s f. (RV. and AV., each once). If the stem is a derivative from ava+√yaj conciliate, avayā́s is probably from ava + √yā, which has the same meaning. But sadhamā́s (RV., once) and purodā́s (RV., twice) show a similar apparent substitution in nom. sing. of the case-ending s after long ā for a final root-consonant (d and ç respectively). Compare also the alleged çvetavās (above, 403).
a. A part of these adjectives have only two stem-forms: a strong in añc (yielding an̄, from an̄ks, in nom. sing. masc.), and a weak in ac; others distinguish from the middle in ac a weakest stem in c, before which the a is contracted with a preceding i or u into ī or ū.
b. The feminine is made by adding ī to the stem-form used in the weakest cases, and is accented like them.
| Singular: | |||
|---|---|---|---|
| N. V. | prā́n̄ prā́k | pratyán̄ pratyák | víṣvan̄ víṣvak |
| A. | prā́ñcam prā́k | pratyáñcam pratyák | víṣvañcam víṣvak |
| I. | prā́cā | pratīcā́ | víṣūcā |
| D. | prā́ce | pratīcé | víṣūce |
| Ab. G. | prā́cas | pratīcás | víṣūcas |
| L. | prā́ci | pratīcí | víṣūci |
| Dual: | |||
| N. A. V. | prā́ñcāu prā́cī | pratyáñcāu pratīcī́ | víṣvañcāu víṣūcī |
| I. D. Ab. | prā́gbhyām | pratyágbhyām | víṣvagbhyām |
| G. L. | prā́cos | pratīcós | víṣūcos |
| Plural | |||
|---|---|---|---|
| N. V. | prā́ñcas prā́ñci | pratyáñcas pratyáñci | víṣvañcas víṣvañci |
| A. | prā́cas prā́ñci | pratīcás pratyáñci | víṣūcas víṣvañci |
| I. | prā́gbhis | pratyágbhis | víṣvagbhis |
| D. Ab. | prā́gbhyas | pratyágbhyas | víṣvagbhyas |
| G. | prā́cām | pratīcā́m | víṣūcām |
| L. | prā́kṣu | pratyákṣu | víṣvakṣu |
a. The feminine stems are prā́cī, practīcī́, víṣūcī, respectively.
b. No example of the middle forms excepting the nom. etc. sing. neut. (and this generally used as adverb) is found either in RV. or AV. In the same texts is lacking the nom. etc. pl. neut. in ñci; but of this a number of examples occur in the Brāhmaṇas: thus, prā́ñci, pratyáñci, arvāñci, samyáñci, sadhryañci, anvañci.
b. Like pratyáñc are inflected nyàñc (i.e. níañc), samyáñc (sam+añc, with irregularly inserted i), and údañc (weakest stem údīc: ud+añc, with i inserted in weakest cases only), with a few other rare stems.
c. Like víṣvañc is inflected anváñc, also three or four others of which only isolated forms occur.
d. Still more irregular is tiryáñc, of which the weakest stem is tiráçc (tirás+ac: the other stems are made from tir+añc or ac, with the inserted i).
with तस् tas and नस् nas, and some are obscure); the others are few, and almost all made with the suffixes इस् is and उस् us.
| Singular: | |||
|---|---|---|---|
| N. | मनस् mánas | अङ्गिरास् án̄girās | हविस् havís |
| A. | मनस् mánas | अङ्गिरसम् án̄girasam | हविस् havís |
| I. | मनसा mánasā | अङ्गिरसा án̄girasā | हविषा havíṣā |
| D. | मनसे mánase | अङ्गिरसे án̄girase | हविषे havíṣe |
| Ab. G. | मनसस् mánasas | अङ्गिरसस् án̄girasas | हविषस् havíṣas |
| L. | मनसि mánasi | अङ्गिरसि án̄girasi | हविषि havíṣi |
| V. | मनस् mánas | अङ्गिरस् án̄giras | हविस् havís |
| Dual: | |||
| N. A. V. | मनसी mánasī | अङ्गिरसौ án̄girasāu | हविषी havíṣī |
| I. D. Ab. | मनोभ्याम् mánobhyām | अङ्गिरोभ्याम् án̄girobhyām | हविर्भ्याम् havírbhyām |
| G. L. | मनसोस् mánasos | अङ्गिरसोस् án̄girasos | हविषोस् havíṣos |
| Plural: | |||
|---|---|---|---|
| N. A. V. | मनांसि mánāṅsi | अङ्गिरसस् án̄girasas | हवींषि havī́ṅṣi |
| I. | मनोभिस् mánobhis | अङ्गिरोभिस् án̄girobhis | हविर्भिस् havírbhis |
| D. Ab. | मनोभ्यस् mánobhyas | अङ्गिरोभ्यस् án̄girobhyas | हविर्भ्यस् havírbhyas |
| G. | मनसाम् mánasām | अङ्गिरसाम् án̄girasām | हविषाम् havíṣām |
| L. | मनःसु mánaḥsu | अङ्गिरःसु án̄giraḥsu | हवीःषु havī́ḥṣu |
In like manner, चक्षुस् cákṣus n. eye forms चक्षुषा cákṣuṣā, चक्षुर्म्याम् cákṣurbhyām, चक्षूंषि cakṣūṅṣui, and so on.
b. More scattering irregularities may be mentioned, as follows: 1. The usual masc. and fem. du. ending in ā instead of āu; — 2. uṣás f. dawn often prolongs its a in the other strong cases, as in the nom. sing.: thus, uṣā́sam, uṣā́sā, uṣā́sas (and once in a weak case, uṣā́sas); and in its instr. pl. occurs once (RV.) uṣádbhis instead of uṣóbhis; — 3. from toçás is once (RV.) found a similar dual, toçā́sā; — 4. from svávas and svátavas occur in RV. a nom. sing. masc. in vān, as if from a stem in vant; and in the Brāhmaṇas is found the dat.-abl. pl. of like formation svátavadbhyas.
c. The stems in is and us also show transitions to stems in i and u, and in iṣa and uṣa. From janús is once (RV.) made the nom. sing, janū́s, after the manner of an as-stem (cf. also janūrvā́sas ÇB.).
a. As to forms from as-stems to áhan or áhar and ū́dhan or ū́dhar, see below, 430.
b. Original adjectives in is do not occur (as to alleged desiderative adjectives in is, see 392 d). But in us are found as many adjectives as nouns (about ten of each class); and in several instances adjective and noun stand side by side, without difference of accent such as appears in the stems in as: e.g. tápus heat and hot; vápus wonder and wonderful.
| Singular. | Dual. | Plural. | |||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| m. | f. | n. | m. | f. | n. | m. | f. | n. | |
| N. | sumánās | -nas | sumánasāu | -nasī | sumánasas | -nāṅsi | |||
| A. | sumánasam | -nas | |||||||
and the other cases (save the vocative) are alike in all genders.
a. In Veda and Brāhmaṇa, the neut. nom. sing. is in a considerable number of instances made in ās, like the other genders.
b. From dīrghā́yus, in like manner:
| Singular. | Dual. | Plural. | |||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| m. | f. | n. | m. | f. | n. | m. | f. | n. | |
| N. | dīrghā́yus | dīrghā́yuṣāu | -yuṣī | dīrghā́yuṣas | -yūṅṣi | ||||
| A. | dīrghā́yuṣam | -yus | |||||||
| I. | dīrghā́yuṣā | dīrghā́yurbhyām | dīrghā́yurbhis | ||||||
| etc. | etc. | etc. | |||||||
of the masculine, the vowel of the ending is prolonged to आ ā; in the weakest cases it is in general struck out altogether; in the middle cases, or before a case-ending beginning with a consonant, the final न् n is dropped. The न् n is also lost in the nom. sing. of both genders (leaving आ ā as final in the masculine, अ a in the neuter).
a. The peculiar cases of the neuter follow the usual analogy (311 b): the nom.-acc.-voc. pl. have the lengthening to आ ā, as strong cases; the nom.-acc.-voc. du., as weakest cases, have the loss of अ a — but this only optionally, not necessarily.
b. In the loc. sing., also, the a may be either rejected or retained (compare the corresponding usage with ṛ-stems: 373). And after the m or v of man or van, when these are preceded by another consonant, the a is always retained, to avoid a too great accumulation of consonants.
| Singular | |||
|---|---|---|---|
| N. | राजा rā́jā | आत्मा ātmā́ | नाम nā́ma |
| A. | राजानम् rā́jānam | आत्मानम् ātmā́nam | नाम nā́ma |
| I. | राज्ञा rā́jñā | आत्मना ātmánā | नाम्ना nā́mnā |
| D. | राज्ञे rā́jñe | आत्मने ātmáne | नाम्ने nā́mne |
| Ab. G. | राज्ञस् rā́jñas | आत्मनस् ātmánas | नाम्नस् nā́mnas |
|---|---|---|---|
| L. | राज्ञि, राजनि rā́jñi, rā́jani | आत्मनि ātmáni | नाम्नि, नामनि nā́mni, nā́mani |
| V. | राजन् rā́jan | आत्मन् ā́tman | नामन्, नाम nā́man, nā́ma |
| Dual: | |||
| N. A. V. | राजानौ rā́jānāu | आत्मानौ ātmā́nāu | नाम्नी, नामनी nā́mnī, nā́manī |
| I. D. Ab. | राजभ्याम् rā́jabhyām | आत्मभ्याम् ātmábhyām | नामभ्याम् nā́mabhyām |
| G. L. | राज्ञोस् rā́jños | आत्मनोस् ātmános | नाम्नोस् nā́mnos |
| Plural: | |||
| N. | राजानस् rā́jānas | आत्मानस् ātmā́nas | नामानि nā́māni |
| A. | राज्ञस् rā́jñas | आत्मनस् ātmánas | नामानि nā́māni |
| I. | राजभिस् rā́jabhis | आत्मभिस् ātmábhis | नामभिस् nā́mabhis |
| D. Ab. | राजभ्यस् rā́jabhyas | आत्मभ्यस् ātmábhyas | नामभ्यस् nā́mabhyas |
| G. | राज्ञाम् rā́jñām | आत्मनाम् ātmánām | नाम्नाम् nā́mnām |
| L. | राजसु rā́jasu | आत्मसु ātmásu | नामसु nā́masu |
a. The weakest cases of mūrdhán m. head, would be accented mūrdhnā́, mūrdhné, mūrdhnós, mūrdhnás (acc. pl.), mūrdhnā́m, etc.; and so in all similar cases (loc. sing., mūrdhní or mūrdháni).
b. The briefer form (with ejected a) of the loc. sing., and of the neut. nom.-acc.-voc. du., is quite unusual in the older language. RV. writes once çatadā́vni, but it is to be read çatadā́vani; and similar cases occur in AV. (but also several times -mni). In the Brāhmaṇas, too, such forms as dhāmani and sāmanī are very much more common than such as ahni and lomnī.
c. But throughout both Veda and Brāhmaṇa, an abbreviated form of the loc. sing., with the ending i omitted, or identical with the stem, is of considerably more frequent occurrence than the regular form: thus, mūrdhán, kárman, ádhvan, beside mūrdháni etc. The n has all the usual combinations of a final n: e. g. mūrdhann asya, mūrdhant sa, mūrdnaṅs tvā.
d. In the nom.-acc. pl. neut., also, an abbreviated form is common, ending in ā or (twice as often) a, instead of āni: thus, bráhma and bráhmā, beside bráhmāṇi: compare the similar series of endings from a-stems, 329 c.
e. From a few stems in man is made an abbreviated instr. sing., with loss of m as well as of a: thus, mahinā́, prathinā́, variṇā́, dānā́, preṇā́, bhūnā́, for mahimnā́ etc. And drāghmā́ and raçmā́ (RV., each once) are perhaps for drāghmáṇā, raçmánā.
f. Other of the weakest cases than the loc. sing. are sometimes found with the a of the suffix retained: thus, for example, bhū́manā, dā́mane, yā́manas, ukṣáṇas (accus. pl.), etc. In the infinitive datives (970 d) — trā́maṇe, vidmáne, dāváne, etc. — the a always remains. About as numerous are the instances in which the a, omitted in the written form of the text, is, as the metre shows, to be restored in reading.
g. The voc. sing. in vas, which is the usual Vedic form from stems in vant (below, 454 b), is found also from a few in van, perhaps by a transfer to the vant-declension : thus, ṛtāvas, evayāvas, khidvas (?), prātaritvas, mātariçvas, vibhāvas.
h. For words of which the a is not made long in the strong cases, see the next paragraph.
a. The names of divinities, pūṣán, aryamán: thus, pūṣā́, pūṣáṇam, pūṣṇā́, etc.
b. In the Veda, ukṣán bull (but also ukṣā́ṇam); yóṣan maiden; vṛ́ṣan virile, bull (but vṛ́ṣāṇam and vṛ́ṣāṇas are also met with); tmán, abbreviation of ātmán; and two or three other scattering forms: anarváṇam, jémanā. And in a number of additional instances, the Vedic metre seems to demand a where ā is written.
a. In dual, RV. has once yū́nā for yúvānā.
a. The RV. has once the weak form maghónas in nom. pl.
b. Parallel with this is found the stem maghávant (division E); and from the latter alone in the older language are made the middle cases: thus, maghavadbhis, maghavatsu, etc. (not maghavabhis etc.).
b. A number of an-stems are more or less defective, making a part of their forms from other stems. Thus:
b. In the oldest language, the middle cases áhabis, áhabhyas, áhasu also occur.
c. In composition, only ahar or ahas is used as preceding member; as final member, ahar, ahas, ahan, or the derivatives aha, ahna.
d. The stem ū́dhan n. udder exchanges in like manner, in the old language, with ū́dhar and ū́dhas, but has become later an as-stem only (except in the fem ūdhnī of adjective compounds): thus, ū́dhar or ū́dhas, ū́dhnas, ū́dhan or ū́dhani, ū́dhabhis, ū́dhaḥsu. As derivative from it are made both ūdhanyà and ūdhasya.
a. In the older language, other cases from the an-stems occur: thus, akṣā́ṇi, akṣábhis, and akṣasu; asthā́ni, asthábhis, and asthábhyas; sakthā́ni.
a. Earlier occurs also the dual doṣáṇī.
from pánthan — pánthās, pánthānam; pánthānāu; pánthānas;
from pathí — pathíbhyām; pathíbhis, pathíbhyas, pathíṣu;
from path — pathā́, pathé, pathás, pathí; pathós; pathás or páthas (accus.), pathā́m.
a. In the oldest language (RV.), however, the strong stem is only pánthā: thus, pánthās, nom. sing.; pánthām, acc. sing.; pánthās, nom. pl.; and even in AV., pánthānam and pánthānas are rare compared with the others. From pathí occur also the nom. pl. patháyas and gen. pl. pathīnā́m. RV. has once pāthás, acc. pl., with long ā.
a. The remaining divisions of the consonantal declension are made up of adjective stems only.
and neuter only; the corresponding feminine is made by adding ई ī.
a. The stems in in are very numerous, since almost any noun in a in the language may form a possessive derivative adjective with this suffix: thus, bála strength, balín m. n. balínī f. possessing strength, strong. Stems in vin (1232), however, are very few, and those in min (1231) still fewer.
a. In all these respects, it will be noticed, the in-declension agrees with the an-declension; but it differs from the latter in never losing the vowel of the ending.
| Singular. | Dual. | Plural. | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| m. | n. | m. | n. | m. | n. | |
| N. | बली balī́ | बलि balí | बलिनौ balínāu | बलिनी balínī | बलिनस् balínas | बलीनि balī́ni |
| A. | बलिनम् balínam | बलि balí | ||||
| I. | बलिना balínā | बलिभ्याभ् balíbhyām | बलिभिस् balíbhis | |||
| D. | बलिने balíne | बलिभ्यस् balíbhyas | ||||
| Ab. | बलिनस् balínas | |||||
| G. | बलिनोस् balínos | बलिनाम् balínām | ||||
| L. | बलिनि balíni | बलिषु balíṣu | ||||
| V. | बलिन bálin | बलिन, बलि bálin, báli | बलिनौ bálināu | बलिनी bálinī | बलिनस् bálinas | बलीनि bálīni |
a. The derived feminine stem in inī is inflected, of course, like any other feminine in derivative ī (364).
b. Stems in in exchange with stems in i throughout the whole history of the language, those of the one class being developed out of those of the other often through transitional forms. In a much smaller number of cases, stems in in are expanded to stems in ina: e.g. çākiná (RV.), çuṣmiṇa (B.), barhiṇa, bhajina.
a. But, in accordance with the rule for the formation of the feminine stem (below, 449), the future participles, and the present participles of verbs of the tud-class or accented á-class (752), and of verbs of the ad-class or root-class ending in ā, are by the grammarians allowed to make the nom.-acc.-voc. du. neut. from either the stronger or the weaker stem; and the present participles from all other present-stems ending in a are required to make the same from the strong stem.
a. Such are the verbs forming their present-stem by reduplication without adding a: namely, those of the reduplicating or hu-class (655) and the intensives (1012): thus, from √hu, present-stem juhu, participle-stem júhvat; intensive-stem johu, intensive participle-stem jóhvat. Further, the participles of roots apparently containing a contracted reduplication: namely, cákṣat, dā́çat, dā́sat, çā́sat, sáçcat; the aorist participle dhákṣat, and vāghát (?). Vavṛdhánt (RV., once), which has the n notwithstanding its reduplication, comes, like the desiderative participles (1032), from a stem in a: compare vāvṛdhánta, vāvṛdhásva.
b. Even these verbs are allowed by the grammarians to make the nom.-acc.-voc. pl. neut. in anti.
a. In the dual neut. (as in the feminine stem) from such participles, the accent is ántī if the n is retained, atī́ if it is lost.
| Singular: | ||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| m. | n. | m. | n. | m. | n. | |
| N. | भवन् bhávan | भवत् bhávat | अदन् adán | अदत् adát | जुह्वत् júhvat | जुह्वत् júhvat |
| A. | भवन्तम् bhávantam | भवत् bhávat | अदन्तम् adántam | अदत् adát | जुह्वतम् júhvatam | जुह्वत् júhvat |
| I. | भवता bhávatā | अदता adatā́ | जुह्वता júhvatā | |||
| D. | भवते bhávate | अदते adaté | जुह्वते júhvate | |||
| Ab. G. | भवतस् bhávatas | अदतस् adatás | जुह्वतस् júhvatas | |||
| L. | भवति bhávati | अदति adatí | जुह्वति júhvati | |||
| Singular: | ||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| m. | n. | m. | n. | m. | n. | |
| V. | भवन् bhávan | भवत् bhávat | अदन् ádan | अदत् ádat | जुह्वत् júhvat | |
| Dual: | ||||||
| N. A. V. | भवन्तौ bhávantāu | भवन्ती bhávantī | अदन्तौ adántāu | अदती adatī́ | जुह्वतौ júhvatāu | जुह्वती júhvatī |
| I. D. Ab. | भवद्भ्याम् bhávadbhyām | अदद्भ्याम् adádbhyām | जुह्वद्भ्याम् júhvadbhyām | |||
| G. L. | भवतोस् bhávatos | अदतोस् adatós | जुह्वतोस् júhvatos | |||
| Plural: | ||||||
| N. V. | भवन्तस् bhávantas | भवन्ति bhávanti | अदन्तस् adántas | अदन्ति adánti | जुह्वतस् júhvatas | जुह्वति júhvati |
| A. | भवतस् bhávatas | भवन्ति bhávanti | अदतस् adatás | अदन्ति adánti | जुह्वतस् júhvatas | जुह्वति júhvati |
| I. | भवद्भिस् bhávadbhis | अदद्भिस् adádbhis | जुह्वद्भिस् júhvadbhis | |||
| D. Ab. | भवद्भ्यस् bhávadbhyas | अदद्भ्यस् adádbhyas | जुह्वद्भ्यस् júhvadbhyas | |||
| G. | भवताम् bhávatām | अदताम् adatā́m | जुह्वताम् júhvatām | |||
| L. | भवत्सु bhávatsu | अदत्सु adátsu | जुह्वत्सु júhvatsu | |||
a. The future participle bhaviṣyánt may form in nom. etc. dual neuter either bhaviṣyántī or bhaviṣyatī́; tudánt, either tudántī or tudatī́; yā́nt (√yā), either yā́ntī or yātī́. And júhvat, in nom. etc. plural neuter, may make also júhvanti (beside júhvati, as given in the paradigm above).
b. But these strong forms (as well as bhávantī, du., and its like from present-stems in unaccented a) are quite contrary to general analogy, and of somewhat doubtful character. No example of them is quotable, either from the older or from the later language. The cases concerned, indeed, would be everywhere of rare occurrence.
a. Participles from tense-stems ending in unaccented a add ī to the strong stem-form, or make their feminines in antī.
b. Such are the bhū or unaccented a-class and the dīv or ya-class of present-stems (chap. IX.), and the desideratives and causatives (chap. XIV.): thus, from √bhū (stem bháva), bhávantī; from √dīv (stem dī́vya), dī́vyantī; from búbhūṣa and bhāváya (desid. and caus. of √bhū), búbhūṣantī and bhāváyantī.
c. Exceptions to this rule are now and then met with, even from the earliest period. Thus, RV. has járatī, and AV. the desiderative síṣāsatī; in B. occur vadatī, çocatī, tṛpyatī, and in S. further tiṣṭhatī, and the causative namayatī; while in the epics and later such cases (including desideratives and causatives) are more numerous (about fifty are quotable), though still only sporadic.
d. Participles from tense-stems in accented á may add the feminine-sign either to the strong or to the weak stem-form, or may make their feminines in ántī or in atī́ (with accent as here noted).
e. Such are the present-stems of the tud or accented á-class (751 ff.), the s-futures (932 ff.), and the denominatives (1053 ff.): thus, from √tud (stem tudá), tudántī or tudatī́; from bhaviṣyá (fut. of √bhū), bhaviṣyántī or bhaviṣyatī́; from devayá (denom. of devá), devayántī or devayatī́.
f. The forms in ántī from this class are the prevailing ones. No future fem. participle in atī́ is quotable from the older language. From pres.-stems in á are found there ṛñjatī́ and siñcstī́ (RV.), tudatī́ and pinvatī (AV.) From denominatives, devayatī́ (RV.), durasyatī́ and çatrūyatī́ (AV.). In BhP. occurs dhakṣyatī.
g. Verbs of the ad or root-class (611 ff.) ending in ā are given by the grammarians the same option as regard the feminine of the present participle: thus, from √yā, yā́ntī or yātī́. The older language affords no example of the former, so far as noted.
h. From other tense-stems than those already specified — that is to say, from the remaining classes of present-stems and from the intensives — the feminine is formed in atī́ (or, if the stem be otherwise accented than on the final, in atī) only.
i. Thus, adatī́ from √ad; júhvatī from √hu; yuñjatī́ from √yuj; sunvatī́ from √su; kurvatī́ from √kṛ; krīṇatī́ from √krī; dédiçatī from dédiç (intens. of √diç).
j. Feminine stems of this class are occasionally (but the case is much less frequent than its opposite: above, c) found with the nasal: thus, yántī (AV., once), undántī (ÇB.; but probably from the secondary á-stem), gṛhṇantī (S.), and, in the epics and later, such forms as bruvantī, rudantī, cinvantī, kurvantī, jānantī, muṣṇantī.
a. bṛhánt (often written vṛhánt) great; it is inflected like a participle (with bṛhatī́ and bṛhánti in du. and pl. neut.).
b. mahánt great; inflected like a participle, but with the irregularity that the a of the ending is lengthened in the strong forms: thus, mahā́n, mahā́ntam; mahā́ntāu (neut. mahatī́); mahā́ntas, mahā́nti: instr. mahatā́ etc.
c. pṛ́ṣant speckled, and (in Veda only) rúçant shining.
d. jágat moveable, lively (in the later language, as neuter noun, world), a reduplicated formation from √gam go; its nom. etc. neut. pl. is allowed by the grammarians to be only jáganti.
e. ṛhánt small (only once, in RV., ṛhaté).
f. All these form their feminine in atī only: thus, bṛhatī́, mahatī́, pṛ́ṣatī and rúçatī (contrary to the rule for participles), jágatī.
g. For dánt tooth, which is perhaps of participial origin, see above, 396.
a. But the neut. pl. íyanti and the loc. sing. (?) kíyāti are found in RV.
a. The voc. sing. is in an, like that of the participle (in the later language, namely: for that of the oldest, see below, 454 b). The neut. nom. etc. are in the dual only atī (or átī), and in the plural anti (or ánti).
b. The feminine is always made from the weak stem: thus, matī, vatī (or mátī, vátī). One or two cases of nī instead of ī are met with: thus, antárvatnī (B. and later), patívatnī (C.).
c. The accent, however, is never thrown forward (as in the participle) upon the case-ending or the feminine ending.
| Singular: | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| m. | n. | m. | n. | |
| N. | पशुमान् paçumā́n | पशुमत् paçumát | भगवान् bhágavān | भगवत् bhágavat |
| A. | पशुमन्तम् paçumántam | पशुमत् paçumát | भगवन्तम् bhágavantam | भगवत् bhágavat |
| I. | पशुमता paçumátā | भगवता bhágavatā | ||
| etc. | etc. | |||
| V. | पशुमन् páçuman | पशुमत् páçumat | भगवन् bhágavan | भगवत् bhágavat |
| Dual: | ||||
| N. A. V. | पशुमन्तौ paçumántāu | पशुमती paçumátī | भगवन्तौ bhágavantāu | भगवती bhágavatī |
| etc. | etc. | |||
| Plural: | ||||
| N. V. | पशुमन्तस् paçumántas | पशुमन्ति paçumánti | भगवन्तस् bhágavantas | भगवन्ति bhágavanti |
| A. | पशुमतस् paçumátas | पशुमन्ति paçumánti | भगवतस् bhágavatas | भगवन्ति bhágavanti |
| I. | पशुमद्भिस् paçumádbhis | भगवद्भिस् bhágavadbhis | ||
| etc. | etc. | |||
b. In voc. sing. masc., the ending in the oldest language (RV.) is almost always in as instead of an (as in the perfect participle: below, 462 a): thus, adrivas, harivas, bhānumas, haviṣmas. Such vocatives in RV. occur more than a hundred times, while not a single unquestionable instance of one in an is to be found. In the other Vedic texts, vocatives in as are extremely rare (but bhagavas and its contraction bhagos are met with, even in the later language); and in their reproduction of RV
passages the as is usually changed to an. It was pointed out above (425 g) that the RV. makes the voc. in as also apparently from a few an-stems.
C. In RV., the nom. etc. pl. neut., in the only two instances that occur, ends in ānti instead of anti: thus, ghṛtávānti, paçumā́nti. No such forms have been noted elsewhere in the older language: the SV. reads anti in its version of the corresponding passages, and a few examples of the same ending are quotable from the Brāhmaṇas: thus, tāvanti, etā́vanti, yā́vanti, ghṛtávanti, pravanti, ṛtumanti, yugmanti. Compare 448, 451.
d. In a few (eight or ten) more or less doubtful cases, a confusion of strong and weak forms of stem is made; they are too purely sporadic to require reporting. The same is true of a case or two where a masculine form appears to be used with a feminine noun.
a. A union-vowel i, if present in the strong and middle cases, disappears in the weakest, before uṣ.
| Singular: | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| m. | n. | m. | n. | |
| N. | विद्वान् vidvā́n | विद्वत् vidvát | तस्थिवान् tasthivā́n | तस्थिवत् tasthivát |
| A. | विद्वांसम् vidvā́ṅsam | विद्वत् vidvát | तस्थिवांसम् tasthivā́ṅsam | तस्थिवत् tasthivát |
| I. | विदुषा vidúṣā | तस्थुषा tasthúṣā | ||
| D. | विदुषे vidúṣe | तस्थुषे tasthúṣe | ||
| Ab. G. | विदुषस् vidúṣas | तस्थुषस् tasthúṣas | ||
| L. | विदुषि vidúṣi | तस्थुषि tasthúṣi | ||
| V. | विद्वन् vídvan | विद्वत् vídvat | तस्थिवन् tásthivan | तस्थिवत् tásthivat |
| Dual: | ||||
| N. A. V. | विद्वांसौ vidvā́ṅsāu | विदुषी vidúṣī | तस्थिवांसौ tasthivā́ṅsāu | तस्थुषी tasthúṣī |
| I. D. Ab. | विद्वद्भ्याम् vidvádbhyām | तस्थिवद्भ्याम् tasthivádbhyām | ||
| G. L. | विदुषोस् vidúṣos | तस्थुषोस् tasthúṣos | ||
| Plural: | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| N. V. | विद्वांसस् vidvā́ṅsas | विद्वांसि vidvā́ṅsi | तस्थिवांसस् tasthivā́ṅsas | तस्थिवांसि tasthivā́ṅsi |
| A. | विदुषस् vidúṣas | विद्वांसि vidvā́ṅsi | तस्थुषस् tasthúṣas | तस्थिवांसि tasthivā́ṅsi |
| I. | विद्वद्भिस् vidvádbhis | तस्थिवद्भिस् tasthivádbhis | ||
| D. | विद्वद्भ्यस् vidvádbhyas | तस्थिवद्भ्यस् tasthivádbhyas | ||
| Ab. G. | विदुषाम् vidúṣām | तस्थुषाम् tasthúṣām | ||
| L. | विद्वत्सु vidvátsu | तस्थिवत्सु tasthivátsu | ||
a. The feminine stems of these two participles are विदुषी vidúṣī and तस्थुषी tasthúṣī.
b. Other examples of the different stems are:
from √kṛ — cakṛvā́ṅs, cakṛvát, cakrúṣ, cakrúṣī;
from √nī — ninīvā́ṅs, ninīvát, ninyúṣ, ninyúṣī;
from √bhū — babhūvā́ṅs, babhūvát, babhūvúṣ, babhūvúṣī;
from √tan — tenivā́ṅs, tenivát, tenúṣ, tenúṣī.
b. Forms from the middle stem, in vat, are extremely rare earlier: only three (tatanvát and vavṛtvát, neut. sing., and jāgṛvádbhis, instr. pl.), are found in RV., and not one in AV. And in the Veda the weakest stem (not, as later, the middle one) is made the basis of comparison and derivation: thus, vidúṣṭara, ádāçuṣṭara, mīḍhúṣṭama, mīḍhúṣmant.
c. An example or two of the use of the weak stem-form for cases regularly made from the strong are found in RV.: they are cakrúṣam, acc. sing., and ábibhyuṣas, nom. pl.; emuṣám, by its accent (unless an error), is rather from a derivative stem emuṣá; and ÇB. has proṣúṣam. Similar instances, especially from vidvā́ṅs, are now and then met with later (see BR., under vidvā́ṅs).
d. The AV. has once bhaktivā́ṅsas, as if a participial form from a noun; but K. and TB. give in the corresponding passage bhaktivā́nas; cakhvā́ṅsam (RV., once) is of doubtful character; okivā́ṅsā (RV., once) shows a reversion to guttural form of the final of √uc, elsewhere unknown.
a. The feminine is made by adding ई ī to the weak masc.-neut. stem.
| Singular. | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| N. | श्रेयान् çréyān | श्रेयस् çréyas | गरीयान् gárīyān | गरीयस् gárīyas |
| A. | श्रेयांसम् çréyāṅsam | श्रेयस् çréyas | गरीयांसम् gárīyāṅsam | गरीयस् gárīyas |
| I. | श्रेयसा çréyasā | गरीयसा gárīyasā | ||
| etc. | etc. | |||
| V. | श्रेयन् çréyan | श्रेयस् çréyas | गरीयन् gárīyan | गरीयस् gárīyas |
| Dual: | ||||
| N. A. V. | श्रेयांसौ çréyāṅsāu | श्रेयसी çréyasī | गरीयांसौ gárīyāṅsāu | गरीयसी gárīyasī |
| etc. | etc. | |||
| Plural: | ||||
| N. V. | श्रेयांसस् çréyāṅsas | श्रेयांसि çréyāṅsi | गरीयांसस् gárīyāṅsas | गरीयांसि gárīyāṅsi |
| A. | श्रेयसस् çréyasas | श्रेयांसि çréyāṅsi | गरीयसस् gárīyasas | गरीयांसि gárīyāṅsi |
| I. | श्रेयोभिस् çréyobhis | गरीयोभिस् gárīyobhis | ||
| etc. | etc. | |||
a. The feminine stems of these adjectives are श्रेयसी çréyasī and गरीयसी gárīyasī.
b. No example of a middle case occurs in RV. or AV.
c. In the later language are found a very few apparent examples of strong cases made from the weaker stem-form: thus, kanīyasam and yavīyasam acc. masc., kanīyasāu du., yavīyasas nom. pl.
a. The subject of comparison belongs more properly to the chapter of derivation; but it stands in such near relation to inflection that it is, in accordance with the usual custom in grammars, conveniently and suitably enough treated briefly here.
a. Thus, from √kṣip hurl come kṣépīyas and kṣépiṣṭha, which belong in meaning to kṣiprá quick; from √vṛ encompass come várīyas and váriṣṭha, which belong to urú broad; while, for example,
kánīyas and kániṣṭha are attached by the grammarians to yúvan young, or álpa small; and várṣīyas and várṣiṣṭha to vṛddhá old.
a. About half of these (in RV., the decided majority) belong, in meaning as in form, to the bare root in its adjective value, as used especially at the end of compounds, but sometimes also independently: thus, from √tap burn comes tápiṣṭha excessively burning; from √yaj offer come yájīyas and yájiṣṭha better and best (or very well) sacrificing; from √yudh fight comes yódhīyas fighting better; — in a few instances, the simple root is also found used as corresponding positive: thus, jū́ hasty, rapid with jávīyas and jáviṣṭha.
b. In a little class of instances (eight), the root has a preposition prefixed, which then takes the accent: thus, ā́gamiṣṭha especially coming hither; vícayiṣṭha best clearing away; — in a couple of cases (áçramiṣṭha, áparāvapiṣṭa, ástheyas), the negative particle is prefixed; — in a single word (çámbhaviṣṭha), an element of another kind.
c. The words of this formation sometimes take an accusative object (see 271 e).
d. But even in the oldest language appears not infrequently the same attachment in meaning to a derivative adjective which (as pointed out above) is usual in the later speech.
e. Besides the examples that occur also later, others are met with like váriṣṭha choicest (vára choice), bárhiṣṭha greatest (bṛhánt great), óṣiṣṭha quickest (óṣam quickly), and so on. Probably by analogy with these, like formations are in a few cases made from the apparently radical syllables of words which have no otherwise traceable root in the language: thus, kradhīyas and kradhiṣṭha (K.) from kṛdhú, sthávīyas and stháviṣṭha from sthūrá, çáçīyas (RV.) from çáçvant, áṇīyas (AV.) and áṇiṣṭha (TS.) from aṇú; and so on. And yet again, in a few exceptional cases, the suffixes īyas and iṣṭha are applied to stems which are themselves palpably derivative: thus, ā́çiṣṭha from āçú (RV.: only case), tī́kṣṇīyas (AV.) from tīkṣṇá, bráhmīyas and bráhmiṣṭha (TS. etc.) from bráhman, dhármiṣṭha (TA.) from dhárman, dráḍhiṣṭha (TA.: instead of dárhiṣṭha) from dṛḍhá, rághīyas (TS.) from raghu. These are beginnings, not followed up later, of the extension of the formation to unlimited use.
f. In návīyas or návyas and náviṣṭha, from náva new, and in sányas from sána old (all RV.), we have also formations unconnected with verbal roots.
a. The suffix īyas has in a few instances the briefer form yas, generally as alternative with the other: thus, távīyas and távyas, návīyas and návyas, vásīyas and vásyas, pánīyas and pányas; and so from rabh and sah; sányas occurs alone. From bhū come bhū́yas and bhū́yiṣṭha, beside which RV. has also bhávīyas.
b. Of roots in ā, the final blends with the initial of the suffix to e: thus, sthéyas, dhéṣṭha, yéṣṭha; but such forms are in the Veda generally to be resolved, as dháïṣṭha, yáïṣṭha. The root jyā forms jyéṣṭha, but jyā́yas (like bhū́yas).
c. The two roots in ī, prī and çrī, form préyas and préṣṭha and çréyas and çréṣṭha.
d. From the root of ṛjú come, without strengthening, ṛ́jīyas and ṛ́jiṣṭha; but in the older language also, more regularly, rájīyas and rájiṣṭha.
a. Examples (of older as well as later occurrence) are: from vowel-stems, priyátara, váhnitama, rathī́tara and rathī́tama (RV.), cā́rutara, potṛ́tama, saṁraktatara; — from consonant-stems, çáṁtama, çáçvattama, mṛḍayáttama, tavástara and tavástama, tuvíṣṭama, vápuṣṭara, tapasvítara, yaçasvítama, bhágavattara, hiraṇyavāçīmattama; — from compounds, ratnadhā́tama, abhibhū́tara, sukṛ́ttara, pūrbhíttama, bhūyiṣṭabhā́ktama, bhūridā́vattara, çúcivratatama, strīkāmatama.
b. But in the Veda the final n of a stem is regularly retained; thus, madíntara and madíntama, vṛṣántama; and a few stems even add a nasal: thus, surabhíntara, rayíntama, madhúntama. In a case or two, the strong stem of a present participle is taken: thus, vrā́dhanttama, sáhanttama; and, of a perfect participle, the weakest stem: thus, vidúṣṭara, mīḍhúṣṭama. A feminine final ī is shortened: thus, devitamā (RV.), tejasvinitamā (K.).
c. In the older language, the words of this formation are not much more frequent than those of the other: thus, in RV. the stems in tara and tama are to those in īyas and iṣṭha as three to two; in AV., only as six to five: but later the former win a great preponderance.
b. The suffixes tara and tama also make forms of comparison from some of the pronominal roots, as ka, ya, i (see below, 520); and from certain of the prepositions, as ud; and the adverbially used accusative (older, neuter, -taram; later, feminine, -tarām) of a comparative in tara from a preposition is employed to make a corresponding comparative to the preposition itself (below, 1119); while -tarām and -tamām make degrees of comparison from a few adverbs: thus, natarā́m, natamā́m, kathaṁtarām, kutastarām, addhātamā́m, nīcāistarām, etc.
c. By a wholly barbarous combination, finding no warrant in the earlier and more genuine usages of the language, the suffixes of comparison in their adverbial feminine form, -tarām and -tamām, are later allowed to be added to personal forms of verbs: thus, sīdatetarām (R.: the only case noted in the epics) is more despondent, vyathayatitarām disturbs more, alabhatatarām obtained in a higher degree, hasiṣyatitarām will laugh more. No examples of this use of -tamām are quotable.
d. The suffixes of secondary comparison are not infrequently added to those of primary, forming double comparatives and superlatives: thus, garīyastara, çreṣṭhatara and çréṣṭhatama, pāpīyastara, pāpiṣṭhatara and -tama, bhūyastaram, etc.
a. The use of tama as ordinal suffix is noted below (487); with this value, it is accented on the final, and makes its feminine in ī: thus, çatatamá m. n., çatatamī́ f., hundredth.
| 1 | एक éka | 10 | दश dáça | 100 | शत çatá |
| 2 | द्व dvá | 20 | विंशति viṅçatí | 1000 | सहस्र sahásra |
| 3 | त्रि trí | 30 | त्रिंशत् triṅçát | 10,000 | अयुत ayúta |
| 4 | चतुर् catúr | 40 | चत्वारिंशत् catvāriṅçát | 100,000 | लक्ष lakṣá |
| 5 | पञ्च páñca | 50 | पञ्चाशत् pañcāçát | 1,000,000 | प्रयुत prayúta |
| 6 | षष् ṣáṣ | 60 | षष्टि ṣaṣṭí | 10,000,000 | कोटि kóṭi |
| 7 | सप्त saptá | 70 | सप्तति saptatí | 108 | अर्बुद arbudá |
| 8 | अष्ट aṣṭá | 80 | अशीति açītí | 109 | महार्बुद mahārbuda |
| 9 | नव náva | 90 | नवति navatí | 1010 | खर्व kharvá |
| 10 | दश dáça | 100 | शत çatá | 1011 | निखर्व nikharva |
a. The accent saptá and aṣṭá is that belonging to these words in all accentuated texts; according to the grammarians, they are sápta and áṣṭa in the later language. See below, 483.
b. The series of decimal numbers may be carried still further; but there are great differences among the different authorities with
regard to their names; and there is more or less of discordance even from ayúta on.
c. Thus, in the TS. and MS. we find ayúta, niyúta, prayúta, árbuda, nyàrbuda, samudrá, mádhya, ánta, parārdhá; K. reverses the order of niyúta and prayúta, and inserts badva after nyarbuda (reading nyarbudha): these are probably the oldest recorded series.
d. In modern time, the only numbers in practical use above thousand are lakṣa (lac or lakh) and koṭi (crore); and an Indian sum is wont to be pointed thus: 123,45,67,890, to signify 123 crores, 45 lakhs, 67 thousand, eight hundred and ninety.
e. As to the alleged stem-forms pañcan etc., see below, 484. As to the form ṣakṣ instead of ṣaṣ, see above, 146b. The stem dva appears in composition and derivation also as dvā and dvi; catúr in composition is accented cátur. The older form of aṣṭa is aṣṭā: see below, 483. Forms in -çat and -çati for the tens are occasionally interchanged: e. g. viṅçat (MBh. R.), triṅçati (AB.), pañcāçati (RT.).
f. The other numbers are expressed by the various composition
and syntactical combination of those given above. Thus :
prefixing the (accented) unit to the ten to which its value is to be added: but with various irregularities. Thus:
a. eka in 11 becomes ekā, but is elsewhere unchanged;
b. dva becomes everywhere dvā; but in 42–72 and in 92 it is interchangeable with dvi, and in 82 dvi alone is used;
c. for tri is substituted its nom. pl. masc. tráyas; but tri itself is also allowed in 43–73 and in 93, and in 83 tri alone is used;
d. ṣaṣ becomes ṣo in 16, and makes the initial d of daça lingual (199d); elsewhere its final undergoes the regular conversion (226 b, 198 b) to ṭ or ḍ or ṇ; and in 96 the n of navati is assimilated to it (199c);
e. aṣṭa becomes aṣṭā (483) in 18–38, and has either form in the succeeding combinations.
f. Thus:
| 11 | ékādaça | 31 | ékatriṅçat | 61 | ékaṣaṣṭi | 81 | ékāçīti |
| 12 | dvā́daça | 32 | dvā́triṅçat | 62 | dvā́ṣaṣṭi dvíṣaṣṭi | 82 | dvyàçīti |
| 13 | tráyodaça | 33 | tráyastriṅçat | 63 | tráyaḥṣaṣṭi tríṣaṣṭi | 83 | tryàçīti |
| 14 | cáturdaça | 34 | cátustriṅçat | 64 | cátuḥṣaṣṭi | 84 | cáturaçīti |
| 15 | páñcadaça | 35 | páñcatriṅçat | 65 | páñcaṣaṣṭi | 85 | páñcāçīti |
| 16 | ṣóḍaça | 36 | ṣáṭtriṅçat | 66 | ṣáṭṣaṣṭi | 86 | ṣáḍaçīti |
| 17 | saptádaça | 37 | saptátriṅçat | 67 | saptáṣaṣṭi | 87 | saptā́çīti |
| 18 | aṣṭā́daça | 38 | aṣṭā́triṅçat | 68 | aṣṭáṣaṣṭi aṣṭā́ṣaṣṭi | 88 | aṣṭā́çīti |
| 19 | návadaça | 39 | návatriṅçat | 69 | návaṣaṣṭi | 89 | návāçīti |
g. The numbers 21–29 are made like those for 31–39; the numbers 41–49, 51–59, 71–79, and 91–99 are made like those for 61–69.
h. The forms made with dvā and trayas are more usual than those with dvi and tri, which are hardly to be quoted from the older literature (V. and Br.). The forms made with aṣṭā (instead of aṣṭa) are alone found in the older literature (483), and are usual in the later.
a. By use of the adjectives ūna deficient and adhika redundant, in composition with lesser numbers which are to be subtracted or added, and either independently qualifying or (more usually) in composition with larger numbers which are to be increased or diminished by the others: thus, tryūnaṣaṣṭiḥ sixty deficient by three (i. e. 57); aṣṭādhikanavatiḥ ninety increased by eight (i. e. 98); ekādhikaṁ çatam a hundred increased by one (i. e. 101); pañconaṁ çatam 100 less 5 (i. e. 95). For the nines, especially, such substitutes as ekonaviṅçatiḥ 20 less 1, or 19, are not uncommon; and later the eka 1 is left off, and ūnaviṅçati etc. have the same value.
b. A case-form of a smaller number, generally éka one is connected by ná not with a larger number from which it is to be deducted: thus, ékayā ná triṅçát (ÇB. PB. KB.) not thirty by one (29); dvābhyāṁ ná ’çītím (ÇB.) not eighty by two (78); pañcábhir ná catvā́ri çatā́ni (ÇB.) not four hundred by five (395); ékasmān ná pañcāçát (in ordinal) 49 (TS.); ékasyāi (abl. fem. : 307 h) ná pañcāçát 49 (TS.); most often, ékān (i. e. ékāt, irregular abl. for ékasmāt) ná viṅçatíḥ 19; ékān ná çatám 99. This last form is admitted also in the later language; the others are found in the Brāhmaṇas.
c. Instances of multiplication by a prefixed number are occasionally met with: thus, triṣaptá thrice seven; triṇavá thrice nine; tridaçá thrice ten.
d. Of course, the numbers to be added together may be expressed by independent words, with connecting and: thus, náva ca navatíç ca, or náva navatíç ca ninety and nine; dvāú ca viṅçatíç ca two and twenty. But the connective is also (at least, in the older language) not seldom omitted: thus, navatír náva 99; triṅçátaṁ trī́n 33; açītír aṣṭāú 88.
a. The added number is prefixed to the other, and takes the accent: for example, ékaçatam 101; aṣṭāçatam 108; triṅçácchatam 130; aṣṭāviṅçatiçatam 128; cátuḥsahasram (RV.: unless the accent is wrong) 1004; açītisahasram 1080.
b. Or, the number to be added is compounded with adhika redundant, and the compound is either made to qualify the other number or is further compounded with it: thus, pañcādhikaṁ çatam or pañcādhikaçatam 105. Of course, ūna deficient (as also other words equivalent to ūna or adhika) may be used in the same way: thus, pañconaṁ çatam 95, ṣaṣṭiḥ pañcavarjitā 55; çatam abhyadhikaṁ ṣaṣṭitaḥ 160.
c. Syntactical combinations are made at convenience: for example, dáça çatáṁ ca 110; çatám ékaṁ ca 101.
a. In an exceptional case or two, the ordinal form appears to take the place of the cardinal as multiplicand in a like combination: thus, ṣaṭtriṅçā́ṅç ca catúraḥ (RV.) 36x4 (lit. four of the thirty-six kind); trī́ṅr ekādaçā́n (RV.) or traya ekādaçāsaḥ (ÇÇS. viii. 21. 1) 11x3.
b. By a peculiar and wholly illogical construction, such a combination as trīṇi ṣaṣṭiçatāni, which ought to signify 480 (3x100+60), is repeatedly used in the Brāhmaṇas to mean 360 (3x100+60); so also dvé catustriṅçé çaté 234 (not 268); dvāṣaṣṭāni trīṇi çatāni 362; and other like cases. And even R. has trayaḥ çataçatārdhāḥ 350.
a. In the usual absence of accentuation, there arises sometimes a question as to how a compound number shall be understood: whether aṣṭaçatam, for example, is aṣṭáçatam 108 or aṣṭaçatám 800, and the like.
a. Eka one is declined after the manner of a pronominal adjective (like sárva, below, 524); its plural is used in the sense of some, certain ones. Its dual does not occur.
b. Occasional forms of the ordinary declension are met with: thus, éke (loc. sing.), ékāt (477 b).
c. In the late literature, eka is used in the sense of a certain, or even sometimes almost of a, as an indefinite article. Thus, eko vyāghraḥ (H.) a certain tiger; ekasmin dine on a certain day; haste daṇḍam ekam ādāya (H.) taking a stick in his hand.
d. Dva two is dual only, and is entirely regular: thus, N. A. V. dvāú (dvā́, Veda) m., dvé f. n.; I. D. Ab. dvā́bhyām; G. L. dváyos.
e. Tri three is in masc. and neut. nearly regular, like an ordinary stem in i; but the genitive is as if from trayá (only in the later language: the regular trīṇā́m occurs once in RV.). For the feminine it has the peculiar stem tisṛ́, which is inflected in general like an ṛ-stem; but the nom. and accus. are alike, and show no strengthening of the ṛ; and the ṛ is not prolonged in the gen. (excepting in the Veda). Thus:
| m. | n. | f. | |
|---|---|---|---|
| N. | tráyas | trī́ṇi | tisrás |
| A. | trī́n | trī́ṇi | tisrás |
| I. | tribhís | tisṛ́bhis | |
| D. Ab. | tribhyás | tisṛ́bhya | |
| G. | trayāṇā́m | tisṛṇā́m | |
| L. | triṣú | tisṛ́ṣu | |
f. The Veda has the abbreviated neut. nom. and accus. trī́. The accentuation tisṛbhís, tisṛbhyás, tisṛ́ṇām, and tisṛṣú is said to be also allowed in the later language. The stem tisṛ occurs in composition in tisṛdhanvá (B.) a bow with three arrows.
g. Catúr four has catvā́r (the more original form) in the strong cases; in the fem. it substitutes the stem cátasṛ, apparently akin with tisṛ́, and inflected like it (but with anomalous change of accent, like that in the higher numbers: see below, 483). Thus:
| m. | n. | f. | |
|---|---|---|---|
| N. | catvā́ras | catvā́ri | cátasras |
| A. | catúras | catvā́ri | cátasras |
| I. | catúrbhis | catasṛ́bhis | |
| D. Ab. | catúrbhyas | catasṛ́bhyas | |
| G. | caturṇā́m | catasṛṇā́m | |
| L. | catúrṣu | catasṛ́ṣu. | |
h. The use of n before ām of the gen. masc. and neut. after a final consonant of the stem is (as in ṣaṣ: below, 483) a striking irregularity. The more regular gen. fem. catasṝṇām also sometimes occurs. In the later language, the accentuation of the final syllable instead of the penult is said to be allowed in inst., dat.-abl., and loc.
a. The accent is in many respects peculiar. In all the accented texts, the stress of voice lies on the penult before the endings bhis, bhyas, and su, from the stems in a, whatever be the accent of the stem: thus, pañcábhis from páñca, navábhyas from náva, daçásu from dáça, navadaçábhis from návadaça, ekādaçábhyas from ékādaça, dvādaçásu from dvā́daça (according to the grammarians, either the penult or the final is accented in these forms in the later language). In the gen. pl., the accent is on the ending (as in that of i-, u-, and ṛ-sterns): thus, pañcadaçānā́m, saptadaçānā́m. The cases of ṣaṣ, and those made from the stem-form aṣṭā, have the accent throughout upon the ending.
b. Examples of the inflection of these words are as follows:
| N.A. | páñca | ṣáṭ | aṣṭāú | aṣṭá |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| I. | pañcábhis | ṣaḍbhís | aṣṭābhís | aṣṭábhis |
| D. Ab. | pañcábhyas | ṣaḍbhyás | aṣṭābhyás | aṣṭábhyas |
| G. | pañcānā́m | ṣaṇṇā́m | aṣṭānā́m | |
| L. | pañcásu | ṣaṭsú | aṣṭāsú | aṣṭásu. |
c. Saptá (in the later language sápta, as áṣṭa for aṣṭá) and náva and dáça, with the compounds of dáça (11–19), are declined like páñca, and with the same shift of accent (or with alternative shift to the endings, as pointed out above).
, nā́masu — the gen. alone being, rather, like that of an a-stem: compare daçānā́m with índrāṇām and nā́mnām or ātmánām. No trace whatever of a final n is found anywhere in the language, in inflection or derivation or composition, from any of these words (though ÇB. has twice daçaṁdaçín, for the usual daçadaçín).
b. Çatá and sahásra are declined regularly, as neuter (or, rarely, in the later language, as masculine) stems of the same final, in all numbers.
c. The like is true of the higher numbers — which have, indeed, no proper numeral character, but are ordinary nouns.
a. The words for 1 to 19 are in the main used adjectively, agreeing in case, and, if they distinguish gender, in gender also, with the nouns: thus, daçábhir vīrāíḥ with ten heroes; yé devā́ divy ékādaça sthá (AV.) what eleven gods of you are in heaven; pañcásu jáneṣu among the five tribes; catasṛbhir gīrbhíḥ with four songs. Rarely occur such combinations as dáça kaláçānām (RV.) ten pitchers, ṛtūnāṁ ṣaṭ (R.) six seasons.
b. The numerals above 19 are construed usually as nouns, either taking the numbered noun as a dependent genitive, or standing in the singular in apposition with it: thus, çataṁ dāsīḥ or çataṁ dāsīnām a hundred slaves or a hundred of slaves; viṅçatyā́ háribhiḥ with twenty bays; ṣaṣṭyā́ṁ çarátṣu in 60 autumns; çaténa pā́çāiḥ with a hundred fetters; çatáṁ sahásram ayútaṁ nyàrbudaṁ jaghā́na çakró dásyūnām (AV.) the mighty [Indra] slew a hundred, a thousand, a myriad, a hundred million, of demons. Occasionally they are put in the plural, as if used more adjectively: thus, pañcāçadbhir bāṇāiḥ with fifty arrows.
c. In the older language, the numerals for 5 and upward are sometimes used in the nom.-acc. form (or as if indeclinably) with other cases also: thus, páñca kṛṣṭíṣu among the five races; saptá rṣīṇām of seven bards; sahásram ṛ́ṣibhiḥ with a thousand bards; çatám pūrbhíḥ with a hundred strongholds. Sporadic instances of a like kind are also met with later.
Some of the first ordinals are irregularly made: thus,
a. éka 1 forms no ordinal; instead is used prathamá (i. e. pratama foremost); ādya (from ādi beginning) appears first in the Sūtras, and ādima much later;
b. from dvá 2, and trí 3, come dvitī́ya and tṛtī́ya (secondarily, through dvita and abbreviated trita);
c. catúr 4, ṣáṣ 6, and saptá 7, take the ending tha: thus, caturthá, ṣaṣṭhá, saptátha; but for fourth are used also turī́ya and túrya, and saptátha belongs to the older language only; pañcatha, for fifth, is excessively rare;
d. the numerals for 5 and 7 usually, and for 8, 9, 10, add ma, forming pañcamá, saptamá, aṣṭamá, navamá, daçamá;
e. for 11th to 19th, the forms are ekādaçá, dvādaçá, and so on (the same with the cardinals, except change of accent); but ekādaçama etc. occasionally occur also;
f. for the tens and intervening odd numbers from 20 onward, the ordinal has a double form — one made by adding the full (superlative) ending tamá to the cardinal: thus, viṅçatitamá, triṅçattamá, açītitamá, etc.; the other, shorter, in a, with abbreviation of the cardinal: thus, viṅçá 20th; triṅçá 30th; catvāriṅçá 40th; pañcāçá 50th; ṣaṣṭá 60th; saptatá 70th; açītá 80th; navatá 90th; and so likewise ekaviṅçá 21st, catustriṅçá 34th; aṣṭācatvāriṅçá 48th; dvāpañcāçá 52d; ekaṣaṣṭá 61st; and ekānnaviṅçá and ūnaviṅçá and ekonaviṅçá 19th; — and so on. Of these two forms, the latter and briefer is by far the more common, the other being not quotable from the Veda, and extremely rarely from the Brāhmaṇas. From 50th on, the briefer form is allowed by the grammarians only to the odd numbers, made up of tens and units; but it is sometimes met with, even in the later language, from the simple ten.
g. Of the higher numbers, çatá and sahásra form çatatamá and sahasratamá; but their compounds have also the simpler form: thus, ekaçatá or ekaçatatama 101st.
h. Of the ordinals, prathamá (and ādya), dvitī́ya, tṛtī́ya, and turī́ya (with túrya) form their feminine in ā; all the rest make it in ī.
a. In a fractional sense, the grammarians direct that their accent be shifted to the first syllable: thus, dvítīya half; tṛ́tīya third part; cáturtha quarter; and so on. But in accented texts only tṛ́tīya third, and cáturtha (ÇB.) and túrīya quarter, are found so treated; for half occurs
only ardhá; and caturthá (MS. etc.), pañcamá, and so on, are accented as in their ordinal use.
a. multiplicative adverbs, as dvís twice, trís thrice, catús four times;
b. adverbs with the suffixes dhā (1104) and ças (1106): for example, ekadhā́ in one way, çatadhā́ in a hundred ways; ekaças one by one, çataçás by hundreds;
c. collectives, as dvítaya or dvayá a pair, dáçjataya or daçát a decade;
d. adjectives like dvika composed of two, pañcaka consisting of five or fives;
and so on; but their treatment belongs rather to the dictionary, or to the chapter on derivation.
a. Their inflection in the later language is as follows:
Singular :
| 1st pers. | 2d pers. | |
| N. | अहम् ahám | त्वम् tvám |
| A. | माम्, मा mā́m, mā | त्वाम्, त्वा tvā́m, tvā |
| I. | मया máyā | त्वया tváyā |
| D. | मह्यम्, मे máhyam, me | तुभ्यम्, ते túbhyam, te |
| Ab. | मत् mát | त्वत् tvát |
| G. | मम, मे máma, me | तव, ते táva, te |
| L. | मयि máyi | त्वयि tváyi |
Dual:
| N. A. V. | आवाम् āvā́m | युवाम् yuvā́m |
| I. D. Ab. | आवाभ्याम् āvā́bhyām | युवाभ्याम् yuvā́bhyām |
| G. L. | आवयोस् āváyos | युवयोस् yuváyos |
| and A. D. G. | नौ nāu | वाम् vām |
Plural:
| N. | वयम् vayám | यूयम् yūyám |
| A. | अस्मान्, नस् asmā́n, nas | युष्मान्, वस् yuṣmā́n, vas |
| I. | अस्माभिस् asmā́bhis | युष्माभिस् yuṣmā́bhis |
| D. | अस्मभ्यम्, नस् asmábhyam, nas | युष्मभ्यम्, वस् yuṣmábhyam, vas |
| Ab. | अस्मत् asmát | युष्मत् yuṣmát |
|---|---|---|
| G. | अस्माकम्, नस् asmā́kam, nas | युष्माकम्, वस् yuṣmā́kam, vas |
| L. | अस्मासु asmāsu | युष्मासु yuṣmāsu |
b. The briefer second forms for accus., dat., and gen., in all numbers, are accentless; and hence they are not allowed to stand at the beginning of a sentence, or elsewhere where any emphasis is laid.
c. But they may be qualified by accented adjuncts, as adjectives: e. g. te jáyataḥ of thee when a conqueror, vo vṛtā́bhyaḥ for you that were confined, nas tribhyáḥ to us three (all RV.).
d. The ablative mat is accentless in one or two AV. passages.
a. Thus, we find a few times the instr. sing. tvā́ (only RV.: like manīṣā́ for manīṣáyā); further, the loc. or dat. sing. mé (only VS.) and tvé, and the dat. or loc. pl. asmé (which is by far the commonest of these e-forms) and yuṣmé: their final e is uncombinable (or pragṛhya: 138 b). The VS. makes twice the acc. pl. fem. yuṣmā́s (as if yuṣmā́n were too distinctively a masculine form). The datives in bhyam are in a number of cases written, and in yet others to be read as if written, with bhya, with loss of the final nasal; and in a rare instance or two we have in like manner asmā́ka and yuṣmā́ka in the gen. plural. The usual resolutions of semivowel to vowel are made, and are especially frequent in the forms of the second person (tuám for tvám etc.).
b. But the duals, above all, wear a very different aspect earlier. In Veda and Brāhmaṇa and Sūtra the nominatives are (with occasional exceptions) avam and yuvam, and only the accusatives āvā́m and yuvā́m (but in RV. the dual forms of 1st pers. chance not to occur, unless in vā́m[?], once, for āvám); the instr. in RV. is either yuvā́bhyām (occurs also once in AÇS.) or yuvābhyām; an abl. yuvát appears once in RV., and āvát twice in TS.; the gen.-loc. is in RV. (only) yuvós instead of yuváyos. Thus we have here a distinction (elsewhere unknown) of five different dual cases, by endings in part accordant with those of the other two numbers.
d) of the abl., though here preceded by a short vowel, is doubtless the same with that of the a-declension of nouns and adjectives. That the nom., dat., and abl. endings should be the same in sing. and pl. (and in part in the earlier du. also), only the stem to which they are added being different, is unparalleled elsewhere in the language. The element sma appearing in the plural forms will be found frequent in the inflection of the singular in other pronominal words: in fact, the compound stem asma which underlies the plural of aham seems to be the same that furnishes part of the singular forms of ayam (501), and its value of we to be a specialisation of the meaning these persons. The genitives singular, máma and táva, have no analogies elsewhere; the derivation from them of the adjectives māmaka and tāvaka (below, 516 a) suggests the possibility of their being themselves stereotyped stems. The gen. pl., asmā́kam and yuṣmā́kam, are certainly of this character: namely, neuter sing. case-forms of the adjective stems asmāka and yuṣmāka, other cases of which are found in the Veda.
a. The Vedas have certain more irregular combinations, with complete forms: thus, tvā́ṁkāma, tvāmāhuti, māmpaçyá, mamasatyá, asméhiti, ahampūrvá, ahamuttará, ahaṁyú, ahaṁsana.
b. From the stems of the grammarians come also the derivative adjectives madī́ya, tvadī́ya, asmadī́ya yuṣmadī́ya, having a possessive value: see below, 516.
c. For sva and svayám, see below, 513.
so many pronouns and pronominal adjectives that it is fairly to be called the general pronominal declension.
a. But this root has also the special irregularity that in the nom. sing. masc. and fem. it has sás (for whose peculiar euphonic treatment see 176 a,b) and sā, instead of tás and tā́ (compare Gr. ὁ, ἡ, το, and Goth. sa, so, thata). Thus:
Singular:
| m. | n. | f. | |
| N. | सस् sás | तत् tát | सा sā́ |
| A. | तम् tám | तत् tát | ताम् tā́m |
| I. | तेन téna | तया táyā | |
| D. | तस्मै tásmāi | तस्यै tásyāi | |
| Ab. | तस्मात् tásmāt | तस्यास् tásyās | |
| G. | तस्य tásya | तस्यास् tásyās | |
| L. | तस्मिन् tásmin | तस्याम् tásyām | |
Dual:
| N.A.V. | तौ tāú | ते té | ते té |
| I.D.Ab. | ताभ्याम् tā́bhyām | ताभ्याम् tā́bhyām | |
| G.L. | तयोस् táyos | तयोस् táyos | |
Plural:
| N. | ते té | तानि tā́ni | तास् tā́s |
| A. | तान् tā́n | तानि tā́ni | तास् tā́s |
| I. | तैस् tāís | ताभिस् tā́bhis | |
| D. Ab. | तेभ्यस् tébhyas | ताभ्यस् tā́bhyas | |
|---|---|---|---|
| G. | तेषाम् téṣām | तासाम् tā́sām | |
| L. | तेषु téṣu | तासु tā́su | |
b. The Vedas show no other irregularities of inflection than those which belong to all stems in a and ā: namely, ténā sometimes; usually tā́ for tāú, du.; often tā́ for tā́ni, pl. neut.; usually tébhis for tāís, instr. pl.; and the ordinary resolutions. The RV. has one more case-form from the root sa, namely sásmin (occurring nearly half as often as tásmin); and ChU. has once sasmāt.
a. In the singular, the use of t (properly d) as ending of nom.-acc. neut.; the combination of another element sma with the root in masc. and neut. dat., abl., and loc., and of sy in fem. dat, abl.-gen., and loc.; and the masc. and neut. loc. ending in, which is restricted to this declension (except in the anomalous yādṛ́çmin, RV., once). The substitution in B. of āi for ās as fem. ending (307 h) was illustrated at 365 d.
b. The dual is precisely that of noun-stems in a and ā.
c. In the plural, the irregularities are limited to té for tā́s in nom. masc., and the insertion of s instead of n before ām of the gen., the stem-final being treated before it in the same manner as before su of the loc.
a. The one, tya, is tolerably common (although only a third of its possible forms occur) in RV., but rare in AV., and almost unknown later, its nom. sing., in the three genders, is syás, syā́, tyát, and it makes the accusatives tyám, tyā́m, tyát, and goes on through the remaining cases in the same manner as ta. It has in RV. the instr. fem. tyā́ (for tyáyā). Instead of syā as nom. sing. fem. is also found tyā.
b. The other is the usual demonstrative of nearer position, this here, and is in frequent use through all periods of the language. It prefixes e to the simple root, forming the nominatives eṣás, eṣā́, etát — and so on through the whole inflection.
c. The stem tya has neither compounds nor derivatives. But from eta are formed both, in the same manner as from the simple ta, only much less numerous: thus, etaddā́ (ÇB.), etadartha, etc., from the so-called stem etat; and etādṛ́ç and etā́vant from eta. And eṣa, like sa (498), is used to qualify pronouns of the 1st and 2d persons: e. g. eṣā ’ham, ete vayam.
| m. | n. | f. | ||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sing. | A. | enam | enat | enām |
| I. | enena | enayā | ||
| Du. | A. | enāu | ene | ene |
| G. L. | enayos | enayos | ||
| Pl. | A. | enān | enāni | enās |
a. The RV. has enos instead of enayos, and in one or two instances accents a form: thus, enā́m, enā́s (?). AB. uses enat also as nom. neut.
b. As ena is always used substantively, it has more nearly than ta the value of a third personal pronoun, unemphatic. Apparent examples of its adjectival use here and there met with are doubtless the result of confusion with eta (499 b).
c. This stem forms neither derivatives nor compounds.
a. They are as follows:
Singular:
| m. | n. | f. | m. | n. | f. | |
| N. | अयम् ayám | इदम् idám | इयम् iyám | असौ asāú | अदस् adás | असौ asāú |
| A. | इमम् imám | इदम् idám | इमाम् imām | अमुम् amúm | अदस् adás | अमूम् amū́m |
| I. | अनेन anéna | अनया anáyā | अमुना amúnā | अमुया amúyā | ||
| D. | अस्मै asmāí | अस्यै asyāí | अमुष्मै amúṣmāi | अमुष्यै amúṣyāi | ||
| Ab. | अस्मात् asmā́t | अस्यास् asyā́s | अमुष्मात् amúṣmāt | अमुष्यास् amúṣyās | ||
| G. | अस्य asyá | अस्यास् asyā́s | अमुष्य amúṣya | अमुष्यास् amúṣyās | ||
| L. | अस्मिन् asmín | अस्याम् asyā́m | अमुष्मिन् amúṣmin | अमुष्याम् amúṣyām | ||
Dual:
| m. | n. | f. | m. | n. | f. | |
| N. A. | इमौ imāú | इमे imé | इमे imé | अमू amū́ | ||
| I. D. Ab. | आभ्याम् ābhyā́m | अमूभ्याम् amū́bhyām | ||||
| G. L. | अनयोस् anáyos | अमुयोस् amúyos | ||||
Plural:
| m. | n. | f. | m. | n. | f. | |
| N. | इमे imé | इमानि imā́ni | इमास् imā́s | अमी amī́ | अमूनि amū́ni | अमूस् amū́s |
| A. | इमान् imā́n | इमानि imā́ni | इमास् imā́s | अमून् amū́n | अमूनि amū́ni | अमूस् amū́s |
| I. | एभिस् ebhís | आभिस् ābhís | अमीभिस् amī́bhis | अमूभिस् amū́bhis | ||
| D. Ab. | एभ्यस् ebhyás | आभ्यस् ābhyás | अमीभ्यस् amī́bhyas | अमूभ्यस् amū́bhyas | ||
| G. | एषाम् eṣā́m | आसाम् āsā́m | अमीषाम् amī́ṣām | अमूषाम् amū́ṣām | ||
| L. | एषु eṣú | आसु āsú | अमीषु amī́ṣu | अमूषु amū́ṣu | ||
b. The same forms are used in the older language, without variation, except that (as usual) imā́ occurs for imāú and imā́ni, and amū́ for amū́ni; amuyā when used adverbially is accented on the final, amuyā́; asāu (with accent, of course, on the first, ásāu; or without accent, asāu: 314) is used also as vocative; amī, too, occurs as vocative.
b. The Veda has from the root a also the instrumental enā́ and ayā́ (used in general adverbially), and the gen. loc. du. ayós; from ima, imásya occurs once in RV., imasmāi in AA., and imāis and imeṣu later. The RV. has in a small number of instances the irregular accentuation ásmāi, ásya, ā́bhis.
c. In analogy with the other pronouns, idám is by the grammarians regarded as representative stem of this pronominal declension; and it is actually found so treated in a very small number of compounds (idammáya and idáṁrūpa are of Brāhmaṇa age). As regards the actual stems, ana furnishes nothing further; from ima comes only the adverb imáthā (RV., once); but a and i furnish a number of derivatives, mostly adverbial: thus, for example, átas, átra, átha, ad-dhā́(?); itás, íd (Vedic particle), idā, ihá, ítara, īm (Vedic particle), īdṛ́ç, perhaps evá and evám, and others.
a. The grammarians, as usual, treat adás as representative stem of the declension, and it is found in this character in an extremely small number of words, as adomūla; adomáya is of Brāhmaṇa age. The ÇB. has also asāunā́man. But most of the derivatives, as of
the cases, come from amu: thus, amútas, amútra, amúthā, amudā, amúrhi, amuvát, amuka.
b. In the older language occurs the root tva (accentless), meaning one, many a one; it is oftenest found repeated, as one and another. It follows the ordinary pronominal declension. From it is made the (also accentless) adverb tvadānīm (MS.).
c. Fragments of another demonstrative root or two are met with: thus, ámas he occurs in a formula in AV. and in Brāhmaṇas etc.; avós as gen.-loc. dual is found in RV.; the particle u points to a root u.
| m. | n. | f. | |
|---|---|---|---|
| N. | कस् kás | किम् kím | का kā́ |
| A. | कम् kám | किम् kím | काम् kā́m |
and the rest of the declension is precisely like that of त ta (above, 495).
a. The Veda has its usual variations, kā́ and kébhis for kā́ni and kāís. It also has, along with kím, the pronominally regular neuter kád; and kám (or kam) is a frequent particle. The masc. form kis, corresponding to kim, occurs as a stereotyped case in the combinations nákis and mā́kis.
káti, kathā́, kathám, kadā́, katará, katamá, kárhi; kíyant, kīdṛ́ç; kútas, kútra, kúha, kvà, kucará, kukarman, kumantrin, etc.
| Singular. | Dual. | Plural. | |||||||
| m. | n. | f. | m. | n. | f. | m. | n. | f. | |
| N. | यस् yás | यत् yát | या yā́ | यौ yāú | ये yé | ये yé | ये yé | यानि yā́ni | यास् yā́s |
| A. | याम् yā́m | यत् yát | याम् yā́m |
यान् yā́n | यानि yā́ni | यास् yā́s | |||
| I. | येन yéna | यया yáyā | याभ्याम् yā́bhyām | यैस् yāís | याभिस् yā́bhis | ||||
| D. | यस्मै yásmāi | यस्यै yásyāi | येभ्यस् yébhyas | याभ्यस् yā́bhyas | |||||
| etc. | etc. | etc. | etc. | etc. | |||||
a. The Veda shows its usual variations of these forms: yā́ for yāú and for yā́ni, and yébhis for yāís; yós for yáyos also occurs once; yénā, with prolonged final, is in RV. twice as common as yéna. Resolutions
occur in yā́bhias, and yéṣaam and yā́saam. The conjunction yā́t is an ablative form according to the ordinary declension.
a. A very decided preference for putting the relative clause before that to which it relates: thus, yáḥ sunvatáḥ sákhā tásmā índrāya gāyata (RV.) who is the friend of the soma-presser, to that Indra sing ye; yáṁ yajñám paribhū́r ási sá íd devéṣu gacchati (RV.) what offering thou protectest, that in truth goeth to the gods; yé triṣaptā́ḥ pariyánti bálā téṣāṁ dadhātu me (AV.) what thrice seven go about, their strength may he assign to me; asāú yó adharā́d gṛhás tátra santv arāyyàḥ (AV.) what house is yonder in the depth, there, let the witches be; sahá yán me ásti téna (TB.) along with that which is mine; haṅsānāṃ vacanaṁ yat tu tan māṁ dahati (MBh.) but what the words of the swans were, that burns me; sarvasya locanaṁ çāstraṁ yasya nā ’sty andha eva saḥ (H.) who does not possess learning, the eye of everything, blind indeed is he. The other arrangement, though frequent enough, is notably less usual.
b. A frequent conversion of the subject or object of a verb by an added relative into a substantive clause: thus, mé ’mám prā́ ”pat pāúruṣeyo vadhó yáḥ (AV.) may there not reach him a human deadly weapon (lit'ly, what is such a weapon); pári ṇo pāhi yád dhánam (AV.) protect of us what wealth [there is]; apāmārgó ‘pa mārṣṭu kṣetriyáṃ çapáthaç ca yáh (AV.) may the cleansing plant cleanse away the disease and the curse; puṣkareṇa hṛtaṃ rājyaṁ yac cā ’nyad vasu kiṁcana (MBh.) by Pushkara was taken away the kingdom and whatever other property [there was].
used as nominative, but along with words of all persons and numbers; and not seldom it represents other cases also.
b. Svayam is also used as a stem in composition: thus, svayaṁjā́, svayambhū́. But sva itself (usually adjective: below, 516 e) has the same value in composition; and even its inflected forms are (in the older language very rarely) used as reflexive pronoun.
c. In RV. alone are found a few examples of two indefinite pronouns, sama (accentless) any, every, and simá every, all.
b. The noun tanū́ body is employed in the same manner (but in all numbers) in the Veda.
c. The adjective bhavant, f. bhavatī, is used (as already pointed out: 456) in respectful address as substitute for the pronoun of the second person. Its construction with the verb is in accordance with its true character, as a word of the third person.
Some of the more important of these may be briefly noticed here.
b. Other possessives are māmaká (also māmaka, RV.) and tāvaká, from the genitives máma and táva. And RV. has once mā́kīna.
c. An analogous derivative from the genitive amúṣya is āmuṣyāyaṇá (AV. etc.) descendant of such and such a one.
d. It was pointed out above (493) that the "genitives" asmā́kam and yuṣmā́kam are really stereotyped cases of possessive adjectives.
e. Corresponding to svayám (513) is the possessive svá, meaning own, as relating to all persons and numbers. The RV. has once the corresponding simple possessive of the second person, tvá thy.
f. For the use of sva as reflexive pronoun, see above, 513 b.
g. All these words form their feminines in ā.
h. Other derivatives of a like value have no claim to be mentioned here. But (excepting sva) the possessives are so rarely used as to make but a small figure in the language, which prefers generally to indicate the possessive relation by the genitive case of the pronoun itself.
a. Words of similar meaning from the roots i and ki are íyant and kíyant, inflected in the same manner: see above, 451.
a. For the numerous and frequently used adverbs formed from pronominal roots, see Adverbs (below, 1097 ff.).
a. But even from these words forms made according to the adjective declension are sporadically met with (e. g. itarāyām K.).
b. Anya takes occasionally the form anyat in composition: thus, anyatkāma, anyatsthāna.
a. These, also, are not without exception, at least in the earlier language (e. g. víçvāya, víçvāt, víçve RV.; éke loc. sing., AV.).
a. Such are the comparatives and superlatives from prepositional stems: ádhara and adhamá, ántara and ántama, ápara and apamá, ávara and avamá, úttara and uttamá, úpara and upamá. Of these, pronominal forms are decidedly more numerous from the comparatives than from the superlatives.
b. Further, the superlatives (without corresponding comparatives) paramá, caramá, madhyamá also anyatama (whose positive and comparative belong to the class first mentioned: 523).
c. Further, the words pára distant, other; pū́rva prior, east; dákṣiṇa right, south; paçcima behind, western; ubháya (f. ubháyī or ubhayī́) of both kinds or parties; néma the one, half; and the possessive svá.
a. Further, besides the simpler or ordinary conjugation of a verbal root, there are certain more or less fully developed secondary or derivative conjugations.
a. In the epics there is much effacement of the distinction between active and middle, the choice of voice being very often determined by
metrical considerations alone.
a. The tenses here distinguished (in accordance with prevailing usage) as imperfect, perfect, pluperfect, and aorist receive those names from their correspondence in mode of formation with tenses so called in other languages of the family, especially in Greek, and not at all from differences of time designated by them. In no period of the Sanskrit language is there any expression of imperfect or pluperfect time — nor of perfect time, except in the older language,
where the "aorist" has this value; later, imperfect, perfect, and aorist are so many undiscriminated past tenses or preterits: see below, under the different tenses.
a. In the Veda, the present tense has, besides its indicative inflection, a subjunctive, of considerable variety of formation, an optative, and an imperative (in 2d and 3d persons). The same three modes are found, though of much less frequent occurrence, as belonging to the perfect; and they are made also from the aorists,
being of especial frequency from the simple aorist. The future has no modes (an occasional case or two are purely exceptional).
b. In the classical Sanskrit, the present adds to its indicative an optative and an imperative — of which last,
moreover, the first persons are a remnant of the old subjunctive. And the aorist has also an optative, of somewhat peculiar inflection, usually called the precative (or benedictive).
I. The present-system, composed of the present tense with its modes, its participle, and its preterit which we have called the imperfect.
II. The perfect-system, composed of the perfect tense (with, in the Veda, its modes and its preterit, the so-called pluperfect) and its participle.
III. The aorist-system, or systems, simple, reduplicated, and sibilant, composed of the aorist tense along with, in the later language, its "precative" optative (but, in the Veda, with its various modes and its participle).
IV. The future-systems: 1. the old or sibilant future, with its accompanying preterit, the conditional, and its participle; and 2. the new periphrastic future.
a. Another gerund, an adverbially used accusative in form, is found, but only rarely, both earlier and later.
so purely a present-system that it will be described in the chapter devoted to that part of the inflection of the verb.
a. Under the same general head belongs the subject of denominative conjugation, or the conversion of noun and adjective-stems into conjugation-stems. Further, that of compound conjugation, whether by the prefixion of prepositions to roots or by the addition of auxiliary verbs to noun and adjective-stems. And finally, that of periphrastic conjugation, or the looser combination of auxiliaries with verbal
nouns and adjectives.
root, the personal endings are appended.
a. In this chapter will be given a general account of the personal endings, and also of the formation of mode-stems from tense-stems, and of those elements in the formation of tense-stems — the augment and the reduplication — which are found in more than one tense-system. Then, in the following chapters, each tense-system
will be taken up by itself, and the methods of formation of its stems, both tense-stems and mode-stems, and their combination with the endings, will be described and illustrated in detail. And the complete conjugation of a few model verbs will be exhibited in systematic arrangement in Appendix C.
the same person in the same voice: one fuller, called primary; the other briefer, called secondary. There are also less pervading differences, depending upon other conditions.
a. In the epics, exchanges of primary and secondary active endings (especially the substitution of ma, va, ta, for mas, vas, tha) are not infrequent.
b. A condensed statement of all the varieties of ending for each person and number here follows.
b. The primary middle ending, according to the analogy of the other persons, would be regularly me. But no tense or mode, at any period of the language, shows any relic whatever of a m in this person; the primary ending, present as well as perfect, from a-stems and others alike, is e; and to it corresponds i as secondary ending, which blends with the final of an a-stem to e. The optative has, however, a instead of i; and in the subjunctive (later imperative) appears āi for e.
b. In the middle voice, the primary ending, both present and perfect, is se. The secondary stands in no apparent relation to this, being thās; and in the imperative is found only sva (or svā: 248 c), which in the Veda is not seldom to be read as sua. In the older language, se is sometimes strengthened to sāi in the subjunctive.
b. The primary middle ending is te, with ta as corresponding secondary. In the older language, te is often strengthened to tāi in
the subjunctive. In the perfect, the middle third person has, like the active, the same ending with the first, namely e simply; and in the older language, the third person present also often loses the distinctive part of its termination, and comes to coincide in form with the first (and MS. has aduha for adugdha). To this e perhaps corresponds, as secondary, the i of the aorist 3d pers. passive (842 ff.). The imperative has tām (or, in the Veda, rarely ām) for its ending.
b. In the middle, a long ā — which, however, with the final a of a-stems becomes e — has become prefixed to all dual endings of the second and third persons, so as to form an inseparable part of them (dīdhīthām AV., and jihīthām ÇB., are isolated anomalies). The primary endings, present and perfect, are āthe and āte; the secondary (and imperative) are āthām and ātām (or, with stem-final a, ethe etc.).
c. The Rig-Veda has a very few forms in āithe and āite, apparently from ethe and ete with subjunctive strengthening (they are all detailed below: see 615, 701, 737, 752, 836, 1008, 1043).
b. The primary middle ending is mahe. This is lightened in the secondary form to mahi; and, on the other hand, it is regularly (in the Veda, not invariably) strengthened to mahāi in the subjunctive (imperative).
once in impv.). But in the perfect any characteristic consonant is wanting, and the ending is simply a. In the Veda, the syllable na, of problematic origin, is not infrequently added to both forms of the ending, making thana (rarely thanā) and tana. The forms in which this occurs will be detailed below, under the different formations; the addition is very rarely made excepting to persons of the first general conjugation.
b. The middle primary ending is dhve, which belongs to the perfect as well as the present. In the subjunctive of the older language it is sometimes strengthened to dhvāi. The secondary (and imperative) ending is dhvam (in RV., once dhva); and dhvāt is once met with in the imperative (570). In the Veda, the v of all these endings is sometimes to be resolved into u, and the ending becomes dissyllabic. As to the change of dh of these endings to ḍh, see above, 226 c.
b. Moreover, anti, antu, ante, antām, anta are all liable to be weakened by the loss of their nasal, becoming ati etc. In the active, this weakening takes place only after reduplicated non-a-stems (and after a few roots which are treated as if reduplicated: 639 ff.); in the middle, it occurs after all tense-stems save those ending in a.
c. Further, for the secondary active ending an there is a substitute us (or ur: 169 b; the evidence of the Zend favors the latter form), which is used in the same reduplicating verbs that change anti to ati etc., and which accordingly appears as a weaker correlative of an. The same us is also used universally in the perfect, in the optative (not in the subjunctive), in those forms of the aorist whose stem does not end in a, and in the imperfect of root-stems ending in ā, and a few others (621).
d. The perfect middle has in all periods of the language the peculiar ending re, and the optative has the allied ran, in this person. In the Veda, a variety of other endings containing a r as distinctive consonant are met with: namely, re (and ire) and rate in the present; rata in the optative (both of present and of aorist); rire in the perfect; ranta, ran, and ram in aorists (and in an imperfect or two); rām and ratām in the imperative; ra in the imperfect of duh (MS.). The three rate, ratam, and rata are found even in the later language in one or two verbs (629).
| a. Primary Endings. | ||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| active. | middle. | |||||
| s. | d. | p. | s. | d. | p. | |
| 1 | mi | vás | más | é | váhe | máhe |
| 2 | si | thás | thá | sé | ā́the | dhvé |
| 3 | ti | tás | ánti, áti | té | ā́te | ánte, áte |
| b. Secondary Endings. | ||||||
| 1 | am | vá | má | í, á | váhi | máhi |
| 2 | s | tám | tá | thā́s | ā́thām | dhvám |
| 3 | t | tā́m | án, ús | tá | ā́tām | ánta, áta, rán |
| c. Perfect Endings. | ||||||
| 1 | a | vá | má | é | váhe | máhe |
| 2 | tha | áthus | á | sé | ā́the | dhvé |
| 3 | a | átus | ús | é | ā́te | ré |
| d. Imperative Endings. | ||||||
| 1 | āni | āva | āma | āi | āvahāi | āmahāi |
| 2 | dhí, hí, — | tám | tá | svá | ā́thām | dhvám |
| 3 | tu | tā́m | ántu, átu | tā́m | ā́tām | ántām, átām |
3d pl. ending ate of the pres. indic. middle has in RV. the accent até in a number of verbs (see 613, 685, 699, 719); and an occasional instance is met with in other endings: thus, mahé (see 719, 735).
a. A root ending in a dental mute sometimes drops this final mute instead of the added s in the second person; and, on the other hand, a root or stem ending in s sometimes drops this s instead of the added t in the third person – in either case, establishing the ordinary relation of s and t in these persons, instead of s and s, or t and t. The examples noted are: 2d sing. aves (to 3d sing. avet), √vid, AB.; 3d sing. akat, √kṛ, ÇB. aghat, √ghas, JB. AÇS.; acakāt, √cakās, RT.; açāt, √çās, AB. MBh. R.; asrat, √sras, VS.; ahinat, √hiṅs, ÇB. TB. GB. Compare also the s-aorist forms ayās and srās (146 a), in which the same influence is to be seen; and further, ajāit etc. (889 a), and precative yāt for yās (837). A similar loss of any other final consonant is excessively rare; AV. has once abhanas, for -nak, √bhañj. There are also a few cases where a 1st sing. is irregularly modeled after a 3d sing.: thus, atṛṇam (to atṛṇat), √tṛd, KU., acchinam (to acchinat), √chid, MBh.: compare further the 1st sing. in m instead of am, 543 a.
b. Again, a union-vowel is sometimes introduced before the ending, either a or i or ī: see below, 621 b, 631, 819, 880, 1004 a, 1068 a.
c. In a few isolated cases in the older language, this ī is changed to āi: see below, 904 b, 936, 1068 a.
a. Of the endings marked as accented in the scheme, the ta of 2d pl. is not infrequently in the Veda treated as unaccented, the tone resting on the stem, which is strengthened. Much less often, the tam of 2d du. is treated in the same way; other endings, only sporadically. Details are given under the various formations below.
so-called first persons imperative, and in the use (579) of the imperfect and aorist persons without augment after mā́ prohibitive. In the oldest period, however, it was a very frequent formation, being three or four times as common as the optative in the Rig-Veda, and nearly the same in the Atharvan; but already in the Brāhmaṇas it becomes comparatively rare. Its varieties of form are considerable, and sometimes perplexing.
b. In 1st du., 1st pl., and 3d pl., the endings are the secondary: thus, dóhāva, dóhāma, dóhan; bhávāva, bhávāma, bhávān.
c. In 2d and 3d du. and 2d pl., the endings are primary: thus, dóhathas, dóhatas, dóhatha; bhávāthas, bhávātas, bhávātha.
d. In 2d and 3d sing., the endings are either primary or secondary: thus, dóhasi or dóhas, dóhati or dóhat; bhávāsi or bhávās, bhávāti or bhávāt.
e. Occasionally, forms with double mode-sign ā (by assimilation to the more numerous subjunctives from tense-stems in a) are met with from non-a-stems: thus, ásātha from as; áyās, áyāt, áyān from e (√i).
a. The striking peculiarity of subjunctive middle inflection is the frequent strengthening of e to āi in the endings. This is less general in the very earliest language than later. In 1st sing., āi alone is found as ending, even in RV.; and in 1st du. also (of rare occurrence), only āvahāi is met with. In 1st pl., āmahāi prevails in RV. and AV. (āmahe is found a few times), and is alone known later. In 2d sing., sāi for se does not occur in RV., but is the only form in AV. and the Brāhmaṇas. In 3d sing., tāi for te occurs once in RV., and is the predominant form
in AV., and the only one later. In 2d pl., dhvāi for dhve is found in one word in RV., and a few times in the Brāhmaṇas. In 3d pl., ntāi for nte is the Brāhmaṇa form (of far from frequent occurrence); it occurs neither in RV. nor AV. No such dual endings as thāi and tāi, for the and te, are anywhere found; but RV. has in a few words (nine: above, 547 c) āithe and āite, which appear to be a like subjunctive strengthening of ethe and ete (although found in one indicative form, kṛṇvāite). Before the āi-endings, the vowel is regularly long ā; but antāi instead of āntāi is two or three times met with, and once or twice (TS. AB.) atāi for ātāi.
| active. | middle. | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| s. | d. | p. | s. | d. | p. | |
| 1 | āni | āva | āma | āi | āvahāi āvahe | āmahāi āmahe |
| 2 | asi as | athas | atha | ase āsāi | āithe | adhve ādhvāi |
| 3 | ati at | atas | an | ate ātāi | āite | ante, anta āntāi |
a. And in further combination with final a of a tense-stem, the initial a of all these endings becomes ā: thus, for example, in 2d pers., āsi or ās, āthas, ātha, āse, ādhve.
a. As to the general uses of the subjunctive, see below, 574 ff.
b. Its mode of formation is the same in all periods of the language.
to one ending in some other final. In the latter case, it is yā́, accented; this yā is appended to the weaker form of the tense-stem, and takes the regular series of secondary endings, with, in 3d plur., us instead of an, and loss of the ā before it. After an a-stem, it is ī, unaccented; this ī blends with the final a to e (which then is accented or not according to the accent of the a); and the e is maintained unchanged before a vowel-ending (am, us), by means of an interposed euphonic y.
b. In the middle voice, the mode-sign is ī throughout, and takes the secondary endings, with a in 1st sing., and ran in 3d pl. After an a-stem, the rules as to its combination to e, the accent of the latter, and its retention before a vowel-ending with interposition of a y, are the same as in the active. After any other final, the weaker form of stem is taken, and the accent is on the ending (except in one class of verbs, where it falls upon the tense-stem: see 645); and the ī (as when combined to e) takes an inserted y before the vowel-endings (a, āthām, ātām).
c. It is, of course, impossible to tell from the form whether i or ī is combined with the final of an a-stem to e; but no good reason appears to exist for assuming i, rather than the ī which shows itself in the other class of stems in the middle voice.
a. for non-a-stems.
| active. | middle. | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| s. | d. | p. | s. | d. | p. | |
| 1 | yā́m | yā́va | yā́ma | īyá | īváhi | īmáhi |
| 2 | yā́s | yā́tam | yā́ta | īthā́s | īyā́thām | īdhvám |
| 3 | yā́t | yā́tām | yús | ītá | īyā́tām | īrán |
b. combined with the final of a-stems.
| active. | middle. | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| s. | d. | p. | s. | d. | p. | |
| 1 | eyam | eva | ema | eya | evahi | emahi |
| 2 | es | etam | eta | ethās | eyāthām | edhvam |
| 3 | et | etām | eyus | eta | eyātām | eran |
c. The yā is in the Veda not seldom resolved into iā.
d. The contracted sanem, for saneyam, is found in TB. and Āpast. Certain Vedic 3d pl. middle forms in rata will be mentioned below, under the various formations.
made almost only from the aorist stems, and, though allowed by the grammarians to be formed from every root — the active precative from the simple aorist, the middle from the sibilant aorist — are
practically of rare occurrence at every period of the language, and especially later.
a. The inserted s runs in the active through the whole series of persons; in the middle, it is allowed only in the 2d and 3d persons sing. and du. and the 2d pl., and is quotable only for the 2d and 3d sing. In the 2d sing. act., the precative form, by reason of the necessary loss of the added s, is not distinguishable from the simple optative; in the 3d sing. act., the same is the case in the later language, which (compare 555 a) saves the personal ending t instead of the precative-sign s; but the RV. usually, and the other Vedic texts to some extent, have the proper ending yās (for yāst). As to ḍh in the 2d pl. mid., see 226 c.
b. The accent is as in the simple optative.
| active. | middle. | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| s. | d. | p. | s. | d. | p. | |
| 1 | yā́sam | yā́sva | yā́sma | [īyá] | [īváhi] | [īmáhi] |
| 2 | [yā́s] | yā́stam | yā́sta | īṣṭhā́s | īyā́sthām | īḍhvam |
| 3 | [yā́t] | yā́stām | yā́sus | īṣṭá | īyā́stām | [īrán] |
a. Respecting the precative, see further 921 ff.
b. As to the general uses of the optative, see below, 573 ff.
a. Hence, in 2d and 3d du. and 2d pl., its forms are indistinguishable from those of the augment-preterit from the same stem with its augment omitted.
b. The rules as to the use of the different endings — especially in 2d sing., where the variety is considerable — will be given below, in connection with the various tense-systems. The ending tāt, however, has so much that is peculiar in its use that it calls for a little explanation here.
a. Examples are: brūtāt, hatāt, vittā́t; pipṛtāt, jahītāt, dhattā́t; kṛṇutāt, kurutāt; gṛhṇītāt, jānītā́t; ávatāt, rákṣatāt, vasatāt; viçatāt, sṛjatāt; asyatāt, naçyatāt, chyatāt; kriyatāt;
gamayatāt, cyāvayatāt, vārayatāt; īpsatāt; jāgṛtāt. No examples have been found from a nasal-class verb (690), nor any other than those here given from a passive, intensive, or desiderative. The few accented cases indicate that the formation follows the general rule for one made with an accented ending (552).
b. The imperative in tāt is not a very rare formation in the older language, being made (in V., B., and S.) from about fifty roots, and in toward a hundred and fifty occurrences. Later, it is very unusual: thus, only a single example has been noted in MBh., and one in R.; and correspondingly few in yet more modern texts.
a. Examples are: ihāi ’vá mā tíṣṭhantam abhyèhī́ ’ti brūhi tā́ṁ tú na ā́gatām pratiprábrūtāt (ÇB.) say to her "come to me as I stand just here," and [afterward] announce her to us as having come; yád ūrdhvás tíṣṭhā dráviṇe ’há dhattāt (RV.) when thou shalt stand upright, [then] bestow riches here (and similarly in many cases); utkū́lam udvahó bhavo ’dúhya práti dhāvatāt (AV.) be a carrier up the ascent; after having carried up, run back again; vánaspátir ádhi tvā sthāsyati tásya vittāt (TS.) the tree will ascend thee, [then] take note of it.
b. Examples of its use as other than 2d sing. are as follows: 1st sing., āvyuṣáṁ jāgṛtād ahám (AV.; only case) let me watch till daybreak; as 3d sing., púnar mā́ ”viçatād rayíḥ (TS.) let wealth come again to me, ayáṁ tyásya rā́jā mūrdhā́naṁ ví pātayatāt (ÇB.) the king here shall make his head fly off; as 2d du., nā́satyāv abruvan devā́ḥ púnar ā́ vahatād íti (RV.) the gods said to the two Açvins "bring them back again"; as 2d pl., ā́paḥ ... devéṣu naḥ sukṛ́to brūtāt (TS.) ye waters, announce us to the gods as well-doers. In the later language, the prevailing value appears to be that of a 3d sing.: thus, bhavān prasādaṁ kurutāt (MBh.) may your worship do the favor, enam bhavān abhirakṣatāt (DKC.) let your excellency protect him.
c. According to the native grammarians, the imperative in tāt is to be used with a benedictive implication. No instance of such use appears to be quotable.
d. In a certain passage repeated several times in different Brāhmaṇas and Sūtras, and containing a number of forms in tāt used as 2d pl., vārayadhvāt is read instead of vārayatāt in some of the texts (K. AB. AÇS. ÇÇS.). No other occurrence of the ending dhvāt has been anywhere noted.
a. This, however (in Sanskrit as in other languages), is by no means always of the same force; the command shades off into a demand, an exhortation, an entreaty, an expression of earnest desire. The imperative also sometimes signifies an assumption or concession; and occasionally, by pregnant construction, it becomes the expression of something conditional or contingent; but it does not acquire any regular use in dependent-clause-making.
b. The imperative is now and then used in an interrogative sentence: thus, bravīhi ko ‘dyāi ’va mayā viyujyatām (R.) speak! who shall now be separated by me? katham ete guṇavantaḥ kriyantām (H.) how are they to be made virtuous? kasmāi piṇḍaḥ pradīyatām (Vet.) to whom shall the offering be given?
a. But the expression of desire, on the one hand, passes naturally over into that of request or entreaty, so that the optative becomes a softened imperative; and, on the other hand, it comes to signify what is generally desirable or proper, what should or ought to be, and so becomes the mode of prescription; or, yet again, it is weakened into signifying what may or can be, what is likely or usual, and so becomes at last a softened statement of what is.
b. Further, the optative in dependent clauses, with relative pronouns and conjunctions, becomes a regular means of expression of the conditional and contingent, in a wide and increasing variety of uses.
c. The so-called precative forms (567) are ordinarily used in the proper optative sense. But in the later language they are occasionally met with in the other uses of the optative: thus, na hi prapaçyāmi mamā ’panudyād yac chokam (Bh G.) for I do not perceive what should dispel my grief; yad bhūyāsur vibhūtayaḥ (BhP.) that there should be changes. Also rarely with mā: see 579 b.
a. And the general value of the subjunctive from the beginning was what these relics would seem to indicate; its fundamental meaning is perhaps that of requisition, less peremptory than the imperative, more so than the optative. But this meaning is liable to the same modifications and transitions with that of the optative; and subjunctive and optative run closely parallel with one another in the oldest language in their use in independent clauses, and are hardly distinguishable in dependent. And instead of their being (as in Greek) both maintained in use, and endowed with nicer and more distinctive values, the subjunctive gradually disappears, and the optative assumes alone the offices formerly shared by both.
a. Thus, in AV., we have in impv.: çatáṁ jīva çarádaḥ do thou live a hundred autumns; ubhāú tāú jīvatāṁ jarádaṣṭī let them both live to attain old age; — in subj., adyá jīvāni let me live this day; çatáṁ jīvāti çarádaḥ he shall live a hundred autumns; — in opt., jī́vema çarádāṁ çatā́ni may we live hundreds of autumns; sárvam ā́yur jīvyāsam (prec.) I would fain live out my whole term of life. Here the modes would be interchangeable with a hardly perceptible change of meaning.
b. Examples, again, of different modes in coördinate construction are: iyám agne nā́rī pátiṁ videṣṭa ... súvānā putrā́n máhiṣī bhavāti gatvā́ pátiṁ subhágā ví rājatu (AV.) may this woman, O Agni! find a spouse; giving birth to sons she shall become a chieftainess; having attained a spouse let her rule in happiness; gopāyá naḥ svastáye prabúdhe naḥ púnar dadaḥ (TS.) watch over us for
our welfare; grant unto us to wake again; syā́n naḥ sūnúḥ ... sā́ te sumatír bhūtv asmé (RV.) may there be to us a son; let that favor of thine be ours. It is not very seldom the case that versions of the same passage in different texts show different modes as various readings.
c. There is, in fact, nothing in the earliest employment of these modes to prove that they might not all be specialized uses of forms originally equivalent — having, for instance, a general future meaning.
a. Thus, prá pata mé ’há raṁsthāḥ (AV.) fly away, do not stay here; dviṣáṅç ca máhyaṁ radhyatu mā́ cā ’háṁ dviṣaté radham (AV.) both let my foe be subject to me, and let me not be subject to my foe; urv àçyām ábhayaṁ jyótir indra mā́ no dīrghā́ abhí naçan tamisrā́ḥ (RV.) I would win broad fearless light, O Indra; let not the long darknesses come upon us; mā́ na ā́yuḥ prá moṣīḥ (RV.) do not
steal away our life; samāçvasihi mā çucaḥ (MBh.) be comforted; do not grieve; mā bhāiṣīḥ or bhāiḥ (MBh. R.) do not be afraid; mā bhūt kālasya paryayaḥ (R.) let not a change of time take place. Examples with the imperfect are: mā́ bibher ná mariṣyasi (RV.) do not fear; thou wilt not die; mā́ smāi ’tā́nt sákhīn kuruthāḥ (AV.) do not make friends of them; mā putram anutapyathāḥ (MBh.) do not sorrow for thy son. The relation of the imperfect to the aorist construction, in point of frequency, is in RV. about as one to five, in AV. still less, or about one to six; and though instances of the imperfect are quotable from all the older texts, they are exceptional and infrequent; while in the epics and later they become extremely rare.
b. A single optative, bhujema, is used prohibitively with mā́ in RV.; the older language presents no other example, and the construction is very rare also later. In an example or two, also, the precative (bhūyāt, R. Pañc.) follows mā.
c. The RV. has once apparently mā́ with an imperative; but the passage is probably corrupt. No other such case is met with in the older language (unless sṛpa. TA. i. 14; doubtless a bad reading for sṛpas); but in the epics and later the construction begins to appear, and becomes an ordinary form of prohibition: thus, mā prayacche ”çvare dhanam (H.) do not bestow wealth on a lord; sakhi māi ’vaṁ vada (Vet.) friend, do not speak thus.
d. The ÇB. (xi. 5. 1 1) appears to offer a single example of a true subjunctive with mā, ní padyāsāi; there is perhaps something wrong about the reading.
e. In the epics and later, an aorist form not deprived of augment is occasionally met with after mā: thus, mā tvāṁ kālo ‘tyagāt (MBh.) let not the time pass thee; mā vālipatham anv agāḥ (R.) do not follow Vāli's road. But the same anomaly occurs also two or three times in the older language: thus, vyàpaptat (ÇB.), agās (TA.), anaçat (KS.).
and then, in the later language, such uses are represented by the optative alone. A few examples will be sufficient to illustrate this:
a. After relative pronouns and conjunctions in general: yā́ vyūṣúr yā́ç ca nūnáṁ vyucchā́n (RV.) which have shone forth [hitherto], and which shall hereafter shine forth; yó ‘to jā́yātā asmā́kaṁ sá éko ‘sat (TS.) whoever shall be born of her, let him be one of us; yó vāí tā́n vidyā́t pratyákṣaṁ sá brahmā́ véditā syāt (AV.) whoever shall know them face to face, he may pass for a knowing priest; putrā́ṇāṁ ... jātā́nāṁ janáyāç ca yā́n (AV.) of sons born and whom thou mayest bear; yásya ... átithir gṛhā́n āgácchet (AV.) to whosesoever house he may come as guest; yatamáthā kāmáyeta táthā kuryāt (ÇB.) in whatever way he may choose, so may he do it; yárhi hótā yájamānasya nā́ma gṛhṇīyā́t tárhi brūyāt (TS.) when the sacrificing priest shall name the name of the offerer, then he may speak; svarūpaṁ yadā draṣṭum icchethāḥ (MBh.) when thou shalt desire to see thine own form.
b. In more distinctly conditional constructions: yájāma devā́n yádi çaknávāma (RV.) we will offer to the gods if we shall be able; yád agne syā́m aháṁ tváṁ tváṁ vā ghā syā́ aháṁ syúṣ ṭe satyā́ ihā́ ”çíṣaḥ (RV.) if I were thou, Agni, or if thou wert I, thy wishes should be realized on the spot; yó dyā́m atisárpāt parástān ná sá mucyātāi váruṇasya rā́jñaḥ (AV.) though one steal far away beyond the sky, he shall not escape king Varuna; yád ánāçvān upaváset kṣódhukaḥ syād yád açnīyā́d rudrò ‘sya paçū́n abhí manyeta (TS.) if he should continue without eating, he would starve; if he should eat, Rudra would attack his cattle; prārthayed yadi māṁ kaçcid daṇḍyaḥ sa me pumān bhavet (MBh.) if any man soever should desire me, he should suffer punishment. These and the like constructions, with the optative, are very common in the Brāhmaṇas and later.
c. In final clauses: yáthā ’háṁ çatruhó ‘sāni (AV.) that I may be a slayer of my enemies; gṛṇānā́ yáthā píbātho ándhaḥ (RV.) that being praised with song ye may drink the draught; urāú yáthā táva çárman mádema (RV.) in order that we rejoice in thy wide protection; úpa jānīta yáthe ‘yám púnar āgácchet (ÇB.) contrive that she come back again; kṛpāṁ kuryād yathā mayi (MBh.) so that he may take pity on me. This is in the Veda one of the most frequent uses of the subjunctive; and in its correlative negative form, with néd in order that not or lest (always followed by an accented verb), it continues not rare in the Brāhmaṇas.
d. The indicative is also very commonly used in final clauses after yathā: thus, yáthā ’yáṁ púruṣo ‘ntárikṣam anucárati (ÇB.) in order that this man may traverse the atmosphere; yathā na vighnaḥ kriyate (R.) so that no hindrance may arise; yathā ’yaṁ naçyati tathā vidheyam (H.) it must be so managed that he perish.
e. With the conditional use of subjunctive and optative is farther to be compared that of the so-called conditional tense: see below, 950.
f. As is indicated by many of the examples given above, it is usual in a conditional sentence, containing protasis and apodosis, to employ always the same mode, whether subjunctive or optative (or conditional), in each of the two clauses. For the older language, this is a rule well-nigh or quite without exception.
a. The participles unconnected with the tense-systems are treated in chap. XIII. (952 ff.).
a. After a tense-stem ending in a, the active participial suffix is virtually nt, one of the two a's being lost in the combination of stem-final and suffix.
b. After a tense-stem ending in a, the middle participial suffix is māna instead of āna. But there are occasional exceptions to the rule as to the use of māna and āna respectively, which will be pointed out in connection with the various formations below. Such exceptions are especially frequent in the causative: see 1043 f.
c. The perfect has in the active the peculiar suffix vāṅs (weakest form uṣ, middle form vat; fem, uṣī: see, for the inflection of this participle, above, 458 ff.).
d. For details, as to form of stem etc., and for special exceptions, see the following chapters.
(136 a). It is always (without any exception) the accented element in the verbal form of which it makes a part.
a. In the Veda, the augment is in a few forms long ā: thus, ā́naṭ, ā́var, āvṛṇi, ā́vṛṇak, āvidhyat, āyunak, ā́yukta, ā́yukṣātām, ā́riṇak, ā́rāik and yás ta ā́vidhat, RV. ii. 1. 7, 9?).
a. In RV., the augmentless forms are more than half as common as the augmented (about 2000 and 3300), and are made from the present, perfect, and aorist-systems, but considerably over half from the aorist. Their non-modal and modal uses are of nearly equal frequency. The tense value of the non-modally used forms is more often past than present. Of the modally used forms, nearly a third are construed with mā prohibitive; the rest have twice as often an optative as a proper subjunctive value.
b. In AV., the numerical relations are very different. The augmentless forms are less than a third as many as the augmented (about 475 to 1450), and are prevailingly (more than four fifths) aoristic. The non-modal uses are only a tenth of the modal. Of the modally used forms, about four fifths are construed with mā prohibitive; the rest are chiefly optative in value. Then, in the language of the Brāhmaṇas (not including the mantra-material which they contain), the loss of augment is, save in occasional sporadic cases, restricted to the prohibitive construction with mā; and the same continues to be the case later.
c. The accentuation of the augmentless forms is throughout in accordance with that of unaugmented tenses of similar formation. Examples will be given below, under the various tenses.
d. Besides the augmentless aorist-forms with mā prohibitive, there are also found occasionally in the later language augmentless imperfect-forms (very rarely aorist-forms), which have the same value as if they were augmented, and are for the most part examples of metrical license. They are especially frequent in the epics (whence some scores of them are quotable).
a. A non-aspirate is substituted in reduplication for an aspirate: thus, दधा dadhā from √धा; बिभृ bibhṛ from √भृ bhṛ.
b. A palatal is substituted for a guttural or for ह् h:
thus, चकृ cakṛ from √कृ kṛ ; चिखिद् cikhid from √खिद् khid; जग्रभ् jagrabh from √ग्रभ् grabh; जहृ jahṛ from √हृ hṛ.
c. The occasional reversion, on the other hand, of a palatal in the radical syllable to guttural form has been noticed above (216 l).
d. Of two initial consonants, the second, if it be a non-nasal mute preceded by a sibilant, is repeated instead of the first: thus, तस्तृ tastṛ from √स्तृ stṛ; तस्था tasthā from √स्था sthā; चस्कन्द् caskand from √स्कन्द् skand; चस्खल् caskhal from √स्खल् skhal; चुश्चुत् cuçcut from √श्चुत् çcut; पस्पृध् paspṛdh from √स्पृध् spṛdh; पुस्फुट् pusphuṭ from √स्फुट् sphuṭ: — but सस्ना sasnā from √स्ना snā; सस्मृ sasmṛ from √स्मृ smṛ; सुस्रु susru from √स्रु sru; शिश्लिष् çiçliṣ from √श्लिष् çliṣ.
a. But, according to the grammarians, and according to the invariable practice in accentuated texts, the verb is in the majority of its occurrences unaccented or toneless.
b. That is to say, of course, the verb in its proper forms, its personal or so-called finite forms. The verbal nouns and adjectives, or the infinitives and participles, are subject to precisely the same laws of accent as other nouns and adjectives.
a. For the accent of the verb, as well as for that of the vocative case (above, 314 c), the beginning of a pāda counts as that of a sentence, whatever be the logical connection of the pāda with what precedes it.
b. Examples of the unaccented verb are: agním īḍe puróhitam Agni I praise, the house-priest; sá íd devéṣu gacchati that, truly, goes to the gods; ágne sūpāyanó bhava O Agni, be easy of access; idám indra çṛṇuhi somapa this, O Indra, soma-drinker, hear; námas te rudra kṛṇmaḥ homage to thee, Rudra, we offer; yájamānasya paçū́n pāhi the sacrificer's cattle protect thou.
c. Hence, there are two principal situations in which the verb retains its accent:
a. Examples of the verb accented at the head of the sentence are, in prose, çúndhadhvaṁ dāívyāya kármaṇe be pure for the divine ceremony; āpnótī ’máṁ lokám he wins this world; in verse, where the head of the sentence is also that of the pāda, syā́mé ’d índrasya çármaṇi may we be in Indra's protection; darçáya mā yātudhā́nān show me the sorcerers; gámad vā́jebhir ā́ sá naḥ may he come with good things to us; — in verse, where the head of the clause is within the pāda, téṣām pāhi çrudhī́ hávam drink of them, hear our call; sástu mātā́ sástu pitā́ sástu çvā́ sástu viçpátiḥ let the mother sleep, let the father sleep, let the dog sleep, let the master sleep; víçvakarman námas te pāhy àsmā́n Viçvakarman, homage to thee; protect us! yuvā́m ... rā́jña ūce duhitā́ pṛcché vāṁ narā the king's daughter said to you "I pray you, ye men"; vayáṁ te váya indra viddhí ṣu ṇaḥ prá bharāmahe we offer thee, Indra, strengthening; take note of us.
b. Examples of the verb accented at the head of the pāda when this is not the head of the sentence are: áthā te ántamānāṁ vidyā́ma sumatīnā́m so may we enjoy thy most intimate favors; dhātā́ ’syā́ agrúvāi pátiṁ dádhātu pratikāmyàm Dhātar bestow upon this girl a husband according to her wish; yātudhānasya somapa jahí prajā́m slay, Soma-drinker, the progeny of the sorcerer.
a. As a vocative forms no syntactical part of the sentence to which it is attached, but is only an external appendage to it, a verb following an initial vocative, or more than one, is accented, as if it were itself initial in the clause or pāda: thus, ā́çrutkarṇa çrudhī́ hávam O thou of listening ears, hear our call! sī́te vándāmahe tvā O Sītā, we reverence thee; víçve devā vásavo rákṣate ’mám all ye gods, ye Vasus, protect this man; utā́ ”gaç cakrúṣaṁ devā dévā jīváyathā púnaḥ likewise him, O gods, who has committed crime, ye gods, ye make to live again.
b. If more than one verb follow a word or words syntactically connected with them all, only the first loses its accent, the others being treated as if they were initial verbs in separate clauses, with the same adjuncts understood: thus, taráṇir íj jayati kṣéti púṣyati successful he conquers, rules, thrives; amítrān ... párāca indra prá mṛṇā jahī́ ca our foes, Indra, drive far away and slay; asmábhyaṁ jeṣi yótsi ca for us conquer and fight; ágnīṣomā havíṣaḥ prásthitasya vītáṁ háryataṁ vṛṣaṇā juṣéthām O Agni and Soma, of the oblation set forth partake, enjoy, ye mighty ones, take pleasure.
c. In like manner (but much less often), an adjunct, as subject or object, standing between two verbs and logically belonging to both, is reckoned to the first alone, and the second has the initial accent: thus, jahí prajā́ṁ náyasva ca slay the progeny, and bring [it] hither; çṛṇótu naḥ subhágā bódhatu tmánā may the blessed one hear us, [and may she] kindly regard [us].
d. It has even come to be a formal rule that a verb immediately following another verb is accented: thus, sá yá etám evám upā́ste pūryáte prajáyā paçúbhiḥ (ÇB.) whoever worships him thus is filled with offspring and cattle.
a. The dependency of a clause is in the very great majority of cases conditioned by the relative pronoun ya, or one of its derivatives or compounds. Thus: yáṁ yajñám paribhū́r ási what offering thou protectest; ó té yanti yé aparī́ṣu páçyān they are coming who shall behold her hereafter; sahá yán me ásti téna along with that which is mine; yátra naḥ pū́rve pitáraḥ pareyúḥ whither our fathers of old departed; adyā́ murīya yádi yātudhā́no ásmi let me die on the spot, if I am a sorcerer; yáthā́ ’hāny anupūrvám bhávanti as days follow one another in order; yā́vad idám bhúvanaṁ víçvam ásti how great this whole creation is; yátkāmās te juhumás tán no astu what desiring we sacrifice to thee, let that become ours; yatamás títṛpsāt whichever one desires to enjoy.
b. The presence of a relative word in the sentence does not, of course, accent the verb, unless this is really the predicate of a dependent clause: thus, ápa tyé tāyávo yathā yanti they make off like thieves (as thieves do); yát sthā́ jágac ca rejate whatever [is] immovable and movable trembles; yathākā́maṁ ní padyate he lies down at his pleasure.
c. The particle ca when it means if, and céd (ca+id) if, give an accent to the verb: thus, brahmā́ céd dhástam ágrahīt if a Brahman has grasped her hand; tváṁ ca soma no váço jīvā́tuṁ ná marāmahe if thou, Soma, willest us to live, we shall not die; ā́ ca gácchān mitrám enā dadhāma if he will come here, we will make friends with him.
d. There are a very few passages in which the logical dependence of a clause containing no subordinating word appears to give the verb its accent: thus, sám áçvaparṇāç cáranti no náro ‘smā́kam indra rathíno jayantu when our men, horse-winged, come into conflict, let the chariot-fighters of our side, O Indra, win the victory. Rarely, too, an imperative so following another imperative that its action may seem a consequence of the latter's is accented: thus, tū́yam ā́ gahi káṇveṣu sú sácā píba come hither quickly; drink along with the Kanvas (i. e. in order to drink).
e. A few other particles give the verb an accent, in virtue of a slight subordinating force belonging to them: thus, especially hí (with its negation nahí), which in its fullest value means for, but shades off from that into a mere asseverative sense; the verb or verbs connected with it are always accented: thus, ví té muñcantāṁ vimúco hí sánti let them release him, for they are releasers; yác cid dhí ... anāçastā́ iva smási if we, forsooth, are as it were unrenowned; — also néd (ná+íd), meaning lest, that not: thus, nét tvā tápāti sū́ro arcíṣā that the sun may not burn thee with his beam; virā́jaṁ néd vicchinádānī́ ’ti saying to himself,
"lest I cut off the virāj" (such cases are frequent in the Brāhmaṇas); — and the interrogative kuvíd whether? thus, ukthébhiḥ kuvíd āgamát will he come hither for our praises?
a. Sometimes, the relation of the two clauses is readily capable of being regarded as that of protasis and apodosis; but often, also, such a relation is very indistinct; and the cases of antithesis shade off into those of ordinary coördination, the line between them appearing to be rather arbitrarily drawn.
b. In many cases, the antithesis is made distincter by the presence in the two clauses of correlative words, especially anya—anya, eka—eka, vā—vā, ca—ca: thus, prá-prā ’nyé yánti páry anyá āsate some go on and on, others sit about (as if it were while some go etc.); úd vā siñcádhvam úpa vā pṛṇadhvam either pour out, or fill up; sáṁ ce ’dhyásvā ’gne prá ca vardhaye ’mám both do thou thyself become kindled, Agni, and do thou increase this person. But it is also made without such help: thus, prā́ ’jātāḥ prajā́ janáyati pári prájātā gṛhṇāti the unborn progeny he generates, the born he embraces; ápa yusmád ákramīn nā́ ’smā́n upā́vartate [though] she has gone away from you, she does not come to us; nā́ ’ndhò ‘dhvaryúr bhávati ná yajñáṁ rákṣāṅsi ghnanti the priest does not become blind, the demons do not destroy the sacrifice; kéna sómā gṛhyánte kéna hūyante by whom [on the one hand] are the somas dipped out? by whom [on the other hand] are they offered?
a. Accentuation of the verb in the former of two antithetical clauses is a rule more strictly followed in the Brāhmaṇas than in the Veda, and least strictly in the RV.: thus, in RV., abhí dyā́m mahinā́ bhuvam (not bhúvam) abhī̀ ’mām pṛthivī́m mahī́m I am superior to the sky in greatness, also to this great earth; and even índro vidur án̄girasaç ca ghorā́ḥ Indra knows, and the terrible Angirases.
a. Thus, sporadically before caná in any wise, and in connection with asseverative particles, as kíla, an̄gá, evá, and (in ÇB., regularly) hánta: thus, hánte ’mā́m pṛthivī́ṁ vibhájāmahāi come on! let us share up this earth.
a. These forms often go in Sanskrit grammars by the name of "special tenses", while the other tense-systems are styled "general tenses" — as if the former were made from a special tense-stem or modified root, while the latter came, all alike, from the root itself. There is no reason why such a distinction and nomenclature should be retained; since, on the one hand, the "special tenses" come in one set of verbs directly from the root, and, on the other hand, the other tense-systems are mostly made from stems — and, in the case of the aorist, from stems having a variety of form comparable with that of present-stems.
a. Thus, in the Veda, the occurrences of personal forms of this system are to those of all others about as three to one; in the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa, as five to one; in the Hitopadeça, as six to one; in the Çakuntalā, as eight to one; in Manu, as thirty to one.
I. The root-class (second class, or ad-class, of the Hindu grammarians); its present-stem is coincident with the root itself: thus, अद् ad eat; इ i go; आस् ās sit; या yā go; द्विष् dviṣ hate; दुह् duh milk.
II. The reduplicating class (third or hu-class); the root is reduplicated to form the present-stem: thus, जुहु juhu from √हु hu sacrifice; ददा dadā from √दा dā give; बिभृ bibhṛ from √भृ bhṛ bear.
III. The nasal class (seventh or rudh-class); a nasal, extended to the syllable न na in strong forms, is inserted before the final consonant of the root: thus, रुन्ध् rundh (or रुणध् ruṇadh) from √रुध् rudh obstruct; yuñj जुञ्ज् (or युनज् yunaj) from √युज् yuj join.
IV. a. The nu-class (fifth or su-class); the syllable नु nu is added to the root: thus, सुनु sunu from √सु su press out; आप्नु āpnu from √आप् āp obtain.
b. A very small number (only half-a-dozen) of roots ending already in न् n, and also one very common and quite irregularly inflected root not so ending (कृ kṛ make), add उ u alone to form the present-stem. This is the eighth or tan-class of the Hindu grammarians; it may be best ranked by us as a sub-class, the u-class: thus, तनु tanu from √तन् tan stretch.
V. The nā-class (ninth or krī-class); the syllable ना nā (or, in weak forms, नी nī) is added to the root: thus, क्रीणा krīṇā (or क्रीणी krīṇī) from √क्री krī buy; स्तभ्ना stabhnā (or स्तभ्नी stabhnī) from √स्तभ् stabh establish.
, are (as just stated) unlike those of the other conjugation.
VI. The a-class, or unaccented a-class (first or bhū-class); the added class-sign is a simply; and the root, which has the accent, is (if capable of it) strengthened by guṇa throughout: thus, भव bháva from √भू bhū be; नय náya from √नी nī lead; बोध bódha from √बुध् budh wake; वद váda from √वद् vad speak.
VII. The á-class, or accented a-class (sixth or tud-class); the added class-sign is a, as in the preceding class; but it has the accent, and the unaccented root remains unstrengthened: thus, तुद tudá from √तुद् tud thrust; सृज sṛjá from √सृज् sṛj let loose; सुव suvá from √सू sū give birth.
VIII. The ya-class (fourth or div-class); ya is added to the root, which has the accent: thus, दीव्य dī́vya from √दिव् div (more properly दीव् dīv: see 765) play; नह्य náhya from √नह् nah bind; क्रुध्य krúdhya from √क्रुध् krudh be angry.
IX. The passive conjugation is also properly a present-system only, having a class-sign which is not extended into the other systems; though it differs markedly from the remaining classes in having a specific meaning, and in being formable in the middle voice from all transitive verbs. Its inflection may therefore best be treated next to that of the ya-class, with which it is most nearly connected, differing from it as the á-class from the a-class. It forms its stem, namely, by adding an accented yá to the root: thus, अद्य adyá from √अद् ad eat; रुध्य rudhyá from √रुध् rudh obstruct; बुध्य budhyá from √बुध् budh wake; तुद्य tudyá from √तुद् tud thrust.
a. Roots adding ch are ṛ and yu, which make the stems ṛcchá and yúccha.
b. Roots substituting ch for their final are iṣ, uṣ (or vas shine), gam, yam, which make the stems icchá, ucchá, gáccha, yáccha.
c. Of the so-called roots ending in ch, several are more or less clearly stems, whose use has been extended from the present to other systems of tenses.
endings — but combined in subjunctive and optative with the respective mode-signs; and in the imperfect the augment is prefixed to the root.
a. The accented endings (552) regularly take the accent — except in the imperfect, where it falls on the augment — and before them the root remains unchanged; before the unaccented endings, the root takes the guṇa-strengthening.
b. It is only in the first three classes that the endings come immediately in contact with a final consonant of the root, and that the roles for consonant combination have to be noted and applied. In these classes, then, additional paradigms will be given, to illustrate the modes of combination.
Examples of inflection: a. active, root इ i go: strong form of root-stem, ए é; weak form, इ i; middle, root ās sit, stem ā́s (irregularly accented throughout: 628).
| active. | middle. | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| s. | d. | p. | s. | d. | p. | |
| 1 | एमि émi | इवस् ivás | इमस् imás | आसे ā́se | आस्वहे ā́svahe | आस्महे ā́smahe |
| 2 | एषि éṣi | इथस् ithás | इथ ithá | आस्से ā́sse | आसाथे ā́sāthe | आद्ध्वे ā́ddhve |
| 3 | एति éti | इतस् itás | यन्ति yánti | आस्ते ā́ste | आसाते ā́sāte | आसते ā́sate |
b. root dviṣ. hate: strong stem-form, dvéṣ; weak, dviṣ. For rules of combination for the final ṣ, see 226.
| active. | middle. | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| s. | d. | p. | s. | d. | p. | |
| 1 | dvéṣmi | dviṣvás | dviṣmás | dviṣé | dviṣváhe | dviṣmáhe |
| 2 | dvékṣi | dviṣṭhás | dviṣṭhá | dvikṣé | dviṣā́the | dviḍḍhvé |
| 3 | dvéṣṭi | dviṣṭás | dviṣánti | dviṣṭé | dviṣā́te | dviṣáte |
c. root duh milk: strong stem-form, dóh; weak, duh. For rules of combination for the final h, and for the conversion of the initial to dh, see 222 a, 155, 160.
| active. | middle. | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| s. | d. | p. | s. | d. | p. | |
| 1 | dóhmi | duhvás | duhmás | duhé | duhváhe | duhmáhe |
| 2 | dhókṣi | dugdhás | dugdhá | dhukṣé | duhā́the | dhugdhvé |
| 3 | dógdhi | dugdhás | duhánti | dugdhé | duhā́te | duháte |
d. root lih lick: strong stem, léh; weak, lih. For rules of combination of the final h, see 222 b.
| active. | middle. | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| s. | d. | p. | s. | d. | p. | |
| 1 | léhmi | lihvás | lihmás | lihé | lihváhe | lihmáhe |
| 2 | lékṣi | līḍhás | līḍhá | likṣé | lihā́the | līḍhvé |
| 3 | léḍhi | līḍhás | lihánti | līḍhé | lihā́te | liháte |
a. The mode-stems are áya (é+a) and ā́sa (ā́s+a) respectively.
| active. | middle. | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| s. | d. | p. | s. | d. | p. | |
| 1 | áyāni áyā | áyāva | áyāma | ā́sāi | ā́sāvahāi [ā́sāvahe] | ā́sāmahāi [ā́sāmahe] |
| 2 | áyasi áyas | áyathas | áyatha | ā́sase ā́sāsāi | [ā́sāithe] | [ā́sadhve] ā́sādhvāi |
| 3 | áyati áyat | áyatas | áyan | ā́sate ā́sātāi | ā́sāite | [ā́sante] -nta ā́sāntāi |
| active. | middle. | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| s. | d. | p. | s. | d. | p. | |
| 1 | इयाम् iyā́m | इयाव iyā́va | इयाम iyā́ma | आसीय ā́sīya | आसीवहि ā́sīvahi | आसीमहि ā́sīmahi |
| 2 | इयास् iyā́s | इयातम् iyā́tam | इयात iyā́ta | आसीथास् ā́sīthās | आसीयाथाम् ā́sīyāthām | आसीध्वम् ā́sīdhvam |
| 3 | इयात् iyā́t | इयाताम् iyā́tām | इयुस् iyús | आसीत ā́sīta | आसीयाताम् ā́sīyātām | आसीरन् ā́sīran |
a. In the same manner, from √dviṣ, dviṣyā́m and dviṣīyá; from √duh, duhyā́m and duhīyá; from √lih, lihyā́m and lihīyá. The inflection is so regular that the example above given is enough, with the addition of dviṣīyá, to show the normal accentuation in the middle: thus, sing. dviṣīyá, dviṣīthā́s, dviṣītá; du. dviṣīváhi, dviṣīyā́thām, dviṣīyā́tām; pl. dviṣīmáhi, dviṣīdhvám, dviṣīrán.
b. The RV. has once tana in 2d pl. act. (in syātana).
a. Thus, from the roots इ i and आस् ās:
| active. | middle. | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| s. | d. | p. | s. | d. | p. | |
| 1 | अयानि áyāni | अयाव áyāva | अयाम áyāma | आसै ā́sāi | आसावहै ā́sāvahāi | आसामहै ā́sāmahāi |
| 2 | इहि ihí | इतम् itám | इत itá | आस्स्व ā́ssva | आसाथाम् ā́sāthām | आद्ध्वम् ā́ddhvam |
| 3 | एतु étu | इताम् itā́m | यन्तु yántu | आस्ताम् ā́stām | आसाताम् ā́sātām | आसताम् ā́satām |
b. From the roots dviṣ and duh and lih:
| active. | middle. | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| s. | d. | p. | s. | d. | p. | |
| 1 | dvéṣāṇi | dvéṣāva | dvéṣāma | dvéṣāi | dvéṣāvahāi | dvéṣāmahāi |
| 2 | dviḍḍhí | dviṣṭám | dviṣṭá | dvikṣvá | dviṣā́thām | dviḍḍhvám |
| 3 | dvéṣṭu | dviṣṭā́m | dviṣántu | dviṣṭā́m | dviṣā́tām | dviṣátām |
| 1 | dóhāni | dóhāva | dóhāma | dóhāi | dóhāvahāi | dóhāmahāi |
| 2 | dugdhí | dugdhám | dugdhá | dhukṣvá | duhā́thām | dhugdhvám |
| 3 | dógdhu | dugdhā́m | duhántu | dugdhā́m | duhā́tām | duhátām |
| 1 | léhāni | léhāva | léhāma | léhāi | léhāvahāi | léhāmahāi |
| 2 | līḍhí | līḍhám | līḍhá | likṣvá | lihā́thām | līḍhvám |
| 3 | léḍhu | līḍhā́m | lihántu | līḍhā́m | lihā́tām | lihátām |
b. The middle participle has the ending आन āná, added to the unstrengthened root: thus, इयान iyāná, दुहान duhāná, द्विषाण dviṣāṇá, लिहान lihāná.
c. The root ās forms the anomalous and isolated ā́sīna (in RV. also āsāná).
d. But a number of these participles in the older language have a double accent, either on the ending or on the radical syllable: thus, īçāná and ī́çāna, ohāná and óhāna, duhāná and dúhāna (also dúghāna), rihāṇá and ríhāṇa, vidāná and vídāna, suvāná and súvāna, stuvāná and stavāná and stávāna — the last having in part also a strong form of the root.
a. From the roots इ i and आस् ās:
| active. | middle. | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| s. | d. | p. | s. | d. | p. | |
| 1 | आयम् ā́yam | ऐव āíva | ऐम āíma | आसि ā́si | आस्वहि ā́svahi | आस्महि ā́smahi |
| 2 | ऐस् āís | ऐतम् āítam | ऐत āíta | आस्थास् ā́sthās | आसाथाम् ā́sāthām | आद्ध्वम् ā́ddhvam |
| 3 | ऐत् āít | ऐताम् āítām | आयन् ā́yan | आस्त ā́sta | आसाताम् ā́sātām | आसत ā́sata |
b. From the roots dviṣ and duh and lih:
| active. | middle. | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| s. | d. | p. | s. | d. | p. | |
| 1 | ádveṣam | ádviṣva | ádviṣma | ádviṣi | ádviṣvahi | ádviṣmahi |
| 2 | ádveṭ | ádviṣṭam | ádviṣṭa | ádviṣṭhās | ádviṣāthām | ádviḍḍhvam |
| 3 | ádveṭ | ádviṣṭām | ádviṣan | ádviṣṭa | ádviṣātām | ádviṣata |
| 1 | ádoham | áduhva | áduhma | áduhi | áduhvahi | áduhmahi |
| 2 | ádhok | ádugdham | ádugdha | ádugdhās | áduhāthām | ádhugdhvam |
| 3 | ádhok | ádugdhām | áduhan | ádugdha | áduhātām | áduhata |
| 1 | áleham | álihva | álihma | álihi | álihvahi | álihmahi |
| 2 | áleṭ | álīḍham | álīḍha | álīḍhās | álihāthām | álīḍhvam |
| 3 | áleṭ | álīḍhām | álihan | álīḍha | álihātām | álihata |
in the older they always do so: thus, áyus from √yā, ápus from √pā protect, abhus from √bhā. The same ending is also allowed and met with in the case of a few roots ending in consonants: namely vid know, cakṣ, dviṣ, duh, mṛj. RV. has atviṣus.
b. The ending tana, 2d pl. act., is found in the Veda in áyātana, ásastana, āítana, ábravītana. A strong stem is seen in the 1st pl. homa, and the 2d pl. abravīta and ábravītana.
c. To save the characteristic endings in 2d and 3d sing. act., the root ad inserts a: thus, ā́das, ā́dat; the root as inserts ī: thus, ā́sīs, ā́sīt (see below, 636); compare also 631–4.
a. Many roots of this class, as of the other classes of the first conjugation, show transfers to the second or a-conjugation, forming a conjugation-stem by adding a to their strong or weak stem, or
even to both: thus, from √mṛj, both mārja (627) and mṛja. Such transfers are met with even in the oldest language; but they usually become more frequent later, often establishing a new mode of present inflection by the side of, or in substitution for, the earlier mode.
b. A number of roots offer irregularities of inflection; these are, in the main, pointed out in the following paragraphs.
a. Roots found to exhibit this peculiarity in actual use are kṣṇu, yu unite, su (or sū) impel, sku, stu, snu (these in the earlier language), nu, ru, and hnu. RV. has once stoṣi, and anāvan. Compare also 633.
a In the other tense-systems, also, and in derivation, mṛj shows often the vṛddhi instead of the guṇa-strengthening.
a. In the older language, √vam makes the same insertions: thus, vamiti, avamīt; and other cases occasionally occur: thus, jániṣva, vasiṣva (√vas clothe), çnathihi, stanihi (all RV.), yamiti (JB.), çocimi (MBh.). On the other hand, √an early makes forms from an a-stem: thus, ánati (AV.); pple ánant (ÇB.); opt. anet (AB.).
Some of the roots of this class are abbreviated or otherwise weakened in their weak forms: thus: —
ई ī in 2d and 3d sing. impf. has been noticed already above.
a. The forms of this extremely common verb are, then, as follows:
| Indicative. | Optative. | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| s. | d. | p. | s. | d. | p. | |
| 1 | अस्मि ásmi | स्वस् svás | स्मस् smás | स्याम् syā́m | स्याव syā́va | स्याम syā́ma |
| 2 | असि ási | स्थस् sthás | स्थ sthá | स्यास् syā́s | स्यातम् syā́tam | स्यात syā́ta |
| 3 | अस्ति ásti | स्तस् stás | सन्ति sánti | स्यात् syā́t | स्याताम् syā́tām | स्युस् syús |
| Imperative. | Imperfect. | |||||
| 1 | असानि ásāni | असाव ásāva | असाम ásāma | आसम् ā́sam | आस्व ā́sva | आस्म ā́sma |
| 2 | एधि edhí | स्तम् stám | स्त stá | आसीस् ā́sīs | आस्तम् ā́stam | आस्त ā́sta |
| 3 | अस्तु ástu | स्ताम् stā́m | सन्तु sántu | आसीत् ā́sīt | आस्ताम् ā́stām | आसन् ā́san |
Participle सन्त् sánt (fem. सती satī́).
b. Besides the forms of the present-system, there is made from this root only a perfect, ā́sa etc. (800), of wholly regular inflection.
c. The Vedic subjunctive forms are the usual ones, made upon the stem ása. They are in frequent use, and appear (asat especially) even in late texts where the subjunctive is almost lost. The resolution siā́m etc. (opt.) is common in Vedic verse. As 2d and 3d sing. impf. is a few times met with the more normal ās (for ās-s, ās-t). Sthána, 2d pl., was noted above (613).
d. Middle forms from √as are also given by the grammarians as allowed with certain prepositions (vi+ati), but they are not quotable; smahe and syāmahe (!) occur in the epics, but are merely instances of the ordinary epic confusion of voices (529 a). Confusions of primary and secondary endings — namely, sva and sma (not rare), and, on the other hand, syāvas and syāmas — are also epic. A middle present indicative is said to be compounded (in 1st and 2d persons) with the nomen agentis in tṛ (tar) to form a periphrastic future in the middle voice (but see below, 947). The 1st sing. indic. is he; the rest is in the usual relation of middle to active forms (in 2d pers., se, dhve, sva, dhvam, with total loss of the root itself).
| Present Indicative. | Imperfect. | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| s. | d. | p. | s. | d. | p. | |
| 1 | hánmi | hanvás | hanmás | áhanam | áhanva | áhanma |
| 2 | háṅsi | hathás | hathá | áhan | áhatam | áhata |
| 3 | hánti | hatás | ghnánti | áhan | áhatām | ághnan |
a. Its participle is ghnánt (fem. ghnatī́). Its 2d sing. impv. is jahí (by anomalous dissimilation, on the model of reduplicating forms).
b. Middle forms from this root are frequent in the Brāhmaṇas, and those that occur are formed in general according to the same rules: thus, hate, hanmahe, ghnate; ahata, aghnātām, aghnata (in AB., also ahata); ghnīta (but also hanīta). Forms from transfer-stems, hana and ghna, are met with from an early period.
a. RV. has in like, manner the participle uṣāṇá from the root vas clothe.
a. The 3d sing. impf. is açāt (555 a), and the same form is said to be allowed also as 2d sing. The 2d sing. impv. is çādhí (with total loss of the s); and RV. has the strong 2d pl. çāstána (with anomalous accent); and a-forms, from stem (çāsa, occasionally occur.
b. The middle inflection is regular, and the accent (apparently) always upon the radical syllable (çā́ste, (çā́sate, çā́sāna).
c. The root dāç worship has in like manner (RV.) the pple dā́çat (not dā́çant).
3d persons pl. and pple, and the accent on the root before vowel-endings, which belong to reduplicated verbs; and it also takes the union-vowel i in the manner of rud etc. (above, 631). For its forms and derivatives made with utter loss of the final sibilant, see 233 f.
b. A long vowel is shortened in the reduplicating syllable: thus,
ददा dadā from √दा dā; बिभी bibhī from √भी bhī; जुहू juhū from √हू hū. The vowel ऋ ṛ never appears in the reduplication, but is replaced by इ i: thus, बिभृ bibhṛ from √भृ bhṛ; पिपृच् pipṛc from √पृच् pṛc.
c. For verbs in which a and ā also are irregularly represented in the reduplication by i, see below, 660. The root vṛt (V. B.) makes vavartti etc.; cakránt (RV.) is very doubtful.
d. The only root of this class with initial vowel is ṛ (or ar); it takes as reduplication i, which is held apart from the root by an interposed y: thus, iyar and iyṛ (the latter has not been found in actual use).
a. Apparently (the cases with written accent are too few to determine the point satisfactorily) the middle optative endings, īya etc. (566), are reckoned throughout as endings with initial vowel, and throw back the accent upon the reduplication.
Examples of inflection: a. √हु hu sacrifice: strong stem-form, जुहो juhó; weak form,जुहु juhu (or júhu).
| active. | middle. | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| s. | d. | p. | s. | d. | p. | |
| 1 | जुहोमि juhómi | जुहुवस् juhuvás | जुहुमस् juhumás | जुह्वे júhve | जुहुवहे juhuváhe | जुहुमहे juhumáhe |
| 2 | जुहोषि juhóṣi | जुहुथस् juhuthás | जुहुथ juhuthá | जुहुषे juhuṣé | जुह्वाथे júhvāthe | जुहुध्वे juhudhvé |
| 3 | जुहोति juhóti | जुहुतस् juhutás | जुह्वति júhvati | जुहुते juhuté | जुह्वाते júhvāte | जुह्वते júhvate |
b. Root भृ bhṛ bear (given with Vedic accentuation): strong stem-form, बिभर् bíbhar; weak, बिभृ bibhṛ (or bíbhṛ).
| active. | middle. | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| s. | d. | p. | s. | d. | p. | |
| 1 | बिभर्मि bíbharmi | बिभृवस् bibhṛvás | बिभृमस् bibhṛmás | बिभ्रे bíbhre | बिभृवहे bibhṛváhe | बिभृमहे bibhṛmáhe |
| 2 | बिभर्षि bíbharṣi | बिभृथस् bibhṛthás | बिभृथ bibhṛthá | बिभृषे bibhṛṣé | बिभ्राथे bíbhrāthe | बिभृध्वे bibhṛdhvé |
| 3 | बिभर्ति bíbharti | बिभृतस् bibhṛtás | बिभ्रति bíbhrati | बिभृते bibhṛté | बिभ्राते bíbhrāte | बिभ्रते bíbhrate |
c. The u of hu (like that of the class-signs nu and u: see below, 697 a) is said to be omissible before v and m of the endings of 1st du. and pl.: thus, juhvás, juhváhe, etc.; but no such forms are quotable.
a. Thus, of 1st persons, we have in the active juhávāni, bibharāṇi, dadāni, dadhāni, jahāni; juhavāma, dádhāma, jáhāma; — in the middle, dadhāi, mimāi; dadhāvahāi; juhavāmahāi, dadāmahe, dadāmahāi, dadhāmahāi.
b. Of other persons, we have with primary endings in the active bibharāsi (with double mode-sign: 560 e), dádhathas, juhavātha (do.)
and juhavatha; in the middle, dádhase; dádhate, rárate, dádhātāi, dadātāi; — with secondary endings, dádhas, víveṣas, juhavat, bibharat, yuyávat, dádhat, dadhánat, babhasat; dadhan, yuyavan, juhavan.
| active. | middle. | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| s. | d. | p. | s. | d. | p. | |
| 1 | जुहुयाम् juhuyā́m | जुहुयाव juhuyā́va | जुहुयाम juhuyā́ma | जुह्वीय júhvīya | जुह्वीवहि júhvīvahi | जुह्वीमहि júhvīmahi |
| etc. | etc. | etc. | etc. | etc. | etc. | |
| active. | middle. | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| s. | d. | p. | s. | d. | p. | |
| 1 | जुहवानि juhávāni | जुहवाव juhávāva | जुहवाम juhávāma | जुहवै juhávāi | जुहवावहै juhávāvahāi | जुहवामहै juhávāmahāi |
| 2 | जुहुधि juhudhí | जुहुतम् juhutám | जुहुत juhutá | जुहुष्व juhuṣvá | जुह्वाथाम् júhvāthām | जुहुध्वम् juhudhvám |
| 3 | जुहोतु juhótu | जुहुताम् juhutā́m | जुह्वतु júhvatu | जुहुताम् juhutā́m | जुह्वाताम् júhvātām | जुह्वताम् júhvatām |
b. The verbs of the other division differ here, as in the indicative, in the accentuation of their strong forms only: namely, in all the
first persons (borrowed subjunctives), and in the 3d sing. act.: thus, (in the older language) bíbharāṇi etc., bíbhartu, bíbharāi etc.
a. RV. shows an irregular accent in pipāná (√pā drink).
| active. | middle. | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| s. | d. | p. | s. | d. | p. | |
| 1 | अजुहवम् ájuhavam | अजुहुव ájuhuva | अजुहुम ájuhuma | अजुह्वि ájuhvi | अजुहुवहि ájuhuvahi | अजुहुमहि ájuhumahi |
| 2 | अजुहोस् ájuhos | अजुहुतम् ájuhutam | अजुहुत ájuhuta | अजुहुथास् ájuhuthās | अजुह्वाथाम् ájuhvāthām | अजुहुध्वम् ájuhudhvam |
| 3 | अजुहोत् ájuhot | अजुहुताम् ájuhutām | अजुहवुस् ájuhavus | अजुहुत ájuhuta | अजुह्वाताम् ájuhvātām | अजुह्वत ájuhvata |
a. From √भृ bhṛ, the 2d and 3d sing. act. are अबिभर् ábibhar (for abibhar-s and abibhar-t) — and so in all other cases where the strong stem ends in a consonant. The 3d pl. act. is अबिभरुस् ábibharus; and other like cases are ábibhayus, acikayus, asuṣavus.
b. In MS., once, abibhrus is doubtless a false reading.
a. Besides the irregularities in tense-inflection already pointed out, others may be noticed as follows.
a. This is in close analogy with the treatment of the vowel of the class-sign of the nā-class: below, 717.
These roots are:
a. Forms from an a-stem, jaha, are made for this root, and even derivatives from a quasi-root jah.
a. In these verbs, the accent is generally constant on the reduplicating syllable.
| Present Indicative | ||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| active. | middle. | |||||
| s. | d. | p. | s. | d. | p. | |
| 1 | dádhāmi | dadhvás | dadhmás | dadhé | dádhvahe | dádhmahe |
| 2 | dádhāsi | dhatthás | dhatthá | dhatsé | dadhāthe | dhaddhve |
| 3 | dádhāti | dhattás | dádhati | dhatté | dadhā́te | dádhate |
| Present Optative. | ||||||
| 1 | dadhyā́m | dadhyā́va | dadhyā́ma | dádhīya | dádhīvahi | dádhīmahi |
| etc. | etc. | etc. | etc. | etc. | etc. | |
| Present Imperative. | ||||||
| 1 | dádhāni | dádhāva | dádhāma | dádhāi | dádhāvahāi | dádhāmahāi |
| 2 | dhehí | dhattám | dhattá | dhatsva | dadhāthām | dhaddhvam |
| 3 | dádhātu | dhattā́m | dádhatu | dhattām | dadhātām | dadhatām |
| Imperfect. | ||||||
| 1 | ádadhām | ádadhva | ádadhma | ádadhi | ádadhvahi | ádadhmahi |
| 2 | ádadhās | ádhattam | ádhatta | ádhatthās | ádadhāthām | ádhaddhvam |
| 3 | ádadhāt | ádhattām | ádadhus | ádhatta | ádadhātām | ádadhata |
Participles: act. dádhat; mid. dádhāna.
a. In the middle (except impf.), only those forms are here accented for which there is authority in the accentuated texts, as there is discordance between the actual accent and that which the analogies of the class would lead us to expect. RV. has once dhátse: dadhé and dadhā́te might be perfects, so far as the form is concerned. RV. accents dadhītá once (dádhīta thrice); several other texts have dádhīta, dádhīran, dádīta.
b. The root dā is inflected in precisely the same way, with change everywhere of (radical) dh to d.
such, and may perhaps be best noticed here, as reduplicated present-stems with irregularly long reduplicating vowel.
a. Of pres. indic. occurs in the older language only dīdyati, 3d pl., with the pples dī́dyat and dī́dhyat, and mid. dīdye, dīdhye, dīdhyāthām, with the pples dī́dyāna, dī́dhyāna, pī́pyāna. The subj. stems are dīdáya, dīdhaya, pīpáya, and from them are made forms with both primary (from dīdáya) and secondary endings (and the irregularly accented dī́dayat and dīdāyat and dī́dhayan). No opt. occurs. In impv. we have dīdihí (and didīhí) and pīpihí, and pipyatam, pipyatām, pipyata. In impf., adīdes and pīpes, ádīdet and ádīdhet and apīpet (with augmentless forms), apīpema (with strong form of root), and adīdhayus and (irregular) apīpyan.
b. A few forms from all the three show transfer to an a-inflection: thus, dīdhaya and pīpaya (impv.), ápīpayat, etc.
c. Similar forms from √mī bellow are amīmet and mīmayat.
a. In a few of the verbs of the class, the nasal extends also into other tense-systems: they are añj, bhañj, hiṅs: see below, 694.
For the rules of combination of final j, see 219.
| active. | middle. | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| s. | d. | p. | s. | d. | p. | |
| 1 | युनज्मि yunájmi | युञ्ज्वस् yuñjvás | युञ्ज्मस् yuñjmás | युञ्जे yuñjé | युञ्ज्वहे yuñjváhe | युञ्ज्महे yuñjmáhe |
| 2 | युनक्षि yunákṣi | युङ्क्थस् yun̄kthás | युङ्क्थ yun̄kthá | युङ्क्षे yun̄kṣé | युञ्जाथे yuñjā́the | युङ्ग्ध्वे yun̄gdhvé |
| 3 | युनक्ति yunákti | युङ्क्तस् yun̄ktás | युञ्जन्ति yuñjánti | युङ्क्ते yun̄kté | युञ्जाते yuñjā́te | युञ्जते yuñjáte |
b. the root रुध् rudh obstruct; bases रुणध् ruṇadh and रुन्ध् rundh.
For rules of combination of final dh, see 153, 160.
| active. | middle. | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| s. | d. | p. | s. | d. | p. | |
| 1 | रुणध्मि ruṇádhmi | रुन्ध्वस् rundhvás | रुन्ध्मस् rundhmás | रुन्धे rundhé | रुन्ध्वहे rundhváhe | रुन्ध्महे rundhmáhe |
| 2 | रुणत्सि ruṇátsi | रुन्द्धस् runddhás | रुन्द्ध runddhá | रुन्त्से runtsé | रुन्धाथे rundhā́the | रुन्द्ध्वे runddhvé |
| 3 | रुणद्धि ruṇáddhi | रुन्द्धस् runddhás | रुन्धन्ति rundhánti | रुन्द्धे runddhé | रुन्धाते rundhā́te | रुन्धते rundháte |
c. Instead of yun̄kthas, yun̄gdhve, and the like (here and in the impv. and impf.), it is allowed and more usual (231) to write yun̄thas, yun̄dhve, etc.; and, in like manner, rundhas, rundhe, for runddhas, runddhe; and so in other like cases.
a. Yunañkṣi, in BhP., is doubtless a false reading.
from √yuj all the forms for which examples have been noted as actually occurring in the older language.
| active. | middle. | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| s. | d. | p. | s. | d. | p. | |
| 1 | yunájāni | yunájāva | yunájāma | yunajāi | yunájāmahāi | |
| 2 | yunájas | yunajādhvāi | ||||
| 3 | yunájat | yunájatas | yunájan | yunájate | ||
| active. | middle. | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| s. | d. | p. | s. | d. | p. | |
| 1 | युञ्ज्याम् yuñjyā́m | युञ्ज्याव yuñjyā́va | युञ्ज्याम yuñjyā́ma | युञ्जीय yuñjīyá | युञ्जीवहि yuñjīváhi | युञ्जीमहि yuñjīmáhi |
| etc. | etc. | etc. | etc. | etc. | etc. | |
a. AB. has once the anomalous 1st sing. act. vṛñjīyam. And forms like bhuñjīyām -yāt, yuñjīyāt, are here and there met with in the epics (bhuñjīyātām once in GGS.). MBh., too, has once bhuñjītam.
| active. | middle. | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| s. | d. | p. | s. | d. | p. | |
| 1 | युनजानि yunájāni | युनजाव yunájāva | युनजाम yunájāma | युनजै yunájāi | युनजावहै yunájāvahāi | युनजामहै yunájāmahāi |
| 2 | युङ्ग्धि yun̄gdhí | युङ्क्तम् yun̄ktám | युङ्क्त yun̄ktá | युङ्क्ष्व yun̄kṣvá | युञ्जाथाम् yuñjā́thām | युङ्ग्ध्वम् yun̄gdhvám |
| 3 | युनक्त्तु yunáktu | युङ्क्ताम् yun̄ktā́m | युञ्जन्तु yuñjántu | युङ्क्ताम् yun̄ktā́m | युञ्जाताम् yuñjā́tām | युञ्जताम् yuñjátām |
| active. | middle. | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| s. | d. | p. | s. | d. | p. | |
| 1 | अयुनजम् áyunajam | अयुञ्ज्व áyuñjva | अयुञ्ज्म áyuñjma | अयुञ्जि áyuñji | अयुञ्ज्वहि áyuñjvahi | अयुञ्ज्महि áyuñjmahi |
| 2 | अयुनक् áyunak | अयुङ्क्तम् áyun̄ktam | अयुङ्क्त áyun̄kta | अयुङ्क्थास् áyun̄kthās | अयुञ्जाथाम् áyuñjāthām | अयुङ्ग्ध्वम् áyun̄gdhvam |
| 3 | अयुनक् áyunak | अयुङ्क्ताम् áyun̄ktām | अयुञ्जन् áyuñjan | अयुङ्क्त áyun̄kta | अयुञ्जाताम् áyuñjātām | अयुञ्जत áyuñjata |
a. The endings s and t are necessarily lost in the nasal class throughout in 2d and 3d sing. act., unless saved at the expense of the final radical consonant: which is a case of very rare occurrence (the only quotable examples were given at 555 a).
a. The 1st sing. act. atṛṇam and acchinam (for atṛṇadam and acchinadam) were noted above, at 555 a.
a. Many of the roots make forms from secondary a-stems: thus, from añja, unda, umbhá, chinda, tṛṅhá, piṅṣa, pṛñcá, bhuñja, rundha, çiṅṣá, etc.
B. The few roots of the u-class (about half-a-dozen) end in न् n, with the exception of the later irregular कृ kṛ (or kar) — for which, see below, 714. The two classes, then, are closely correspondent in form; and they are wholly accordant in inflection.
a. The u of either class-sign is allowed to be dropped before v and m of the 1st du. and 1st pl. endings, except when the root (nu-class) ends in a consonant; and the u before a vowel-ending becomes v or uv, according as it is preceded by one or by two consonants (129 a).
| active. | middle. | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| s. | d. | p. | s. | d. | p. | |
| 1 | सुनोमि sunómi | सुनुवस् sunuvás | सुनुमस् sunumás | सुन्वे sunvé | सुनुवहे sunuváhe | सुनुमहे sunumáhe |
| 2 | सुनोषि sunóṣi | सुनुथस् sunuthás | सुनुथ sunuthá | सुनुषे sunuṣé | सुन्वाथे sunvā́the | सुनुध्वे sunudhvé |
| active. | middle. | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| s. | d. | p. | s. | d. | p. | |
| 3 | सुनोति sunóti | सुनुतस् sunutás | सुन्वन्ति sunvánti | सुनुते sunuté | सुन्वाते sunvā́te | सुन्वते sunváte |
a. The forms sunvás, sunmás, sunváhe, sunmáhe are alternative with those given here for 1st du. and pl., and in practice are more common. From √āp, however (for example), only the forms with u can occur: thus, āpnuvás, āpnumáhe; and also only āpnuvánti, āpnuvé, āpnuváte.
B. u-class; root तन् tan stretch: strong form of stem, तनो tanó; weak, तनु tanu.
| active. | middle. | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| s. | d. | p. | s. | d. | p. | |
| 1 | तनोमि tanómi | तन्वस् tanvás | तन्मस् tanmás | तन्वे tanvé | तन्वहे tanváhe | तन्महे tanmáhe |
| etc. | etc. | etc. | etc. | etc. | etc. | |
b. The inflection is so precisely like that given above that it is not worth writing out in full. The abbreviated forms in 1st du. and pl. are presented here, instead of the fuller, which rarely occur (as no double consonant ever precedes).
b. In RV. occur also several 3d pl. mid. in ire from present-stems of this class: thus, invire, ṛṇvire, pinvire, çṛṇviré, sunviré, hinviré. Of these, pinvire and hinviré might be perfects without reduplication from the secondary roots pinv and hinv (below, 716). The 2d sing. mid. (with passive value) çṛṇviṣé (RV.) is of anomalous and questionable character.
| active. | middle. | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| s. | d. | p. | s. | d. | p. | |
| 1 | sunávāni | sunávāva | sunávāma | sunávāi | sunávāvahāi | sunávāmahāi |
| 2 | sunávas | sunávatha | sunávase | sunávāithe | ||
| 3 | sunávat | sunávan | sunávate sunávātāi | sunávanta | ||
| active. | middle. | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| s. | d. | p. | s. | d. | p. | |
| 1 | सुनुयाम् sunuyā́m | सुनुयाव sunuyā́va | सुनुयाम sunuyā́ma | सुन्वीय sunvīyá | सुन्वीवहि sunvīváhi | सुन्वीमहि sunvīmáhi |
| etc. | etc. | etc. | etc. | etc. | etc. | |
a. From √āp, the middle optative would be āpnuvīyá — and so in other like cases.
| active. | middle. | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| s. | d. | p. | s. | d. | p. | |
| 1 | सुनवानि sunávāni | सुनवाव sunávāva | सुनवाम sunávāma | सुनवै sunávāi | सुनवावहै sunávāvahāi | सुनवामहै sunávāmahāi |
| 2 | सुनु sunú | सुनुतम् sunutám | सुनुत sunutá | सुनुष्व sunuṣvá | सुन्वाथाम् sunvā́thām | सुनुध्वम् sunudhvám |
| 3 | सुनोतु sunótu | सुनुताम् sunutā́m | सुन्वन्तु sunvántu | सुनुताम् sunutā́m | सुन्वाताम् sunvā́tām | सुन्वताम् sunvátām |
a. From √āp, the 2d sing. act. would be āpnuhí; from √aç açnuhí; from √dhṛṣ, dhṛṣṇuhí; and so on. From √āp, too, would be made āpnuvántu, āpnuvā́thām, āpnuvā́tām, āpnuvátām.
| active. | middle. | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| s. | d. | p. | s. | d. | p. | |
| 1 | असुनवम् ásunavam | असुनुव ásunuva | असुनुम ásunuma | असुन्वि ásunvi | असुनुवहि ásunuvahi | असुनुमहि ásunumahi |
| 2 | असुनोस् ásunos | असुनुतम् ásunutam | असुनुत ásunuta | असुनुथास् ásunuthās | असुन्वाथाम् ásunvāthām | असुनुध्वम् ásunudhvam |
| 3 | असुनोत् ásunot | असुनुताम् ásunutām | असुन्वन् ásunvan | असुनुत ásunuta | असुन्वाताम् ásunvātām | असुन्वत ásunvata |
a. Here, as elsewhere, the briefer forms ásunva, ásunma, ásunvahi, ásunmahi are allowed, and more usual, except from roots with final consonant, as dhṛṣ: which makes, for example, always ádhṛṣṇuma etc., and also ádhṛṣṇuvan, ádhṛṣṇuvi, ádhṛṣṇuvāthām, ádhṛṣṇuvātām, ádhṛṣṇuvata.
a. As to transfers to the a-conjugation, see below, 716.
changed to kur, so that the two forms of stem are करो karó and कुरु kuru. The class-sign उ u is always dropped before of व् v and म् m of the 1st du. and pl., and also before य् y of the opt. act. Thus:
| 1. Present Indicative. | ||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| active. | middle. | |||||
| s. | d. | p. | s. | d. | p. | |
| 1 | करोमि karómi | कुर्वस् kurvás | कुर्मस् kurmás | कुर्वे kurvé | कुर्वहे kurváhe | कुर्महे kurmáhe |
| 2 | करोषि karóṣi | कुरुथस् kuruthás | कुरुथ kuruthá | कुरुषे kuruṣé | कुर्वाथे kurvā́the | कुरुध्वे kurudhvé |
| 3 | करोति karóti | कुरुतस् kurutás | कुर्वन्ति kurvánti | कुरुते kuruté | कुर्वाते kurvā́te | कुर्वते kurváte |
| 2. Present Optative. | ||||||
| 1 | कुर्याम् kuryā́m | कुर्याव kuryā́va | कुर्याम kuryā́ma | कुर्वीय kurvīyá | कुर्वीवहि kurvīváhi | कुर्वीमहि kurvīmáhi |
| etc. | etc. | etc. | etc. | etc. | etc. | |
| 3. Present Imperative. | ||||||
| 1 | करवाणि karávāṇi | करवाव karávāva | करवाम karávāma | करवै karávāi | करवावहै karávāvahāi | करवामहै karávāmahāi |
| 2 | कुरु kurú | कुरुतम् kurutám | कुरुत kurutá | कुरुष्व kuruṣvá | कुर्वाथाम् kurvā́thām | कुरुध्वम् kurudhvám |
| 3 | करोतु karótu | कुरुताम् kurutā́m | कुर्वन्तु kurvántu | कुरुताम् kurutā́m | कुर्वाताम् kurvā́tām | कुर्वताम् kurvátām |
| 4. Present Participle. | ||||||
| कुर्वन्त् kurvánt (fem. कुर्वती kurvatī́) कुर्वाण kurvāṇá | ||||||
| 5. Imperfect. | ||||||
| 1 | अकरवम् ákaravam | अकुर्व ákurva | अकुर्म ákurma | अकुर्वि ákurvi | अकुर्वहि ákurvahi | अकुर्महि ákurmahi |
| 2 | अकरोस् ákaros | अकुरुतम् ákurutam | अकुरुत ákuruta | अकुरुथास् ákuruthās | अकुर्वाथाम् ákurvāthām | अकुरुध्वम् ákurudhvam |
| 3 | अकरोत् ákarot | अकुरुताम् ákurutām | अकुर्वन् ákurvan | अकुरुत ákuruta | अकुर्वाताम् ákurvātām | अकुर्वत ákurvata |
a. As 1st sing. pres. act. is found kurmi in the epos.
b. What irregular forms from kṛ as a verb of the nu-class occur in the older language have been already noticed above.
c. The isolated form taruté, from √tṛ, shows an apparent analogy with these u-forms from kṛ.
a. Thus, in RV. we find forms both from the stem inu (√i or in), and also from ínva, representing a derivative quasi-root inv (and these latter alone occur in AV.). So likewise forms from a stem ṛṇva beside those from ṛṇu (√ṛ); and from hinva beside those from hinu (√hi). The so-called roots jinv and pinv are doubtless of the same origin, although no forms from the stem pinu are met with at any period — unless pinvire (above, 699 b) be so regarded; and AV. has the participle pinvánt, f. pinvatī́. The grammarians set up a root dhinv, but only forms from dhi (stem dhinu) appear to occur in the present-system (the aorist adhinvīt is found in PB.).
b. Occasional a-forms are met with also from other roots: thus, cinvata etc., dunvasva.
| active. | middle. | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| s. | d. | p. | s. | d. | p. | |
| 1 | क्रीणामि krīṇā́mi | क्रीणीवस् krīṇīvás | क्रीणीमस् krīṇīmás | क्रीणे krīṇé | क्रीणीवहे krīṇīváhe | क्रीणीमहे krīṇīmáhe |
| 2 | क्रीणासि krīṇā́si | क्रीणीथस् krīṇīthás | क्रीणीथ krīṇīthá | क्रीणीषे krīṇīṣe | क्रीणाथे krīṇā́the | क्रीणीध्वे krīṇīdhvé |
| 3 | क्रीणाति krīṇā́ti | क्रीणीतस् krīṇītás | क्रीणन्ति krīṇánti | क्रीणीते krīṇīté | क्रीणाते krīṇā́te | क्रीणते krīṇáte |
| active. | middle. | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| s. | d. | p. | s. | d. | p. | |
| 1 | krīṇāni | krīṇā́ma | krīṇāí | krīṇāvahāi | krīṇāmahāi | |
| 2 | krīṇā́s | krīṇātha | krīṇāsāi | |||
| 3 | krīṇā́t | krīṇā́n | krīṇātāi | krīṇāntāi | ||
| active. | middle. | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| s. | d. | p. | s. | d. | p. | |
| 1 | क्रीणीयाम् krīṇīyā́m | क्रीणीयाव krīṇīyā́va | क्रीणीयाम krīṇīyā́ma | क्रीणीय krīṇīyá | क्रीणीवहि krīṇīváhi | क्रीणीमहि krīṇīmáhi |
| etc. | etc. | etc. | etc. | etc. | etc. | |
to be formed in the classical language from roots ending in a consonant; for both class-sign and ending is substituted the peculiar ending आन āná.
| active. | middle. | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| s. | d. | p. | s. | d. | p. | |
| 1 | क्रीणानि krīṇā́ni | क्रीणाव krīṇā́va | क्रीणाम krīṇā́ma | क्रीणै krīṇāí | क्रीणावहै krīṇā́vahāi | क्रीणामहै krīṇā́mahāi |
| 2 | क्रीणीहि krīṇīhí | क्रीणीतम् krīṇītám | क्रीणीत krīṇītá | क्रीणीष्व krīṇīṣvá | क्रीणाथाम् krīṇā́thām | क्रीणीध्वम् krīṇīdhvám |
| 3 | क्रीणातु krīṇā́tu | क्रीणीताम् krīṇītā́m | क्रीणन्तु krīṇántu | क्रीणीताम् krīṇītā́m | क्रीणाताम् krīṇā́tām | क्रीणताम् krīṇátām |
a. Examples of the ending āná in 2d sing. act. are açāna, gṛhāṇá, badhāná, stabhāná.
| active. | middle. | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| s. | d. | p. | s. | d. | p. | |
| 1 | अक्रीणाम् ákrīṇām | अक्रीणीव ákrīṇīva | अक्रीणीम ákrīṇīma | अक्रीणि ákrīṇi | अक्रीणीवहि ákrīṇīvahi | अक्रीणीमहि ákrīṇīmahi |
| 2 | अक्रीणास् ákrīṇās | अक्रीणीतम् ákrīṇītam | अक्रीणीत ákrīṇīta | अक्रीणीथास् ákrīṇīthās | अक्रीणाथाम् ákrīṇāthām | अक्रीणीध्वम् ákrīṇīdhvam |
| 3 | अक्रीणात् ákrīṇāt | अक्रीणीताम् ákrīṇītām | अक्रीणन् ákrīṇan | अक्रीणीत ákrīṇīta | अक्रीणाताम् ákrīṇātām | अक्रीणत ákrīṇata |
a. AB. has the false form ajānīmas, and in AA. occurs avṛṇīta as 3d plural.
a. As to secondary a-stems, see 731.
b. The root vlī (B.S.) forms either vlīnā or vlinā.
a. As the perfect also in weak forms has gṛbh or gṛh, it is not easy to see why the grammarians should not have written ṛ instead of ra in the root.
b. The root jñā also loses its nasal before the class-sign: thus, jānā́ti, jānīté.
a. All these characteristics belong not to the inflection of the a-present-systems alone, but also to that of the a-, reduplicated, and sa-aorists, the s-future, and the desiderative, causative, and denominative present-systems. That is to say, wherever in conjugation an a-stem is found, it is inflected in the same manner.
a. Example of inflection: root भू bhū be; stem भव bháva (bho+a: 131).
| active. | middle. | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| s. | d. | p. | s. | d. | p. | |
| 1 | भवामि bhávāmi | भवावस् bhávāvas | भवामस् bhávāmas | भवे bháve | भवावहे bhávāvahe | भवामहे bhávāmahe |
| 2 | भवसि bhávasi | भवथस् bhávathas | भवथ bhávatha | भवसे bhávase | भवेथे bhávethe | भवध्वे bhávadhve |
| 3 | भवति bhávati | भवतस् bhávatas | भवन्ति bhávanti | भवते bhávate | भवेते bhávete | भवन्ते bhávante |
b. The V. has but a single example of the thana-ending, namely vádathana (and no other in any class of this conjugation). The 1st pl. mid. manāmahé (RV., once) is probably an error. RV. has çóbhe once as 3d singular.
| active. | middle. | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| s. | d. | p. | s. | d. | p. | |
| 1 | bhávāni | bhávāva | bhávāma | bhávāi | bhávāvahāi | bhávāmahāi |
| 2 | bhávāsi bhávās | bhávāthas | bhávātha | bhávāse bhávāsāi | bhávādhvāi | |
| 3 | bhávāti bhávāt | bhávātas | bhávān | bhávāte bhávātāi | bhávāite | bhávanta bhávāntāi |
| active. | middle. | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| s. | d. | p. | s. | d. | p. | |
| 1 | भवेयम् bháveyam | भवेव bháveva | भवेम bhávema | भवेय bháveya | भवेवहि bhávevahi | भवेमहि bhávemahi |
| 2 | भवेस् bháves | भवेतम् bhávetam | भवेत bháveta | भवेथास् bhávethās | भवेयाथाम् bháveyāthām | भवेध्वम् bhávedhvam |
| 3 | भवेत् bhávet | भवेताम् bhávetām | भवेयुस् bháveyus | भवेत bháveta | भवेयाताम् bháveyātām | भवेरन् bháveran |
a. The RV. has once the 3d pl. mid. bharerata (for one other example, see 752 b). AV. has udeyam from √vad.
b. A few instances are met with of middle 3d persons from a-stems in īta and (very rarely) īran, instead of eta and eran. For convenience, they may be put together here (excepting the more numerous causative forms, for which see 1043 c); they are (so far as noted) these: nayīta S. and later, çaṅsīta S., çrayīta S.; dhayīta S., dhyāyīta U., hvayīta AB. S. and hvayīran S., dhmāyīta U. An active form çaṅsīyāt C. is isolated and anomalous.
| active. | middle. | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| s. | d. | p. | s. | d. | p. | |
| 1 | भवानि bhávāni | भवाव bhávāva | भवाम bhávāma | भवै bhávāi | भवावहै bhávāvahāi | भवामहै bhávāmahāi |
| 2 | भव bháva | भवतम् bhávatam | भवत bhávata | भवस्व bhávasva | भवेथाम् bhávethām | भवध्वम् bhávadhvam |
| 3 | भवतु bhávatu | भवताम् bhávatām | भवन्तु bhávantu | भवताम् bhávatām | भवेताम् bhávetām | भवन्ताम् bhávantām |
a. A small number of middle participles appear to be made from stems of this class (as of other a-classes: see 752 e, 1043 f) by the suffix āna instead of māna: thus, namāna, pacāna, çikṣāṇa, svajāna, hvayāna (all epic), majjāna and kaṣāṇa (later); and there are Vedic examples (as cyávāna, prathāná, yátāna or yatāná, çúmbhāna, all RV.) of which the character, whether present or aorist, is doubtful: compare 840, 852.
| active. | middle. | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| s. | d. | p. | s. | d. | p. |
| अभवम् ábhavam | अभवाव ábhavāva | अभवाम ábhavāma | अभवे ábhave | अभवावहि ábhavāvahi | अभवामहि ábhavāmahi |
| अभवस् ábhavas | अभवतम् ábhavatam | अभवत ábhavata | अभवथास् ábhavathās | अभवेथाम् ábhavethām | अभवध्वम् ábhavadhvam |
| अभवत् ábhavat | अभवताम् ábhavatām | अभवन् ábhavan | अभवत ábhavata | अभवेताम् ábhavetām | अभवन्त ábhavanta |
a. ūh consider has guṇa-strengthening (against 240): thus, óhate.
b. kṛp (or krap) lament, on the contrary, remains unchanged: thus, ḱṛ́pate.
c. guh hide has prolongation instead of guṇa: thus, ǵū́hati.
d. kram stride regularly lengthens its vowel in the active, but not in the middle: thus, kŕā́mati, krámate; but the vowel-quantities are somewhat mixed up, even from the oldest language down; — klam tire is said to form klāmati etc., but is not quotable; — cam with the preposition ā rinse the mouth forms ́ā́cāmati.
e. In the later language are found occasional forms of this class from mṛj wipe; and they show the same vṛddhi (instead of guṇa) which belongs to the root in its more proper inflection (627): thus, mārjasva.
f. The grammarians give a number of roots in urv, which they declare to lengthen the u in the present-stem. Only three are found in (quite limited) use, and they show no forms anywhere with short u. All appear to be of secondary formation from roots in ṛ or ar. The root murch or mūrch coagulate has likewise only ū in quotable forms.
g. The onomatopoetic root ṣṭhīv spew is written by the grammarians as ṣṭhiv, and declared to lengthen its vowel in the present-system: compare 240 b.
a. The roots in ā, sthā stand, pā drink, and ghrā smell, form the present-stems tíṣṭha (tíṣṭhāmi etc.), píba (píbāmi etc.), and
jíghra (jíghrāmi etc.): for these and other similar cases, see 671–4.
b. Secondary root-forms like inv, jinv, pinv, from simpler roots
of the nu-class, are either found alongside their originals, or have crowded these out of use: see 716.
| active. | middle. | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| s. | d. | p. | s. | d. | p. | |
| 1 | विशामि viçā́mi | विशावस् viçā́vas | विशामस् viçā́mas | विशे viçé | विशावहे viçā́vahe | विशामहे viçā́mahe |
| etc. | etc. | etc. | etc. | etc. | etc. | |
| active. | middle. | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| s. | d. | p. | s. | d. | p. | |
| 1 | viçā́ni | viçā́va | viçā́ma | viçāí | viçā́vahāi | viçā́mahāi |
| 2 | viçā́si viçā́s | viçā́tha | viçā́se viçā́sāi | viçāíthe | ||
| 3 | viçā́ti viçā́t | viçā́tas | viçā́n | viçā́te viçā́tāi | viçāíte | viçā́ntāi |
a. A single example of the briefer 1st sing. act. is mṛkṣā́. The only forms in āithe and āite are pṛṇāíthe and yuvāíte.
| active. | middle. | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| s. | d. | p. | s. | d. | p. | |
| 1 | विशेयम् viçéyam | विशेव viçéva | विशेम viçéma | विशेय viçéya | विशेवहि viçévahi | विशेमहि viçémahi |
| etc. | etc. | etc. | etc. | etc. | etc. | |
b. The RV. has the ending tana once in tiretana 2d pl. act., and rata in juṣerata 3d pl. mid.
The first persons having been given above as subjunctives, the second are added here:
| active. | middle. | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| s. | d. | p. | s. | d. | p. | |
| 2 | विश viçá | विशतम् viçátam | विशत viçáta | विशस्व viçásva | विशेथाम् viçéthām | विशध्वम् viçádhvam |
| etc. | etc. | etc. | etc. | etc. | etc. | |
c. The ending tāt is found in RV. and AV. in mṛḍatāt, vṛhatāt, suvatāt; other examples are not infrequent in the Brāhmaṇa language: thus, khidatāt, chyatāt, pṛcchatāt, viçatāt, sṛjatāt; and later, spṛçatāt. The 3d sing. act nudātu and muñcātu occur in Sūtras (cf. 740).
The active participle is विशन्त् viçánt; the middle is विशमान viçámāna.
d. The feminine of the active participle is usually made from the strong stem-form: thus, viçántī; but sometimes from the weak: thus, siñcántī and siñcatī́ (RV. and AV.), tudántī and tudatī́ (AV.): see above, 449 d, e.
e. Middle participles in āna instead of māna are dhuvāná, dhṛṣāṇá, liçāna, çyāna, in the older language; kṛçāna, muñcāna, spṛçāna in the later (cf. 741 a).
| active. | middle. | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| s. | d. | p. | s. | d. | p. | |
| 1 | अविशम् áviçam | अविशाव áviçāva | अविशाम áviçāma | अविशे áviçe | अविशावहि áviçāvahi | अविशामहि áviçāmahi |
| etc. | etc. | etc. | etc. | etc. | etc. | |
f. Examples of augmentless forms accented are sṛjás, sṛját, tiránta.
g. The a-aorist (846 ff.) is in general the equivalent, as regards its forms, of an imperfect of this class.
a. In some of these transfers, as pṛṇ and mṛṇ (731), there takes place almost a setting-up of independent roots.
b. The stems icchá, ucchá, and ṛcchá are reckoned as belonging respectively to the roots iṣ desire, vas shine, and ṛ go.
c. The roots written by the Hindu grammarians with final o — namely, cho, do, ço, and so — and forming the present-stems chyá,
dyá, çyá, syá, are more properly (as having an accented á in the stem) to be reckoned to this class than to the ya-class, where the native classification puts them (see 761 g). They appear to be analogous with the stems kṣya, sva, hva, noted below (755).
a. The common root prach ask makes the stem pṛcchá.
a. Nasalized á-stems are also in several instances made by transfer from the nasal class: thus, unda, umbha, ṛñjá, piṅṣá, yuñja, rundha, çiṅṣa.
like that of the a-class, and may be presented in the same abbreviated form as that of the á-class.
| 1. Present Indicative. | ||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| active. | middle. | |||||
| s. | d. | p. | s. | d. | p. | |
| 1 | नह्यामि náhyāmi | नह्यावस् náhyāvas | नह्यामस् náhyāmas | नह्ये náhye | नह्यावहे náhyāvahe | नह्यामहे náhyāmahe |
| etc. | etc. | etc. | etc. | etc. | etc. | |
| active. | middle. | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| s. | d. | p. | s. | d. | p. | |
| 1 | náhyāni | náhyāma | náhyāi | náhyāvahāi | náhyāmahāi | |
| 2 | náhyāsi náhyās | náhyāsāi | náhyādhvāi | |||
| 3 | náhyāti náhyāt | náhyātas | náhyān | náhyātāi | náhyāntāi | |
a. A 3d pl. mid. in antāi (jāyantāi) occurs once in TS.
| active. | middle. | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| s. | d. | p. | s. | d. | p. | |
| 1 | नह्येयम् náhyeyam | नह्येव náhyeva | नह्येम náhyema | नह्येय náhyeya | नह्येवहि náhyevahi | नह्येमहि náhyemahi |
| etc. | etc. | etc. | etc. | etc. | etc. | |
b. For two or three 3d sing. mid. forms in īta (for eta), see 738 b.
| active. | middle. | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| s. | d. | p. | s. | d. | p. | |
| 2 | नह्य náhya | नह्यतम् náhyatam | नह्यत náhyata | नह्यस्व náhyasva | नह्येथाम् náhyethām | नह्यध्वम् náhyadhvam |
| etc. | etc. | etc. | etc. | etc. | etc. | |
c. Of the ending tana, RV. has one example, nahyatana; the ending tāt is found in asyatāt, khyāyatāt, naçyatāt.
The active participle is नह्यन्त् náhyant (fem. नह्यन्ती náhyantī); the middle is नह्यमान náhyamāna.
| active. | middle. | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| s. | d. | p. | s. | d. | p. | |
| 1 | अनह्यम् ánahyam | अनह्यव ánahyava | अनह्याम ánahyāma | अनह्ये ánahye | अनह्यावहि ánahyāvahi | अनह्यामहि ánahyāmahi |
| etc. | etc. | etc. | etc. | etc. | etc. | |
d. Examples of augmentless forms showing the accent belonging to the present-system are gā́yat, páçyat, páçyan, jā́yathās.
a. Of the roots making ya-stems, a very considerable part (over fifty) signify a state of feeling, or a condition of mind or body: thus, kup be angry, klam be weary, kṣudh be hungry, muh be confused, lubh be lustful, çuṣ be dry, etc. etc.
b. A further number have a more or less distinctly passive sense, and are in part evident and in part presumable transfers from the passive or yá-class, with change of accent, and sometimes also with assumption of active endings. It is not possible to draw precisely the limits of the division; but there are in the older language a number of clear cases, in which the accent wavers and changes, and the others are to be judged by analogy with them. Thus, √muc forms múcyate once or twice, beside the usual mucyáte, in RV. and AV.; and in the Brāhmaṇas the former is the regular accent. Similar changes are found also in ya-forms from other roots: thus, from kṣi destroy, jī or jyā injure, tap heat, dṛh make firm, pac cook, pṛ fill, mī damage, ric leave, lup break, hā leave. Active forms are early made from some of these, and they grow more common later. It is worthy of special mention that, from the Veda down, jā́yate is born etc. is found as altered passive or original ya-formation by the side of √jan give birth.
c. A considerable body of roots (about forty) differ from the above in having an apparently original transitive or neuter meaning: examples are as throw, nah bind, paç see, pad go, çliṣ clasp.
d. A number of roots, of various meaning, and of somewhat doubtful character and relations, having present-stems ending in ya, are by the native grammarians written with final diphthongs, āi or e or o. Thus:
e. Roots reckoned as ending in āi and belonging to the a- (or bhū-) class, as gāi sing (gā́yati etc.). As these show abundantly, and for the most part exclusively, ā-forms outside the present-system, there seems to be no good reason why they should not rather be regarded as ā-roots of the ya-class. They are kṣā burn, gā sing, glā be weary, trā save, dhyā think, pyā fill up, mlā relax, rā bark, vā be blown, çyā coagulate, çrā boil, styā stiffen. Some of them are evident extensions of simpler roots by the addition of ā. The secondary roots tāy stretch (beside tan), and cāy observe (beside ci) appear to be of similar character.
f. Roots reckoned as ending in e and belonging to the a- (or bhū-) class, as dhe suck (dháyati etc.). These, too, have ā-forms, and sometimes ī-forms, outside the present system, and are best regarded as ā-roots, either with ā weakened to a before the class-sign of this class, or with ā
weakened to ī or i and inflected according to the a-class. They are dhā suck, mā exchange, vā weave, vyā envelop, hvā call (secondary, from hū). As of kindred form may be mentioned day share and vyay expend (probably denominative of vyaya).
g. A few roots artificially written with final o and reckoned to the ya-class, with radical vowel lost before the class-sign: thus, do cut, bind, pres. dyáti etc. These, as having an accented á in the sign, have plainly no right to be put in this class; and they are better referred to the á-class (see above, 753 c). Outside the present-system they show ā- and i-forms; and in that system the ya is often resolved into ia in the oldest language.
a. They appear to be properly dīū etc., since their vocalized final in other forms is always ū; dīv is by this proved to have nothing to do with the assumed root div shine, which changes to dyu (361 d): compare 240 b.
a. Final i and u are lengthened: thus, mīyá from √mi; sūyá from √su;
b. Final ā is usually changed to ī: thus, dīyá from √dā; hīyá from √hā: but jñāyá from √jñā, and so khyāyá, khāyá, mnāyá, etc.;
c. Final ṛ is in general changed to ri: thus, kriyá from √kṛ; but if preceded by two consonants (and also, it is claimed, in the root ṛ), it has instead the guṇa-strengthening: thus, smaryá from √smṛ (the only quotable case); — and in those roots which show a change of ṛ to ir and ur (so-called ṝ-verbs: see 242), that change is made here also, and the vowel is lengthened: thus, çīrya from √çṛ, pūryá from √pṛ.
a. Example of inflection: root kṛ make; passive-stem क्रिय kriyá:
| s. | d. | p. | |
|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | क्रिये kriyé | क्रियावहे kriyā́vahe | क्रियामहे kriyā́mahe |
| etc. | etc. | etc. |
b. The forms noticed as occurring in the older language are alone here instanced:
| s. | d. | p. | |
|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | kriyāí | kriyā́mahāi | |
| 2 | kriyā́dhvāi | ||
| 3 | kriyā́te kriyā́tāi | kriyā́ntāi |
c. The 3d pl. ending antāi is found once (ucyantāi K.).
| 1 | क्रियेय kriyéya | क्रियेवहि kriyévahi | क्रियेमहि kriyémahi |
| etc. | etc. | etc. |
d. No forms of the passive optative chance to occur in RV. or AV.; they are found, however, in the Brāhmaṇas. ChU. has once dhmāyīta.
| 2 | क्रियस्व kriyásva | क्रियेथाम् kriyéthām | क्रियध्वम् kriyádhvam |
| etc. | etc. | etc. |
e. This is made with the suffix मान māna: thus, क्रियमाण kriyámāṇa.
f. In use, this participle is well distinguished from the other passive participle by its distinctively present meaning: thus, kṛtá done, but kriyámāṇa in process of doing, or being done.
| 1 | अक्रिये ákriye | अक्रियावहि ákriyāvahi | अक्रियामहि ákriyāmahi |
| etc. | etc. | etc. |
g. The passive-sign is never resolved into ia in the Veda.
); and dham, in like manner, makes either dhamyate or dhmāyáte. The corresponding form to √jan, namely jā́yate (above, 761 b), is apparently a transfer to the preceding class.
a. Example: root cint think, meditate; stem cintáya:
| active. | middle. | ||
|---|---|---|---|
| Pres. | Indic. | cintáyāmi | cintáye |
| Subj. | cintáyāni | cintáyāi | |
| Opt. | cintáyeyam | cintáyeya | |
| Pple. | cintáyant | cintáyamāna | |
| Impf. | ácintayam | ácintaye |
b. The inflection, of course, is the same with that of other forms from a-stems (733 a).
c. The middle participle, in the later language, is more often made with āna instead of māna: thus, cintayāna: see 1043 f.
a. Examples of future meaning are: imáṁ céd vā́ imé cinváte táta evá no ‘bhíbhavanti (ÇB.) verily if these build this up, then they will straightway get the better of us; agnir ātmabhavam prādād yatra vāñchati nāiṣadhaḥ (MBh.) Agni gave his own presence wherever the Nishadhan should desire; svāgataṁ te ‘stu kiṁ karomi tava (R.) welcome to thee; what shall I do for thee?
b. Examples of past meaning are: úttarā sū́r ádharaḥ putrá āsīd dā́nuḥ çaye sahávatsā ná dhenúḥ (RV.) the mother was over, the son under; there Dānu lies, like a cow with her calf; prahasanti ca tāṁ kecid abhyasūyanti cā ’pare akurvata dayāṁ kecit (MBh.) some ridicule her, some revile her, some pitied her; tato yasya vacanāt tatrā ’valambitās taṁ sarve tiraskurvanti (H.) thereupon they all fall to reproaching him by whose advice they had alighted there.
a. With purā́ formerly: thus, saptarṣī́n u ha sma vāí purá rkṣā íty ā́cakṣate (ÇB.) the seven sages, namely, are of old called the bears; tanmātram api cen mahyaṁ na dadāti purā bhavān (MBh.) if you have never before given me even an atom.
b. With the asseverative particle sma: thus, çrámeṇa ha sma vāí tád devā́ jayanti yád eṣāṁ jáyyam ā́sá rṣayaç ca (ÇB.) in truth, both gods and sages were wont to win by penance what was to be won; āviṣṭaḥ kalinā dyūte jīyate sma nalas tadā (MBh.) then Nala, being possessed by Kali, was beaten in play.
c. No example of this last construction is found in either RV. or AV., or elsewhere in the metrical parts of the Veda. In the Brāhmaṇas, only habitual action is expressed by it. At all periods of the language, the use of sma with a verb as pure asseverative particle, with no effect on the tense-meaning, is very common; and the examples later are hardly to be distinguished from the present of lively narration — of which the whole construction is doubtless a form.
a. Compare what is said later (end of chap. X. and chap. XI.) as to the value of the older past tenses, the perfect and aorist.
a. In the oldest language, the perfect has also its modes and its augment-preterit, or pluperfect, or is not less full in its apparatus of forms than is the present-system (see 808 ff.).
1. a stem made by reduplication of the root;
2. a distinction between stronger and weaker forms of stem, the former being used (as in presents of the First or non-a-conjugation) in the singular active, the latter in all other persons;
3. endings in some respects peculiar, unlike those of the present;
4. the frequent use, especially in the later language, of a union-vowel इ i between stem and endings.
measure comes the present-stem मिमा mimā, but the perfect-stem ममा mamā; and so on.
a. Irregularities of roots with initial consonants will be given below, 784.
a. A root with initial अ a before a single final consonant repeats the अ a, which then fuses with the radical vowel to आ ā (throughout the whole inflection): thus, आद् ād from √अद् ad eat; and in like manner आज् āj, आन् ān, आस् ās, आह् āh. The root ऋ ṛ forms likewise throughout आर् ār (as if from अर् ar).
b. A root with इ i or उ u before a single final consonant follows the same analogy, except in the strong forms (sing. act.); here the vowel of the radical syllable has guṇa, becoming ए e or ओ o; and before this, the reduplicating vowel maintains its independent form, and is separated from the radical syllable by its own semivowel: thus, from √इष् iṣ comes ईष् īṣ in weak forms, but इयेष् iyeṣ in strong; from √उच् uc, in like manner, come ऊच् ūc and उवोच् uvoc. The root इ i, a single vowel, also falls under this rule, and forms ईय् īy (y added before a vowel) and इये iye.
c. Roots which begin with vowels long by nature or by position do not in general make a perfect-system, but use instead a periphrastic formation, in which the perfect tense of an auxiliary verb is added to the accusative of a verbal noun (see below, chap. XV.: 107O ff.).
d. To this rule, however, √āp (probably originally ap: 1087 f) constitutes an exception, making the constant perfect-stem āp (as if from ap: above, a). Also are met with īḍé (RV.) and īḍire from √īḍ, and īriré (V.) from √īr.
e. For the peculiar reduplication ān, belonging to certain roots with initial vowels, see below, 788.
the full form of root in the strong persons of the singular active. Thus, from √vac speak come ūc and uvac; from √vas dwell come ūṣ and uvas; and so on.
a. The roots showing this abbreviation are vac, vap, vad, vaç, vas, vah; and vā weave is said to follow the same rule.
b. A single root beginning with ya, namely yaj offer, has the same contraction, forming the stems iyaj and ij.
c. Occasional exceptions are met with: as, vavāca and vavakṣé (RV.); vavāpa and vavāha and vavāhatus (E. and later); yejé (V.).
a. These roots are vyac, vyath, vyadh, vyā, jyā, pyā, syand; and, in the Veda, also tyaj, with cyu and dyu, which have the root-vowel u. Other sporadic cases occur.
b. A single root with va is treated in the same way: namely svap, which forms suṣvap.
c. These roots are for the most part abbreviated in the weak forms: see below, 794.
vowel in their reduplication.
a. Thus, of roots reduplicating with ā: kan, kḷp, gṛdh, tṛp, tṛṣ, dṛh, dhṛ, dhṛṣ, nam, mah, mṛj, mṛç, ran, radh, rabh, vañc, van, vaç, vas clothe, vāç, vṛj, vṛt, vṛdh, vṛṣ, çad prevail, sah, skambh. Some of these occur only in isolated cases; many have also forms with short vowel. Most are Vedic only; but dādhāra is common also in the Brāhmaṇa language, and is even found later. As to jāgṛ, see 1020 a.
b. Of roots reduplicating with ī: the so-called roots (676) dīdhī and dīdī, which make the perfect from the same stem with the present: thus, dīdétha, dīdā́ya; dīdhima, dīdhyus (also dīdhiyus, dīdiyus). But pīpī has pipye, pipyus, etc., with short i. In AV. occurs once jīhīḍa, and in AB. (and AA.) bībhāya.
c. Of roots reduplicating with ū: tu, jū, and çū (or çvā).
the anomalous reduplication ān in the perfect.
a. Thus (the forms occurring mainly in the older language only):
√añj or aj, which forms the pres. anákti, has the perfect ānañja and ānajé etc. (with anajā and anajyāt);
√aç attain (from which comes once in RV. anáçāmahāi), has the weak forms ānaçma etc. (with opt. ānaçām), ānaçé etc. (and LÇS. has ānaçadhve), and the strong forms ānáṅça and ānāça — along with the regular āça etc.;
√ṛdh (from which comes once ṛṇádhat) has ānṛdhús and ānṛdhe;
√ṛc or arc has ānṛcús and ānṛcé, and later ānarca and ānarcus;
√arh has (in TS.) ānṛhús;
anāha (RV., once) has been referred to a root ah, elsewhere unknown, and explained as of this formation; hut with altogether doubtful propriety.
b. The later grammar, then, sets up the rule that roots beginning with a and ending with more than one consonant have ān as their regular reduplication; and such perfects are taught from roots like akṣ, arj, and añc or ac; but the only other quotable forms appear to be ānarchat (MBh.) and ānarṣat (TA.); which are accordingly reckoned as "pluperfects".
a. The extremely common root bhū be has the anomalous reduplication ba, forming the stem babhū; and, in the Veda, √sū forms in like manner sasū.
b. The root bhṛ bear has in the Veda the anomalous reduplication ja (as also in intensive: 1002); but RV. has once also the regular babhre, and pple babhrāṇá.
c. The root ṣṭhīv spew forms either tiṣṭhīv (ÇB. et al.) or ṭiṣṭhīv (not quotable).
d. Vivakvā́n (RV., once) is doubtless participle of √vac, with irregular reduplication (as in the present, 660).
a. The root vid know has, from the earliest period to the latest, a perfect without reduplication, but otherwise regularly made and inflected: thus, véda, véttha, etc., pple vidvā́ṅs. It has the meaning of a present. The root vid find forms the regular vivéda.
b. A few other apparently perfect forms lacking a reduplication are found in RV.: they are takṣathus and takṣus, yamátus, skambháthus and skambhus, nindima (for ninidima?), dhiṣe and dhire (? √dhā), and vidré and arhire (? see 613). And AV. VS. have cetatus. The participial words dāçvā́ṅs, mīḍhvā́ṅs, sāhvā́ṅs are common in the oldest language; and RV. has once jānúṣas (√jñā), and khidvas (voc.), perhaps for cikhidvas.
c. A few sporadic cases also are quotable from the later language, especially from the epics: thus, karṣatus, ceṣṭa and ceṣṭatus, bhrājatus, sarpa, çaṅsus and çaṅsire, dhvaṅsire, sraṅsire, jalpire, edhire; also the pples çaṅsivāṅs and darçivāṅs, the latter being not infrequent.
persons of the singular active, the root-syllable is accented,
and exhibits usually a stronger form than in the rest of the
tense-inflection. The difference is effected partly by strengthening the root in the three persons referred to, partly by weakening it in the others, partly by doing both.
a. A final vowel takes either the guṇa or vṛddhi change in 1st sing. act., guṇa in 2d, and vṛddhi in 3d: thus, from √भी bhī, 1st बिभे bibhé or बिभै bibhāí; 2d बिभे bibhé; 3d
बिभै bibhāí; from √कृ kṛ, 1st चकर् cakár or चकार् cakā́r, 2d चकर् cakár, 3d चकार् cakā́r.
b. But the ū of √bhū remains unchanged, and adds v before a vowel-ending: thus, babhū́va etc.
c. Medial अ a before a single final consonant follows
the analogy of a final vowel, and is lengthened or vriddhied
in the 3d. sing., and optionally in the first: thus, from
√तप् tap, 1st ततप् tatáp or तताप् tatā́p, 2d ततप् tatáp, 3d तताप् tatā́p.
d. In the earlier language, however, the weaker of the two forms
allowed by these rules in the first person is almost exclusively in use: thus, 1st only bibháya, tatápa; 3d bibhā́ya, tatā́pa. Exceptions are cakāra and jagrā́ha (doubtful reading) in AV., cakāra in AÇS. and BAU. (ÇB. cakara), jigāya in AÇS., as first persons.
e. A medial short vowel has in all three persons alike
the guṇa-strengthening (where this is possible: 240): thus, from √द्रुह् druh comes दुद्रोह् dudróh; from √विश् viç comes विवेश् vivéç; from √कृत् kṛt comes चकर्त् cakárt.
f. An initial short vowel before a single final consonant is to be treated like a medial, but the quotable examples are very few: namely, iyeṣa from √iṣ seek, uvocitha and uvoca from √uc, uvoṣa from √uṣ. As to roots i and ṛ, whose vowels are both initial and final, see above, 783 a, b.
g. These rules are said by the grammarians to apply to the 2d sing. always when it has simple tha as ending; if it has itha (below, 797 d),
the accent is allowed to fall on any one of the syllables of the word, and the root-syllable if unaccented has sometimes the weak form (namely, in contracted stems with e for medial a: below, 794 e; and in certain other verbs, as vivijitha). The earlier language, however, affords no example of a 2d sing., whatever its ending, accented on any other than the radical syllable, or failing to conform to the rules of strengthening as given above (in a, c, e).
h. Occasional instances of strengthening in other than the singular persons are met with: thus, yuyopima and viveçus (RV.), pasparçus (KeU.), and, in the epics, cakartus and cakartire, cakarṣatus, jugūhire, nanāmire, bibhedus, vavāhatus, viveçatus, vavarṣus. The roots dṛ, pṛ, and çṛ, and optionally jṛ, are said by the grammarians to have the strong stem in weak forms; but no examples appear to be quotable. AV., however, has once jaharus (probably a false reading); and in the later language occur caskare (√kṛ scatter) and tastare.
i. The root mṛj has (as in the present-system: 627) vṛddhi instead of guṇa in strong forms: thus, mamā́rja; and √guh (also as in present: 745 c) has ū instead of o (but also juguhe E.).
a. It has been seen above (783 b) that roots beginning with i or u fuse reduplicating and radical syllable together to ī or ū in the weak forms; and (784) that roots contracting va and ya to u or i in the reduplication do it also in the root in weak forms, the two elements here also coalescing to ū or ī.
b. A few roots having ya and va after a first initial consonant, and reduplicating from the semivowel (785), contract the ya and va to i and u: thus, vivic from √vyac, vividh from √vyadh (but vivyadhus MBh.), suṣup from √svap. The extended roots jyā, pyā, vyā, çvā, hvā show a similar apparent contraction, making their weak forms from the simpler roots jī, pī, vī, çū, hū, while hvā must and çvā may get their strong forms also from the same (and only jijyāú is quotable from the others).
c. The root grabh or grah (if it be written thus: see 729 a) contracts to gṛh, making the three forms of stem jagráh (1st and 2d sing. act.), jagrā́h (3d), and jagṛh; but prach (if it be so written: see 756 a) remains unchanged throughout.
d. Some roots omit in weak forms of this tense, or in some of them, a nasal which is found in its strong forms: thus, we have cakradé etc. (RV.) from √krand; tatasré (RV.) from √taṅs; dadaçvā́ṅs (RV.) from √daṅç; bedhús, bedhé, etc. (AV.) from √bandh; sejus (ÇB.) from √sañj; caskabhāná (AV.) from √skambh; tastabhús etc. (V.), tastabhāná (V.B.), from √stambh. Compare also 788 a.
e. A number of roots having medial a between single consonants drop that vowel. These are, in the later language, gam, khan, jan,
han, ghas; they form the weak stems jagm, cakhn, jajñ, jaghn (compare 637), jakṣ (compare 640): but RV. has once jajanús.
f. In the old language are found in like manner mamnāthe and mamnāte from √man; vavné from √van; tatne, tatniṣe, tatnire from √tan (beside tatane, and tate, as if from √tā); paptima and paptús and paptivā́ṅs from √pat (beside pet-forms; below, g); papné from √pan; saçcima and saçcus, saçce and saçciré, from √sac.
g. Roots in general having medial a before a single final consonant, and beginning also with a single consonant that is repeated unchanged in the reduplication — that is, not an aspirate, a guttural mute, or h — contract their root and reduplication together into one syllable, having e as its vowel: thus, √sad forms the weak stem sed, √pac forms pec, √yam forms yem; and so on.
h. Certain roots not having the form here defined are declared by the grammarians to undergo the same contraction — most of them optionally; and examples of them are in general of very rare occurrence. They are as follows: rāj (E.C.) and rādh (radh?), notwithstanding their long vowel; phaṇ, phal (phelire C.), bhaj (occurs from RV. down), though their initial is changed in reduplication; trap, tras (tresus E.C.), çrath, syarn, svan, though they begin with more than one consonant; dambh (debhús, RV., from the weaker dabh), though it ends with more than one; and bhram (bhremus etc. KSS.), bhrāj, granth, svañj, in spite of more reasons than one to the contrary. And ÇB. has sejus from √sañj, and KB. has çremus from √çram. On the other hand, RV. has once rarabhmá, and R. has papatus, for petus, from √pat.
i. This contraction is allowed also in 2d sing. act. when the ending is itha: thus, tenitha beside tatantha (but no examples are quotable from the older language).
j. The roots çaç and dad (from dā: 672) are said to reject the contraction; but no perfect forms of either appear to have been met with in use.
k. From √tṛ (or tar) occurs terus (R.); and jerus from √jṛ is authorized by the grammarians — both against the general analogy of roots in ṛ.
l. Roots ending in ā lose their ā before all endings beginning with a vowel, including those endings that assume the union-vowel i (796) — unless in the latter case it be preferred to regard the i as a weakened form of the ā.
a. The ending mas instead of ma is found in çuçrumas (E.C.). For the alleged occurrence of ḍhve instead of dhve in 2d pl. mid., see 226 c.
a. The union-vowel i is found widely used also in other parts of the general verbal system: namely, in the sibilant aorist, the futures, and the verbal nouns and adjectives (as also in other classes of derivative stems). In the later language, a certain degree of correspondence is seen among the different parts of the same verb, as regards their use or non-use of the connective; but this correspondence is not so close that general rules respecting it can be given with advantage; and it will be best to treat each formation by itself.
b. The perfect is the tense in which the use of i has established itself most widely and firmly in the later language.
a. The रे re of 3d pl. mid. has it always.
b. The other consonant-endings, except थ tha of 2d sing. act., take it in nearly all verbs.
c. But it is rejected throughout by eight verbs — namely kṛ make, bhṛ bear, sṛ go, vṛ choose, dru run, çru hear, stu praise, sru flow; and it is allowably (not usually) rejected by some others, in general accordance with their usage in other formations.
d. In 2d sing. act., it is rejected not only by the eight verbs just given, but also by many others, ending in vowels or in consonants, which in other formations have no इ i; but it is also taken by many verbs which reject it in other formations; — and it is optional in many verbs, including those in आ ā (of which the आ ā is lost when the ending is इथ itha), and most of those in इ i, ई ī, and उ u.
e. The rules of the grammarians, especially as regards the use of tha or itha, run out into infinite detail, and are not wholly consistent with one another; and, as the forms are very infrequent, it is not possible to criticise the statements made, and to tell how far they are founded on the facts of usage.
f. With this i, a final radical i or ī is not combined, but changed into y or iy. The ū of √bhū becomes ūv throughout before a vowel.
a. In the RV., the union-vowel i is taken by roots ending in consonants provided the last syllable of the stem is a heavy one, but not otherwise: thus, ā́sitha, uvócitha, vivéditha, but tatántha and vivyáktha; ūcimá, paptima, sedima, yuyopimá, but jaganma, jagṛbhmá, yuyujma; ūçiṣé, jajñiṣé, sasāhiṣe, but vivitse and dadṛkṣé; bubhujmáhe and çāçadmahe etc. (no examples of ivahe or imahe chance to occur, nor any of either idhve or dhve); ījiré, jajñiré, yetiré, tataksiré, but cākḷpré, vividré, duduhré, paspṛdhré, tatasré (and so on: twenty-two forms). The only exception in RV. is véttha from √vid, without i (in Br., also āttha from √ah: below, 801 a). The other Vedic texts present nothing inconsistent with this rule, but in the Brāhmaṇas 3d pl. forms in ire are made after light syllables also: thus, sasṛjire, bubudhire, yuyujire, rurudhire.
b. In roots ending with a vowel, the early usage is more nearly like the later. Thus: for roots in ā the rule is the same (except that no 2d sing. in itha is met with), as dadhimá, dadhiṣé, dadhidhvé, dadhiré (the only persons with i quotable from RV. and AV.; and RV. has dadhre twice); — roots in ṛ appear also to follow the later rule: as cakṛṣé, papṛṣe, vavṛṣé, vavṛmáhe, but dadhriṣe and jabhriṣe, and in 3d pl. mid. both cakriré and dadhrire; — √bhū has both babhū́tha (usually) and babhū́vitha, but only babhūvimá (AV.). But there are found, against the later rules, suṣuma, cicyuṣe, juhuré, and juhūré, without i: the instances are too few to found a rule upon.
a. As example of the normal inflection of a root with final consonant, we take the root बुध् budh know: its strong form of perfect-stem is बुबोध् bubódh; weak form, बुबुध् bubudh.
| active. | middle. | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| s. | d. | p. | s. | d. | p. | |
| 1 | बुबोध bubódha | बुबुधिव bubudhivá | बुबुधिम -dhimá | बुबुधे bubudhé | बुबुधिवहे -dhiváhe | बुबुधिमहे -dhimáhe |
| active. | middle. | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| s. | d. | p. | s. | d. | p. | |
| 2 | बुबोधिथ bubódhitha | बुबुधथुस् -dháthus | बुबुध -dhá | बुबुधिषे bubudhiṣé | बुबुधाथे -dhā́the | बुबुधिध्वे -dhidhvé |
| 3 | बुबोध bubódha | बुबुधतुस् -dhátus | बुबुधुस् -dhús | बुबुधे bubudhé | बुबुधाते -dhā́te | बुबुधिरे -dhiré |
b. The asserted variety of possible accent in 2d sing. act. (above, 793 g) needs to be noted both in this and in the remaining paradigms.
c. As example of the normal inflection of a root with final i or u-vowel, we may take the root नी nī lead: its forms of stem are निनय् nináy or निनाय् ninā́y, and निनी ninī.
| active. | middle. | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| s. | d. | p. | s. | d. | p. | |
| 1 | निनय, निनाय nináya, ninā́ya | निन्यिव ninyivá | निन्यिम ninyimá | निन्ये ninyé | निन्यिवहे ninyiváhe | निन्यिमहे ninyimáhe |
| 2 | निनेथ, निनयिथ ninétha, nináyitha | निन्यथुस् ninyáthus | निन्य ninyá | निन्यिषे ninyiṣé | निन्याथे ninyā́the | निन्यिध्वे ninyidhvé |
| 3 | निनाय ninā́ya | निन्यतुस् ninyátus | निन्युस् ninyús | निन्ये ninyé | निन्याते ninyā́te | निन्यिरे ninyiré |
d. The root krī would make (129 a) in weak forms cikriyivá, cikriyátus, cikriyús, etc.; and √bhū is inflected as follows in the active (middle forms not quotable):
| active. | |||
|---|---|---|---|
| s. | d. | p. | |
| 1 | babhū́va | babhūvivá | babhūvimá |
| 2 | babhū́tha, babhū́vitha | babhūváthus | babhūvá |
| 3 | babhū́va | babhūvátus | babhūvús |
Other roots in ū or u change this to uv before the initial vowel of an ending.
e. As example of the inflection of a root ending in आ ā, we may take दा dā give: its forms of stem are ददा dadā́ and दद् dad (or ददि dadi: see above, 7941).
| active. | middle. | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| s. | d. | p. | s. | d. | p. | |
| 1 | ददौ dadāú | ददिव dadivá | ददिम dadimá | ददे dadé | ददिवहे vdadiváhe | ददिमहे dadimáhe |
| 2 | ददाथ, ददिथ dadā́tha, dadithá | ददथुस् dadáthus | दद dadá | ददिषे dadiṣé | ददाथे dadā́the | ददिध्वे dadidhvé |
| 3 | ददौ dadāú | ददतुस् dadátus | ददुस् dadús | ददे dadé | ददाते dadā́te | ददिरे dadiré |
f. The RV. has once paprā́ for paprāú (and jahā́ for jahāú?).
g. As example of a root with medial अ a showing fusion of root and reduplication, resulting in medial ए e, in the weak forms (794 g), we may take तन्,tan stretch: its forms of stem are ततन् tatán or ततान् tatā́n, and तेन् ten.
| active. | middle. | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| s. | d. | p. | s. | d. | p. | |
| 1 | ततन, ततान tatána, tatā́na | तेनिव tenivá | तेनिम tenimá | तेने tené | तेनिवहे teniváhe | तेनिमहे tenimáhe |
| 2 | ततन्थ, तेनिथ tatántha, tenithá | तेनथुस् tenáthus | तेन tená | तेनिषे teniṣé | तेनाथे tenā́the | तेनिध्वे tenidhvé |
| 3 | ततान tatā́na | तेनतुस् tenátus | तेनुस् tenús | तेने tené | तेनाते tenā́te | तेनिरे teniré |
h. The root jan, with the others which expel medial a in weak forms (794 e), makes jajántha or jajñithá, jajñivá, jajñús; jajñé, jajñimáhe, jajñiré; and so on.
i. As example of a root with initial व va contracted to उ u in the reduplication, and contracted with the reduplication to ऊ ū in weak forms (784), we may take वच् vac speak: its forms of stem are उवच् uvác or उवाच् uvā́c, and ऊच् ūc.
| active. | middle. | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| s. | d. | p. | s. | d. | p. | |
| 1 | उवच, उवाच uváca, uvā́ca | ऊचिव ūcivá | ऊचिम ūcimá | ऊचे ūcé | ऊचिवहे ūciváhe | ऊचिमहे ūcimáhe |
| 2 | उवक्थ, उवचिथे uváktha, uvácitha | ऊचथुस् ūcáthus | ऊच ūcá | ऊचिषे ūciṣé | ऊचाथे ūcā́the | ऊचिध्वे ūcidhvé |
| 3 | उवाच uvā́ca | ऊचतुस् ūcátus | ऊचुस् ūcús | ऊचे ūcé | ऊचाते ūcáte | ऊचिरे ūciré |
j. In like manner, √yaj forms iyája or iyā́ja, iyáṣṭha or iyájitha; ījé, ījiṣé, and so on; √uc has uvóca and uvócitha in the strong forms, and all the rest like vac.
k. Of the four roots in ऋ ṛ mentioned at 797 c, the inflection is as follows:
| active. | middle. | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| s. | d. | p. | s. | d. | p. | |
| 1 | चकर, चकार cakára, cakā́ra | चकृव cakṛvá | चकृम cakṛmá | चक्रे cakré | चकृवहे cakṛváhe | चकृमहे cakṛmáhe |
| 2 | चकर्थ cakártha | चक्रथुस् cakráthus | चक्र cakrá | चकृषे cakṛṣé | चक्राथे cakrā́the | चकृध्वे cakṛdhvé |
| 3 | चकार cakā́ra | चक्रतुस् cakrátus | चक्रुस् cakrús | चक्रे cakré | चक्राते cakrā́te | चक्रिरे cakriré |
l. Of the roots in ऋ ṛ in general, the first persons are made as follows:
| active. | middle. | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| s. | d. | p. | s. | d. | p. | |
| 1 | दधर, दधार dadhára, dadhā́ra | दथ्रिव dadhrivá | दथ्रिम dadhrimá | दथ्रे dadhré | दथ्रिवहे dadhriváhe | दथ्रिमहे dadhrimáhe |
m. We may further add here, finally, the active inflection (the middle is not in use) of the perfect of as be, which (like babhū́va and cakā́ra, given above) is frequently employed as an auxiliary.
| active. | |||
|---|---|---|---|
| s. | d. | p. | |
| 1 | ā́sa | āsivá | āsimá |
| 2 | ā́sitha | āsáthus | āsá |
| 3 | ā́sa | āsátus | āsús |
a. The root ah speak occurs only in the perfect indicative, and only in the 3d persons of all numbers and in the 2d sing. and du., in active (and in 2d sing. the h is irregularly changed to t before the ending): thus, āttha, ā́ha; āhathus, āhatus; āhús (in V., only ā́ha and āhús are met with).
b. From √vā weave, the 3d pl. act. ūvus occurs in RV., and no other perfect form appears to have been met with in use. It is allowed by the grammarians to be inflected regularly as vā; and also as vay (the present-stem is váya: 761 f), with contraction of va to u in weak forms; and further, in the weak forms, as simple u.
c. The root vyā envelop has in RV. the perfect-forms vivyathus and vivyé, and no others have been met with in use; the grammarians require the strong forms to be made from vyay, and the weak from vī.
d. The root i go forms in RV. and AV. the 2d sing. act. iyátha beside the regular iyétha; and beside īriré from √īr, RV. has several times eriré.
e. RV. has an anomalous accent in dádṛçe and dádṛçre (beside dadṛkṣé) and the pple dádṛçāna. And cíketa (once, beside cikéta) is perhaps a kindred anomaly.
f. Persons of the perfect from the ir-forms of roots in changeable ṛ (242) are titirus and tistire (both RV.); and they have corresponding participles.
g. The bastard root ūrṇu (713) is said by the grammarians to make the perfect-stem ūrṇunu; the roots majj and naç are said to insert a nasal in the 2d sing. active, when the ending is simple tha: thus, maman̄ktha, nanaṅṣṭha (also mamajjitha and neçitha).
h. Further may be noted sasajjatus (MBh.: √sañj, which has in passive the secondary form sajj), rurundhatus (R.), and dudūhus (BhP).
i. The anomalous ajagrabhāiṣam (AH. vi. 35) seems a formation on the perfect-stem (but perhaps for ajigrabhiṣan, desid.?).
a. But participles of which the perfect-stem is monosyllabic by absence of the reduplication do not take the union-vowel: thus, vidvā́ṅs, and in V., dāçvā́ṅs (SV. dāçivā́ṅs), mīḍhvā́ṅs, sāhvā́ṅs, khidvāṅs (?); and RV. has also dadvā́ṅs (AV. dadivā́ṅs and once dadāvā́ṅs) from √dā (or dad: 672); and án-āçvāṅs (√aç eat) occurs in TS. and TB. But AV. has viçivā́ṅs and varjivāṅs (in negative fem. ávarjuṣī).
b. From three roots, vid find, viç, and dṛç, the later language allows strong participle-stems to be made with the union-vowel, as well as in the regular manner without it: thus, viviçivāṅs or viviçvāṅs; dadṛçivāṅs occurs in KṭhU. PB. has once cicchidivāṅs.
a. In the Veda, the long reduplicating vowel is shown by many middle participles: thus, vāvṛdhāná, vāvasāná, dādṛhāṇá, tūtujāná, etc. RV. has çaçayāná from √çī (with irregular guṇa, as in the present-system: 629); tistirāṇá from √stṛ; and once, with māna, sasṛmāṇá from √sṛ. A few participles with long redupl. vowel have it irregularly accented (as if rather intensive: 1013): thus, tū́tujāna (also tūtujāná), bā́badhāna, çā́çadāna, çū́çujāna, çū́çuvāna.
a. To draw the line surely and distinctly between these and the mode-forms from other reduplicated tense-stems — the present-stem of the reduplicating class, the reduplicated aorist, and the intensive — is not possible, since no criterion of form exists which does not in some cases fail, and since the general equivalence of modal forms from all stems (582), and the common use of the perfect as a present in the Veda (823), deprive us of a criterion of meaning. There can be no reasonable doubt, however, that a considerable body of forms are to be reckoned here; optatives like ānaçyām and babhūyās and babhūyā́t, imperatives like babhūtu, subjunctives like jabhárat, show such distinctive characteristics of the perfect formation that by their analogy other similar words are confidently classed as belonging to the perfect.
of the perfect indicative), and would take either primary or secondary endings; and the optative mode-stems would be mumucyā́ in the active, and mumucī (accent on personal endings) in the middle.
And the great majority of the forms in question (about three quarters) are made in these ways. Thus:
a. with secondary endings, active: 2d sing., papráthas, cākánas, māmáhas, pipráyas, bubodhas, rāráṇas; 3d sing., cākánat, jabhárat, rāráṇat, sāsáhat, paspárçat, pipráyat; 1st pl., cākánāma, tatánāma, çūçávāma; 3d pl., tatánan, papráthan (other persons do not occur). This is the largest class of cases.
b. with primary endings, active: here seem to belong only dadhárṣati and vavártati: compare the formation with different accent below, 811 a.
c. of middle forms occur only the 3d sing., tatápate, çaçámate, yuyójate, jujóṣate (SV.; RV. has jújoṣate); and the 3d pl. cākánanta, tatánanta (and perhaps two or three others: below, 811 b, end).
a. With strengthened root-syllable, as above, but with accent on the reduplication (as in the majority of present-forms of the reduplicating class: above, 645). Here the forms with primary endings, active, preponderate, and are not very rare: for example, jújoṣasi, jújoṣati, jújoṣathas, jújoṣatha (other persons do not occur). With secondary endings, jújoṣas, jújoṣat, and jújoṣan are the forms that belong most distinctly here (since dádāças and súṣūdas etc. are perhaps rather aorists). And there is no middle form but jújoṣate (RV.: see above, 810 c).
b. With unstrengthened root-syllable occur a small body of forms, which are apparently also accented on the reduplication (accented examples are found only in 3d pl. mid.): thus, active, for example, mumucas; vavṛtat, vividat, çūçuvat; the only middle forms are dadhṛṣate, vāvṛdhate, 3d sing.; and cákramanta, dádhṛṣanta, rúrucanta (with dadabhanta, paprathanta, māmahanta, juhuranta, which might also belong elsewhere: 810 c).
c. Accented on the ending are vāvṛdhánta and cakṛpánta (which are rather to be called augmentless pluperfects).
d. As to forms with double mode-sign, or transfers to an a-conjugation, see below, 815.
a. In active: 1st sing., ānaçyām, jagamyām, papṛcyām, riricyām; 2d sing., vavṛtyās, viviçyās, çuçrūyā́s, babhūyās; 3d sing., jagamyāt, vavṛtyāt, tutujyā́t, babhūyā́t; 2d du., jagmyātam, çuçrūyā́tam; 1st pl., sāsahyāma, vavṛtyāma, çūçuyāma; 3d pl., tatanyus, vavṛjyús, vavṛtyus. The forms are quite numerous.
b. In middle, the forms are few: namely, 1st sing., vavṛtīya; 2d sing., vāvṛdhīthā́s, cakṣamīthās; 3d sing., jagrasīta, vavṛtīta, māmṛjīta, dudhuvīta, çuçucīta; 1st pl., vavṛtīmahi. And sāsahīṣṭhās and ririṣīṣṭa appear to furnish examples of precative optative forms.
c. There is no irregular mode of formation of perfect optatives. Individual irregularities are shown by certain forms: thus, cakriyās, papīyāt, çuçrūyā́s and çuçrūyā́tam, with treatment of the final as before the passive-sign yá (770); anajyāt with short initial; çiçrītá from √çri; jakṣīyāt is anomalous: ririṣes is the only form that shows a union-vowel a (unless also siṣet, from √sā).
a. Only one other subjunctive with double mode-sign — namely, papṛcāsi — is found to set beside vāvṛdhāti.
, and mumucas; from √dhṛṣ, dadhárṣati and dadhṛṣate; from √prī, the imperatives piprīhí and pipráyasva.
a. There is much of the same difficulty in distinguishing the pluperfect as the perfect modes from kindred reduplicated formations. Between it and the aorist, however, a difference of meaning helps to make a separation.
a. Of forms made according to this model, we have, in the active: 1st sing., ajagrabham and acacakṣam (which, by its form, might be aorist: 860); 2d sing. ájagan; 3d sing., ajagan and aciket; 2d du., amumuktam; 2d pl. ájaganta, and ájagantana and ajabhartana (a strong form, as often in this person: 556 a); 3d pl. (perhaps), amamandus and amamadus. To these may be added the augmentless cākán and rārán, cikétam and cakaram. In the middle, the 3d pl. acakriran and ajagmiran (with iran instead of ata), and the augmentless 2d sing. jugūrthās and suṣupthās, are the most regular forms to be found.
a. According to the Hindu grammarians, the perfect is used in the
narration of facts not witnessed by the narrator; but there is no evidence of its being either exclusively or distinctively so employed at any period.
b. In the later language, it is simply a preterit or past tense, equivalent with the imperfect, and freely interchangeable or coördinated with it. It is on the whole less common than the imperfect, although the preferences of different authors are diverse, and it sometimes exceeds the imperfect in frequency (compare (927).
c. The perfects veda and āha are everywhere used with present value. In the Brāhmaṇas, also others, especially dādhāra, also dīdāya, bibhāya, etc.
a. Examples are: of perfect with present, ná çrāmyanti ná ví muñcanty éte váyo ná paptuḥ (RV.) they weary not nor stop, they fly like birds; sé ’d u rā́ja kṣayati carṣaṇīnā́m arā́n ná nemíḥ pári tā́ babhūva (RV.) he in truth rules king of men; he embraces them all, as the wheel the spokes; — of perfect with aorist, úpo ruruce yuvatír ná yóṣā...ábhūd agníḥ samídhe mā́nuṣāṇām ákar jyótir bā́dhamānā támāṅsi (RV.) she is come beaming like a young maiden; Agni hath appeared for the kindling of mortals; she hath made light, driving away the darkness; — of perfect with imperfect, áhann áhim ánv apás tatarda (RV.) he slew the dragon, he penetrated to the waters. Such a coordination as this last is of constant occurrence in the later language: e. g. mumude ‘pūjayac cāi ’nām (R.) he was glad, and paid honor to her; vastrānte jagrāha skandhadeçe ‘sṛjat tasya srajam (MBh.) she took hold of the end of his garment, and dropped a garland on his shoulders.
I. A simple aorist (equivalent to the Greek "second aorist"), analogous in all respects as to form and inflection with the imperfect. It has two varieties: 1. the root-aorist, with a tense-stem identical with the root (corresponding to an imperfect of the root-class); 2. the a-aorist, with a tense-stem ending in अ á, or with union-vowel अ a before the endings (corresponding to an imperfect of the á-class).
II. 3. A reduplicating aorist, perhaps in origin identical with an imperfect of the reduplicating class, but having come to be separated from it by marked peculiarities of form. It usually has a union-vowel अ a before the endings, or is inflected like an imperfect of one of the a-classes; but a few forms occur in the Veda without such vowel.
III. A sigmatic or sibilant aorist (corresponding to the Greek "first aorist"), having for its tense-sign a स् s added to the root, either directly or with a preceding auxiliary इ i; its endings are usually added immediately to the tense-sign, but in a small number of roots with a union-vowel अ a; a very few roots also are increased by स् s for its formation; and according to these differences it falls into four varieties: namely, A. without union-vowel अ a before endings; 4. s-aorist, with स् s alone added to the root; 5. iṣ-aorist, the same with interposed इ i; 6. siṣ-aorist, the same as the preceding with स् s added at the end of the root; B. with union-vowel अ a, 7. sa-aorist.
b. More than fifty roots, in RV. and AV. together, make aorist forms of more than one class (not taking into account the reduplicated or "causative" aorist); but no law appears to underlie this variety; of any relation such as is taught by the grammarians, between active of one class and middle of another as correlative, there is no trace discoverable.
c. Examples are: of classes 1 and 4, adhām and dhāsus from √dhā, ayuji and ayukṣata from √yuj; — of 1 and 5, agrabham and agrabhīṣma from √grabh, mṛṣṭhās and marṣiṣṭhās from √mṛṣ; — of 1 and 2, ārta and arāt from √ṛ; — of 2 and 4, avidam and avitsi from √vid find, anijam and anāikṣīt from √nij; — of 2 and 5, sanéma and asāniṣam from √san; of 2 and 7, aruham and arukṣat from √ruh; — of 4 and 5, amatsus and amādiṣus from √mad; — of 4 and 6, hāsmahi and hāsiṣus from √hā; — of 1 and 2 and 4, atnata and atanat and atān from √tan; — of 1 and 4 and 5, abudhran and ábhutsi and bódhiṣat from √budh, ástar and stṛṣīya and
astarīs from √stṛ. Often the second, or second and third, class is represented by only an isolated form or two.
b. The roots in आ ā take उस् us as 3d pl. ending, and, as usual, lose their आ ā before it; भू bhū (as in the perfect: 793 a) retains its vowel unchanged throughout, inserting व् v after it before the endings अम् am and अन् an of 1st sing. and 3d pl. Thus:
| active. | active. | s. | d. | p. | s. | d. | p. |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | अदाम् ádām | अदाव ádāva | अदाम ádāma | अभूवम् ábhūvam | अभूव ábhūva | अभूम ábhūma |
| 2 | अदास् ádās | अदातम् ádātam | अदात ádāta | अभूस् ábhūs | अभूतम् ábhūtam | अभूत ábhūta |
| 3 | अदात् ádāt | अदाताम् ádātām | अदुस् ádus | अभूत् ábhūt | अभूताम् ábhūtam | अभूवन् ábhūvan |
For the classical Sanskrit, this is the whole story.
a. Instead of abhūvam, RV. has twice abhuvam. BhP. has agan, 3d pl., instead of agus.
with, as required by the analogy of the tense with an imperfect of the root-class, guṇa-strengthening in the three persons of the singular.
a. Thus (in the active), from √çru, áçravam and áçrot; from √çri, áçres and áçret; from √kṛ make, ákaram and ákar (for akars and akart); from vṛ enclose, ā́var (585 a); and so ástar, aspar. Dual and plural forms are much less frequent than singular; but for the most part they also show an irregular strengthening of the root-vowel: thus (including augmentless forms), ákarma and karma and ákarta, vartam, spartam, áhema and áhetana, bhema, açravan; regular are only avran, ákran, ahyan, and áçriyan.
a. Thus, ábhedam and abhet from √bhid; ámok from √muc; yojam from √yuj; rok (VS.) from √ruj; arodham and arudhma from √rudh; avart from √vṛt; várk from √vṛj (AV. has once avṛk); adarçam from √dṛç, ā́rdhma from √ṛdh; and adṛçan, avṛjan, açvitan. But chedma, with guṇa, from √chid, and adarçma (TS.) from √dṛç.
a. Of these, gam (with n for m when final or followed by m: 143 a, 212 a) is of decidedly most frequent occurrence, and shows the greatest variety of forms: thus, ágamam, ágan (2d and 3d sing.), áganma, aganta (strong form), ágman. The other cases are akran from √kram; átan from √tan; abhrāṭ from √bhrāj; askan from √skand; asrat from √sraṅs (? VS.); dhak and daghma from √dagh; ā́naṭ (585 a) and anaṣṭām from √naç; ághas or aghat, ághastām, aghasta, and ákṣan (for aghsan, like agman) from √ghas; and the 3d pll. in us, ákramus, ayamus, dabhús, nṛtus (pf.?), mandús.
a. From roots ending in vowels, we have adhithās, adhita (also ahita), and adhīmahi; adithās, adita, and adimahi (and adīmahi from √dā cut); áçīta (?); sīmáhi; ásthithās and ásthita and ásthiran, forms of ā-roots; — of ṛ-roots, akri, ákṛthās, ákṛta, akrātām, ákrata (and the anomalous kránta); avri, avṛthās, avṛta; ārta, ārata; mṛthās, amṛta; dhṛthās; adṛthās; astṛta; ahṛthās; gūrta; — of i and u roots, the only examples are ahvi (? AV., once), áhūmahi, and ácidhvam. The absence of any analogies whatever for the omission of a s in such forms, and the occurrence of avri and akri and ákrata, show that their reference to the s-aorist is probably without sufficient reason.
b. As regards roots ending in consonants, the case is more questionable, since loss of s after a final consonant before thās and ta (and, of
course, dhvam) would be in many cases required by euphonic rule (233 c ff.). We find, however, such unmistakable middle inflection of the root-aorist as ayuji, áyukthās, áyukta, ayujmahi, áyugdhvam, áyujran; ā́ṣṭa and ā́çata; náṅçi; apadi (1st sing.) and apadmahi and apadran; ámanmahi; gánvahi and áganmahi and ágmata; atnata; ájani (1st sing.) and ajñata (3d pl.); from √gam are made agathās and agata, from √tan, atathās and átata, and from √man, amata, with treatment of the final like that of han in present inflection (637). The ending ran is especially frequent in 3d pl., being taken by a number of verbs which have no other middle person of this aorist: thus, agṛbhran, ásṛgran, adṛçran, abudhran, ávṛtran, ajuṣran, akṛpran, aspṛdhran, avasran, áviçran; and ram is found beside ran in ádṛçram, ábudhram, ásṛgram.
c. From roots of which the final would combine with s to kṣ, it seems more probable that aorist-forms showing k (instead of ṣ) before the ending belong to the root-aorist: such are amukthās (and ámugdhvam), apṛkthās and apṛkta, ábhakta, avṛkta, asakthās and asakta, rikthās, vikthās and vikta, arukta; apraṣṭa, ayaṣṭa, áspaṣṭa, asṛṣṭhās and ásṛṣṭa, and mṛṣṭhās would be the same in either case.
d. There remain, as cases of more doubtful belonging, and probably to be ranked in part with the one formation and in part with the other, according to their period and to the occurrence of other persons: chitthās, nutthā́s and ánutta and ánuddhvam, patthās, bhitthās, amatta, atapthās, alipta, asṛpta; and finally, árabdha, alabdha, aruddha, abuddha, ayuddha, and drogdhās (MBh.: read drugdhās): see 883.
b. Forms with secondary endings are, in the active, dárçam, bhojam, yojam; káras, tárdas, párcas, yámas, rādhās, váras; karat, gámat, garat, jóṣat, daghat, padāt, yamat, yodhat, rādhat, várat, vártat, çrávat, sághat, spárat; kárāma, gamāma, rādhāma; gáman,
garan, dárçan, yaman. No middle forms are classifiable with confidence here.
c. The series bhuvam, bhúvas, bhúvat, bhúvan, and bhuvāni (compare abhuvam: 830 a), and the isolated çrúvat, are of doubtful belongings; with a different accent, they would seem to be of the next class; here, a guṇa-strengthening would be more regular (but note the absence of guṇa in the aorist indicative and the perfect of √bhū).
a. In the older language, however, pure optative forms, without the s, are made from this tense. From roots in ā occur (with change of ā to e before the y: 250 d) deyām, dheyām and dheyus, and stheyāma; in u-vowels, bhūyā́ma; in ṛ, kriyāma; in consonants, açyā́m and açyā́ma and açyus, vṛjyām, çakyām, yujyāva and yujyā́tām, sāhyāma, and tṛdyus.
b. The optative middle of the root-aorist is not recognized by the Hindu grammarians as making a part of the precative formation. The RV. has, however, two precative forms of it, namely padīṣṭá and mucīṣṭa. Much more common in the older language are pure optative forms: namely, açīya and açīmáhi (this optative is especially common), indhīya, gmīya, murīya, rucīya; arīta, uhīta, vurīta; idhīmahi, naçīmahi, nasīmahi, pṛcīmahi, mudīmahi, yamīmahi; and probably, from ā-roots, sīmáhi and dhīmahi (which might also be augmentless indicative, since adhīmahi and adhītām also occur). All these forms except the three in 3d sing. might be precative according to the general understanding of that mode, as being of persons which even by the native authorities are not claimed ever to exhibit the inserted sibilant.
disappear (the exceptions are given in 837 a). But the precative forms are nowhere common, excepting as made from √bhū; and from no other root is anything like a complete series of persons quotable (only bhūyāsva and bhūyāstām being wanting; and these two persons have no representative from any root). All together, active optative or precative forms are made in the older language from over fifty roots; and the epic and classical texts add them from hardly a dozen more: see further 925.
a. As to 2d persons singular in si from the simple root used in an imperative sense, see above, 624.
a. In the active, they are extremely few: namely, kránt, citánt (?), gmánt, sthā́nt, bhidánt, vṛdhánt, dyutant- (only in composition), and probably ṛdhánt. And BhP. has mṛṣant (but probably by error, for mṛṣyant).
b. In the middle, they are in RV. much more numerous. The accent is usually on the final of the stem: thus, arāṇá, idhāṇá, krāṇá, juṣāṇá, tṛṣāṇá, nidāná, piçāná, pṛcāná, prathāná, budhāná, bhiyāná, manāná, mandāná, yujāná, rucāná, vipāná, vrāṇá, urāṇá, çubhāná, sacāná, suvāná or svāná, sṛjāná, spṛdhāná, hiyāná; — but sometimes on the root-syllable: thus, cítāna, cyávāna, rúhāṇa, úhāna (pres.?), vásāna, çúmbhāna; — while a few show both accentuations
(compare 619 d): thus, dṛçāná and dṛ́çāna, dyutāná and dyútāna, yatāná and yátāna; and cetāna and hrayāṇa occur only in composition. A very few of these are found once or twice in other texts, namely citāna, dyutāna, ruhāṇa, vasāna, suvāna; and -kupāna occurs once in Āpast. (xiv. 28. 4).
a. The ending i belongs elsewhere only to the first person; and this third person apparently stands in the same relation to a first in i as do, in the middle voice, the regular 3d sing. perfect, and also the frequent Vedic 3d sing. present of the root-class (613), which are identical in form with their respective first persons. That a fuller ending has been lost off is extremely improbable; and hence, as an aorist formation from the simple root, this is most properly treated here, in connection with the ordinary root-aorist.
a. Examples (all of them quotable from the older language) are: from roots ending in ā, ájñāyi, ádhāyi, ápāyi; in other vowels, áçrāyi, ástāvi, áhāvi, ákāri, ástāri; — from roots with medial i, u, ṛ, aceti, ácchedi, açeṣi, ábodhi, ámoci, áyoji, ádarçi, asarji, varhi; from roots with medial a strengthened, agāmi, ápādi, ayāmi, avāci, vāpi, ásādi (these are all the earlier cases); with a unchanged, only ájani (and RV. has once jā́ni), and, in heavy syllables, ámyakṣi, vandi, çaṅsi, syandi; with medial ā, ábhrāji, árādhi; — from roots with initial vowel, ārdhi (only case).
b. According to the grammarians, certain roots in am, and √vadh, retain the a unchanged: quotable are ajani (or ajāni), agami (or agāmi),
asvani, avadhi, also araci; and there are noted besides, from roots sometimes showing a nasal, adaṅçi, arambhi, arandhi, ajambhi, abhañji or abhāji, alambhi (always, with prepositions) or alābhi, astambhi; ÇB. has asañji.
c. Augmentless forms, as in all other like cases, are met with, with either indicative or subjunctive value: examples (besides the two or three already given) are: dhā́yi, çrā́vi, bhāri, reci, védi, roci, jáni, pā́di, sā́di, ardhi. The accent, when present, is always on the root-syllable (SV. dhāyí is doubtless a false reading).
b. Its closest analogy is with the imperfect of the á-class (751 ff.); its inflection is the same with that in all particulars; and it takes in general a weak form of root — save the roots in ऋ ṛ (three or four only), which have the guṇa-strengthening.
c. As example of inflection may be taken the root सिच् sic pour. Thus:
| active. | middle. | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| s. | d. | p. | s. | d. | p. | |
| 1 | असिचम् ásicam | असिचाव ásicāva | असिचाम ásicāma | असिचे ásice | असिचावहि ásicāvahi | असिचामहि ásicāmahi |
| 2 | असिचस् ásicas | असिचतम् ásicatam | असिचत ásicata | असिचथास् ásicathās | असिचेथाम् ásicethām | असिचध्वम् asicadhvam |
| 3 | असिचत् ásicat | असिचताम् ásicatām | असिचन् ásican | असिचत ásicata | असिचेताम् ásicetām | असिचन्त ásicanta |
a. Many of these aorists are simply transfers of the root-aorist to an a-inflection. Conspicuous examples are akarat etc. and agamat etc. (in the earliest period only akar and agan).
| active. | middle. | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| s. | d. | p. | s. | d. | p. | |
| 1 | ávidam | ávidāva | ávidāma | ávide | [ávidāvahi] | ávidāmahi |
| 2 | ávidas | [ávidata] | [ávidathās] | |||
| 3 | ávidat | ávidan | [avidata] | [avidetām] | ávidanta | |
a. The middle forms are rare in the earlier language, as in the later: we have áhve etc., ákhye etc., ávide (?) and avidanta, avocathās and avocāvahi (and avidāmahe GB. and asicāmahe KB. are doubtless to be amended to -mahi).
b. Augmentless forms, with indicative or subjunctive value, are not infrequent. Examples, showing accent on the tense-sign, according to the general analogies of the formation, are: ruhám, sṛpas, bhuját, vidát, aratām, vocata, çakan; vidata and vyáta (3d sing.), arāmahi, çiṣāmahi, vidánta, budhánta, mṛṣanta (for exceptions as regards accent, see below, 853).
| active. | middle. | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| s. | d. | p. | s. | d. | p. | |
| 1 | [vidā́va] | vidāma | [vidāmahe] | |||
| 2 | vidā́si vidā́s | vidāthas | vidātha | |||
| 3 | vidā́t | [vidātāi?] | ||||
a. The ending thana is found once, in riṣāthana. Of middle forms occur only çíṣātāi (AV.: but doubtless misreading for çíṣyātāi) and çiṣāmahe (AV., for RV. çiṣāmahi). The form sádathas seems an indicative, made from a secondary present-stem.
a. A single middle precative form occurs, namely videṣṭa (AV., once); it is so isolated that how much may be inferred from it is very questionable.
b. Likewise the middle participles guhámāna, dhṛṣámāṇa, dásamāna (?), nṛtámāna, çucámāna, and perhaps vṛdhāná, sridhāná.
present of the unaccented a-class, have likewise the accent upon the radical syllable, like that class: thus, from √ṛ, áranta (augmentless 3d pl.), sárat and sára. The root sad follows the same rule: thus, sádatam; and from √san are found sánas and sánat and sánema and sána, beside sanéyam and sanéma. It is questionable whether these are not true analogues of the bhū-class (unaccented a-class) present-system. On the other hand, rúhat (beside ruhám, ruhā́va, ruhátam), çíṣat and çíṣātāi (?), and ríṣant or rī́sant are more isolated cases. In view of such as these, the forms from the stem bhúva and çrúva (836 c) are perhaps to be referred hither. From √vac, the optative is accented vocéyam, vocés, vocéma, vocéyus; elsewhere the accent is on the root-syllable: thus, vóce, vócat, vócati, vócanta.
b. Of the stem neça from √naç only neçat occurs.
c. The root çās (as in some of its present forms: 639) is weakened to çiṣ, and makes açiṣam.
a. Such forms are the following: from √kṛ make, kárṣi, kṛthas, kṛtha, kṛṣe; from √gam, gathá; from √ci gather, ceti; from √dā give, dā́ti, dāta; from √dhā put, dhāti; from √pā drink, pāthás, pānti; from √bhṛ, bharti; from √muc, mucánti; from √rudh, rudhmas (?); from √vṛt, vartti.
the two is not a formal one (the aorist being made directly from the root, and not from the causative stem), but rather a matter of established association, owing to kinship of meaning, the formation and inflection of this kind of aorist is best treated here, along with the others.
b. But in regard to quantity, this aorist aims always at establishing a diversity between the reduplicating and radical syllables, making the one heavy and the other light. And the preference is very markedly for a heavy reduplication and a light root-syllable — which relation is brought about wherever the conditions allow. Thus:
a. And this, usually by lengthening the reduplicating vowel, with ī for radical a or ṛ or ḷ. (in the single root containing that vowel): thus, arīriṣam, adūduṣam, ajījanam, avīvṛdham, acīkḷpam. The great majority of reduplicated aorists are of this form.
b. If, however, the root begins with two consonants, so that the reduplicating syllable will be heavy whatever the quantity of its vowel
, the vowel remains short: thus, acikṣipam, acukrudham, atitrasam, apispṛçam.
a. Thus, adidīkṣam, abubhūṣam (not quotable), adadakṣam, adadhāvam, atataṅsam. And, in the cases in which a root should both begin and end with two consonants, both syllables would be necessarily heavy, notwithstanding the short vowel in the former: thus, apapraccham, acaskandam (but no such forms are found in use).
b. A medial ṛ is allowed by the grammarians to retain the strengthening of the causative stem, together with, of course, reduplication by a: thus, acakarṣat, avavartat (beside acīkṛṣat, avīvṛtat); but no such forms have been met with in use.
c. These aorists are not distinguishable in form from the so-called pluperfects (817 ff.).
b. In those cases in which (1047) an aorist is formed directly from a causal stem in āp, the ā is abbreviated to i: thus, atiṣṭhipam etc., ajijñipat (but KSS. ajijñapat), jīhipas, ajījipata (but VS. ajījapata); but from çrap comes açiçrapāma (ÇB.).
a. From √dyut is made (V.B.) the stem didyuta, taking its reduplicating vowel from the radical semivowel. From √gup, instead of jūgupa (B.S.), JB. has jugūpa, and some texts (B.S.) have jugupa; and jīhvara (B.) is met with beside the regular jihvara (V.B.). In cacchada
(Nir.), and the more or less doubtful paprátha and çaçvacá and sasvaja (RV.) we have a instead of i in the reduplication.
b. In support of their false view of this aorist as made from the causative stem instead of directly from the root, the native grammarians teach that roots ending in an u-vowel may reduplicate with i, as representing the ā of the strengthened stem: thus, bībhava from bhāv-aya, as well as būbhuva from bhū. No example of such a formation, however, is met with except ápiplavam (ÇB., once); against it we find dudruva, būbhuva, rūruva, çuçruva, and others.
c. As to apaptam, avocam, and aneçam, see above, 847.
| active. | middle. | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| s. | d. | p. | s. | d. | p. | |
| 1 | अजीजनम् ájījanam | अजीजनाव ájījanāva | अजीजनाम ájījanāma | अजीजने ájījane | अजीजनावहि ájījanāvahi | अजीजनामहि ájījanāmahi |
| 2 | अजीजनस् ájījanas | अजीजनतम् ájījanatam | अजीजनत ájījanata | अजीजनथास् ájījanathās | अजीजनेथाम् ájījanethām | अजीजनध्वम् ájījanadhvam |
| 3 | अजीजनत् ájījanat | अजीजनताम् ájījanatām | अजीजनन् ájījanan | अजीजनत ájījanata | अजीजनेताम् ájījanetām | अजीजनन्त ájījananta |
a. Atītape appears to be once used (RV.) as 3d sing., with passive sense.
or two from i- and u-roots, with guṇa before the ending: thus, açiçrayus, ácucyavus, açuçravus, asuṣavus; but also abībhajus (ÇB.), and nīnaçus (MBh.).
a. In the older language are found from √çri açiçret and açiçrayus (noticed in the preceding paragraph) and açiçriyat (ÇB.); from √dru, adudrot and adudruvat (TB.: not used as aorist); from √sru, asusrot and (augmentless) susros and susrot; from √kam, acīkametām and -manta (B.S.). Of forms analogous with these occur a number from roots in u or ū: thus, anūnot and nūnot from √nu; yūyot from √yu separate; dūdhot from √dhū; apupot from √pū; tūtos and tūtot from √tu; asuṣot from √sū; — and one or two from roots in i or ī: thus, siṣet from √si (or sā) bind; amīmet from √mā bellow; apipres (with apiprayan, noticed above) from √prī (and the "imperfects" from dīdhī etc., 676, are of corresponding form). And from √cyu are made, with union-vowel ī, acucyavīt and acucyavītana. Few of these forms possess a necessarily causative or a decidedly aoristic value, and it is very doubtful whether they should not be assigned to the perfect-system.
b. From the later language are quotable only açiçriyat etc. (3d pl., -yan or -yus) and adudruvat.
b. Of the latter are found only rīradhā (1st sing.); tītapāsi; cīkḷpāti and sīṣadhāti, and pispṛçati (as if corresponding to an indicative apispṛk, like açiçnat); and perhaps the 1st sing. mid. çaçvacāí.
c. The augmentless indicative forms are accented in general on the reduplication: thus, dī́dharas, nī́naças; jī́janat, pī́parat; jī́janan; also síṣvap; but, on the other hand, we have also pīpárat, çiçráthas and çiçnáthat, and dudrávat and tuṣṭávat (which may perhaps belong to the perfect: compare 810). According to the native grammarians, the accent rests either on the radical syllable or on the one that follows it.
and jajastám (all RV. only), and perhaps suṣūdáta (AV.), are to be referred hither, as corresponding to the indicatives (without union-vowel) ajīgar and adīdhar: their short reduplicating vowel and their accent assimilate them closely to the reduplicated imperfects (656 ff.) with which we are probably to regard this aorist as ultimately related.
b. This sibilant has no analogues among the class-signs of the present-system; but it is to be compared with that which appears (and likewise with or without the same union-vowel i) in the stems of the future tense-system (932 ff.) and of the desiderative conjugation (1027 ff.).
c. To the root thus increased the augment is prefixed and the secondary endings are added.
b. And these, again, fall into two nearly equal and strongly marked classes, according as the sibilant is added immediately to the final of the root, or with an auxiliary vowel इ i, making the tense-sign इष् iṣ. Finally, before this इष् iṣ the root is in a very small number of cases increased by a स् s, making the whole addition सिष् siṣ.
A. With endings added directly to the sibilant:
4. with स् s simply after the root: s-aorist;
5. with इ i before the स् s: iṣ-aorist;
6. the same, with स् s at end of root: siṣ-aorist.
B. With अ a added to the sibilant before the endings:
7. with sibilant and अ a: sa-aorist.
a. As regards the distinction between the fourth and fifth forms, it may be said in a general way that those roots incline to take the auxiliary i in the aorist which take it also in other formations; but it is impossible to lay down any strict rules as to this accordance. Compare 903.
a. A final vowel (including ऋ ṛ) has the vṛddhi-change in the active, and (excepting ऋ ṛ) guṇa in the middle: thus, from √नी lead, active stem अनैष् anāiṣ, middle stem अनेष् aneṣ; from √श्रु çru hear, अश्रौष् açrāuṣ and अश्रोष् açroṣ; from √कृ kṛ make, अकार्ष akārṣ and अकृष् akṛṣ.
b. A medial vowel has the vṛddhi-change in the active, and remains unaltered in the middle: thus, from √छन्द chand seem, active stem अच्छान्त्स acchānts, middle stem अच्छन्त्स acchants; from √रिच् ric leave, अरैक्ष् arāikṣ and अरिक्ष् arikṣ; from √रुध् rudh obstruct, अरौत्स arāuts and अरुत्स aruts; from √सृज् sṛj pour out, अस्राक्ष् asrākṣ and असृक्ष् asṛkṣ.
b. But before स् s and त् t of 2d and 3d sing. act. is in the later language always inserted an ई ī, making the endings ईस् īs and ईत् īt.
c. This insertion is unknown in the earliest language (of the BV.): see below, 888.
b. The same omission is of course made before dhvam after a consonant; and after a vowel the sibilant is either omitted or assimilated (the equivalence of dhv and ddhv in the theories of the grammarians and the practice of the manuscripts makes it impossible to say which: 232); and then the ending becomes ḍhvam, provided the sibilant, if retained, would have been ṣ (226 c): thus, astoḍhvam and avṛḍhvam (beside astoṣata and avṛṣata); dṛḍhvam (√dṛ regard: ÇB., once), which is to dṛthās (2d sing.) as avṛḍhvain and avṛṣata to avri and avṛthās; and kṛḍhvam (M.).
c. According to the grammarians, the omission of s before t and th takes place also after a short vowel (the case can occur only in the 2d and 3d sing, mid.); but we have seen above (834 a) that this is to be viewed rather as a substitution in those persons of the forms of the root-aorist. Neither in the earlier nor in the later language, however, does any example occur of an aorist-form with s retained after a short vowel before these endings.
d. After the final sonant aspirate of a root, the sibilant before the same endings is said by the Hindu grammarians to disappear altogether, the combination of the aspirate with the th or t of the ending being then made according to the ordinary rule for such cases (160): thus, from the stem arāuts, for arāudh-s, is made arāuddha, as if from arāudh+ta directly. No example of such a form is quotable from the literature; but the combination is established by the occurrence of other similar cases (233 f). In the middle, in like manner, aruts+ta becomes aruddha, as if from arudh+ta; but all such forms admit also of being understood as of the root-aorist. Those that have been found to occur were given above (834 d); probably they belong at least in part to this aorist.
e. From the three nasal roots gam, tan, man are made the 2d and 3d sing. mid. persons agathās and agata, atathās and atata, and amata (amathās not quotable), reckoned by the native grammarians as s-aorist forms, made, after loss of their final root-nasal, with loss also of the sibilant after a short vowel. They are doubtless better referred to the root-aorist. But JB. has a corresponding 1st sing. atasi from √tan.
sibilant aorist we may take the roots नी nī lead, and छिद् chid cut off. Thus:
| active. | middle. | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| s. | d. | p. | s. | d. | p. | |
| 1 | अनैषम् ánāiṣam | अनैष्व ánāiṣva | अनैष्म ánāiṣma | अनेषि áneṣi | अनेष्वहि áneṣvahi | अनेष्महि áneṣmahi |
| 2 | अनैषीस् ánāiṣīs | अनैष्टम् ánāiṣṭam | अनैष्ट ánāiṣṭa | अनेष्टास् áneṣṭhās | अनेषाथाम् áneṣāthām | अनेढ्वम् áneḍhvam |
| 3 | अनैषीत् ánāiṣīt | अनैष्टाम् ánāiṣṭām | अनैषुस् ánāiṣus | अनेष्ट áneṣṭa | अनेषाताम् áneṣātām | अनेषत áneṣata |
| active. | |||
|---|---|---|---|
| s. | d. | p. | |
| 1 | अच्छैत्सम् ácchāitsam | अच्छैत्स्व ácchāitsva | अच्छैत्स्म ácchāitsma |
| 2 | अच्छैत्सीस् ácchāitsīs | अच्छैत्तम् ácchāittam | अच्छैत्त ácchāitta |
| 3 | अच्छैत्सीत् ácchāitsīt | अच्छैत्ताम् ácchāittām | अच्छैत्सुस् ácchāitsus |
| middle. | |||
|---|---|---|---|
| s. | d. | p. | |
| 1 | अच्छित्सि ácchitsi | अच्छित्स्वहि ácchitsvahi | अच्छित्स्महि ácchitsmahi |
| 2 | अच्छित्थास् ácchitthās | अच्छित्साथाम् ácchitsāthām | अच्छिद्ध्वम् ácchiddhvam |
| 3 | अच्छित्त ácchitta | अच्छित्साताम् ácchitsātām | अच्छित्सत ácchitsata |
a. From √rudh obstruct, the 2d and 3d du. and 2d pl. act. and the 2d and 3d sing. mid. would be árāuddham, árāuddhām, árāuddha, áruddhās, áruddha; from √sṛj pour out, ásrāṣṭam, ásrāṣṭām, asrāṣṭa, asṛṣṭhās, asṛṣṭa; from √dṛç see, ádrāṣṭam etc. (as from sṛj). But from √kṛ do the same persons in the active are ákārṣṭam, ákārṣṭām, ákārṣṭa; from √tan stretch they are átāṅstam, átāṅstām, átāṅsta.
a. The middle inflection of the aorist of √dā would be, then, according to the grammarians: ádiṣi, ádithās, ádita; ádiṣvahi, ádiṣāthām, ádiṣātām; ádiṣmahi, ádiḍhvam, ádiṣata.
a. The strengthening of the root-syllable is now and then irregularly made or omitted: thus, ayokṣīt (AB.), chetsīs (B.S.; also occurs in MBh., which has further yotsīs), rotsīs (KU.); amatsus (RV.); ayāṁsi and arāutsi (AB.), asākṣi etc. (V.B.: √sah), māṅsta (AY.) and māṅstām (TA.); lopsīya (U.); and MBh. has drogdhās. From √saj is made sān̄kṣīt (U. etc.), and from √majj, amān̄kṣīt (not quotable). The form ayun̄kṣmahi (BhP.) is doubtless a false reading.
b. A radical final nasal is lost in agasmahi (RV.) and gasāthām (TA.) from √gam, and in the optatives masīya and vasīmahi (RV.) from √√man and van.
c. The roots hū, dhū, and nū have ū instead of o in the middle: thus, ahūṣata, adhūṣata, anūṣi and anūṣātām and anūṣata; √dhur (or dhūrv) makes adhūrṣata.
d. ÇB. has once atrāsatām for atrāstām (√trā).
a. But (as in other like cases: 555 a) the ending is sometimes preserved at the expense of the tense-sign; and we have in 3d sing. ajāit (beside ajāis and ajāiṣīt) from √ji; and in like manner acāit, açrāit, ahāit, nāit (no examples have been noted except from roots in i and ī): compare ayās and srās, 2d sing., 890 a.
b. If, again, the roots end in a double consonant, the latter of the two is lost along with tense-sign and ending: thus, acchān (for acchānts-t; beside acchāntta and acchāntsus) from √chand; and other like cases are akrān, askān, and asyān.
a. The forms with primary endings are: in active, stoṣāṇi; darṣasi; neṣati, parṣati, pāsati, matsati, yoṣati, vakṣati, sakṣati; dā́sathas, dhāsathas, párṣathas, vakṣathas, varṣathas; pāsatas, yaṁsatas, yakṣatas, vakṣatas; dhāsatha, neṣatha, párṣatha, mátsatha; — in middle, naṁsāi, máṅsāi; máṅsase; kraṁsate, trāsate, darṣate, máṅsate, yakṣate, rāsate, vaṅsate, sākṣate, hāsate; trā́sāthe (not trāsāithe, as we should rather expect); náṁsante, máṅsante: and, with the fuller ending in 3d sing., mā́sātāi.
b. The forms with secondary endings are (active only): jéṣas, vákṣas; dárṣat, néṣat, pákṣat, párṣat, préṣat, yákṣat, yóṣat, váṅsat, vákṣat, véṣat, sátsat, chantsat, etc. (some twenty others); yakṣatām; váṅsāma, sā́kṣāma, stoṣāma; parṣan, yaṁsan, yoṣan, rā́san, vakṣan, çéṣan, çróṣan. Of these, yakṣat and vakṣat are found not rarely in the Brāhmaṇas; any others, hardly more than sporadically.
a. The forms dṛ́kṣase and pṛkṣase (2d sing. mid.) lack the guṇa-strengthening.
b. Jeṣam, stoṣam, and yoṣam (AV. yūṣam, with ū for o as in anūṣata etc.) appear to be first persons formed under government of the analogy of the second and third — unless they are relics of a state of things anterior to the vṛddhi-strengthening: in which case jeṣma is to be compared with them (we should expect jāiṣma or jeṣāma).
c. From roots in ā are made a few forms of problematic character: namely, yeṣam (only case in RV.), khyeṣam, jñeṣam, geṣam and geṣma, deṣma, seṣam and set, stheṣam and stheṣus. Their value is optative. The analogy of jeṣam and jeṣma suggests the possibility of their derivation from i-forms of the ā-roots; or the sibilant might be of a precative character (thus, yā-ī-s-am). That they really belong to the iṣ-aorist appears highly improbable.
d. The RV. has a few difficult first persons middle in se, which are perhaps best noted here. They are: 1. from the simple root, kṛṣe, hiṣe (and ohiṣe?), stuṣé; 2. from present-stems, arcase, ṛñjase, yajase, gāyiṣe, gṛṇīṣé and punīṣé. They have the value of indicative present. Compare below, 897 b.
a. This optative makes a part of the accepted "precative" of the later language: see below, 923, 925 b.
b. If ṛñjase (above, 894 d) is to be reckoned as an s-aorist form, ṛñjasāná is an s-aorist participle; and of a kindred character, apparently, are arçasāná, óhasāna, jrayasāná, dhiyasāná, mandasāná, yamasāná, rabhasāná, vṛdhasāná, sahasāná, çavasāná, all in RV.; with namasāná, bhiyásāna, in AV. In RV. occurs also once dhī́ṣamāṇa, apparently an a-form of an s-aorist of √dhī.
a. A final vowel has vṛddhi in the active, and guṇa in the middle: thus, अपाविष् apāviṣ and अपविष् apaviṣ from √पू pū cleanse; अतारिष् atāriṣ, act., from √तृ tṛ pass; अशयिष् açayiṣ, mid., from √शी çī lie.
b. A medial vowel has guṇa, if capable of it, in both voices: thus, अलेशिष् aleçiṣ, act. and mid., from √लिश् liç tear; अरोचिष् arociṣ, from √रुच् ruc shine; अवर्षिष् avarṣiṣ from √वृष् vṛṣ rain; but अजीविष् ajīviṣ from √जीव् jīv live.
c. Medial अ a is sometimes lengthened in the active; but it more usually remains unchanged in both voices.
d. The roots in the older language which show the lengthening are kan, tan, ran, stan, svan, nan, vraj, sad, mad, car, tsar, svar, jval, das, tras. From ran, san, kram, vad, rakṣ, and sah occur forms of both kinds. From √math or manth are made the two stems mathiṣ and manthiṣ.
b. The root grabh or grah has (as in future etc., below, 936 e, 956) long ī instead of i before the sibilant: thus, agrabhīṣma, agrahīṣṭa, agrabhīṣata. The roots in changeable ṛ (so-called roots in ṝ: 242), and √vṛ are said by the grammarians to do the same optionally; but no forms with long ī from such roots have been found quotable. A Sūtra (PGS.) has once anayīṣṭa from √nī (doubtless a false reading).
a. The 2d pl. mid. should end always in iḍhvam (or iḍḍhvam, from iṣ-dhvam: 226); and this is in fact the form in the only examples quotable, namely ajaniḍhvam, artiḍhvam, āindhiḍhvam, vepiḍhvam; as to the rules of the native grammarians respecting the matter, see 226 c.
| active. | middle. | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| s. | d. | p. | s. | d. | p. | |
| 1 | अपाविषम् ápāviṣam | अपाविष्व ápāviṣva | अपाविष्म ápāviṣma | अपविषि ápaviṣi | अपविष्वहि ápaviṣvahi | अपविष्महि ápaviṣmahi |
| 2 | अपावीस् ápāvīs | अपाविष्टम् ápāviṣṭam | अपाविष्ट ápāviṣṭa | अपविष्ठास् ápaviṣṭhās | अपविषाथाम् ápaviṣāthām | अपविढ्वम् ápaviḍhvam |
| 3 | अपावीत् ápāvīt | अपाविष्टाम् ápāviṣṭām | अपाविषुस् ápāviṣus | अपविष्ट ápaviṣṭa | अपविषाताम् ápaviṣātām | अपविषत ápaviṣata |
| 1 | अबोधिषम् ábodhiṣam | अबोधिष्व ábodhiṣva | अबोधिष्म ábodhiṣma | अबोधिषि ábodhiṣi | अबोधिष्वहि ábodhiṣvahi | अबोधिष्महि ábodhiṣmahi |
| etc. | etc. | etc. | etc. | etc. | etc. | |
roots have both active and middle forms in the older language, and of these a part only exceptionally in the one voice or the other.
a. No rale appears to govern the choice of usage between the iṣ- and the s-aorist; and in no small number of cases the same root shows forms of both classes.
a. The contracted forms akramīm, agrabhīm, and avadhīm (with augmentless vádhīm) are found in 1st sing. act.
b. For áçarīt occurs in AV. áçarāit; also (in a part of the manuscripts) çarāis for çarīs; agrahāiṣam is found in AB. (also the monstrous form ajagrabhāiṣam: see 801 i). Ajayit, with short i in the ending, occurs in TS.
c. AV. has once nudiṣṭhās, without guṇa.
d. The forms atārima (RV.), avādiran (AV.), and bādhithās (TA.), though they lack the sibilant, are perhaps to be referred to this aorist: compare avitá, 908. A few similar cases occur in the epics, and are of like doubtful character: thus, jānithās, mādithās, vartithās, çan̄kithās, and (the causative: 1048) aghātayithās. Agṛhītām and gṛhīthās and gṛhīta, if not false readings for gṛhṇī-, are probably irregular present-formations.
b. Forms with secondary endings are almost limited to 2d and 3d sing. act. There are found: aviṣas, kā́niṣas, tāriṣas, rakṣiṣas, vádhiṣas; vā́diṣas, véṣiṣas, çaṅsiṣas; kā́riṣat, jambhiṣat, jóṣiṣat, takṣiṣat, tāriṣat, níndiṣat, pā́riṣat, bódhiṣat, márdhiṣat, yāciṣat, yodhiṣat, rakṣiṣat, vaniṣat, vyathiṣat, çaṅsiṣat, saniṣat, sāviṣat. They are made, it will be noticed, with entire regularity, by adding a to the tense-stem in iṣ before the endings. The only other persons found to occur are the 3d pl. act. saniṣan and mid. sániṣanta (and TS. has vaniṣanta,
for the problematic vanuṣanta of RV.), which are also regular. Bhaviṣāt (AB. once) is a solitary example of a form with double mode-sign; cániṣṭhat (RV.; SV. instead jániṣṭhat) seems hopelessly corrupt. The radical syllable always has the accent, and its vowel usually accords with that of the indicative: but we have san- in the subjunctive against asāniṣam (as to cay- and ran-, see below, 908).
its first persons, which we may form from the roots या yā go and नम् nam low. Thus:
| active. | active. | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| s. | d. | p. | s. | d. | p. | |
| 1 | अयासिषम् áyāsiṣam | अयासिष्व áyāsiṣva | अयासिष्म áyāsiṣma | अनंसिषम् ánaṁsiṣam | अनंसिष्व ánaṁsiṣva | अनंसिष्म ánaṁsiṣma |
| etc. | etc. | etc. | etc. | etc. | etc. | |
a. The participle hā́samāna and causative hāsayanti (RV.) show that hās had assumed, even at a very early period, the value of a secondary root beside hā for other forms than the aorist.
a. Forms without augment are these: jñāsiṣam, raṁsiṣam, hāsiṣam; hāsiṣṭam; hāsiṣṭām; hāsiṣṭa; hāsiṣus, gāsiṣus, jñāsiṣus. The accent would doubtless be upon the root-syllable.
b. Optatives are not less rare: namely, yāsisīṣṭhas and pyāsiṣīmahi (for which the AV. manuscripts read pyāçiṣīmahi, altered in the edition to pyāyiṣ-); and doubtless vaṅçiṣīya (AV., twice) is to be corrected to vaṅsiṣīya, and belongs here. As to bhukṣiṣīya, see above, 912.
c. The accent of yāsiṣṭám (like aviṣṭám, 908) shows it to be a true imperative form; and yāsīṣṭa (RV., once) is doubtless the same, with anomalous ī for i.
a. They are as follows: diç, riç, liç, viç, kliç, kruç, ruç, mṛç, spṛç; tviṣ, dviṣ, çliṣ, viṣ, kṛṣ; dih, mih, lih, guh, duh, ruh, tṛh, vṛh, stṛh; from about half of them sa-forms, earlier or later, are quotable. Some of them may, or with certain meanings must, take aorists of other forms. And a few are allowed to drop both tense-sign and union-vowel a in certain persons of the middle: that is, they may make instead forms of the root-aorist.
| active. | middle. | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| s. | d. | p. | s. | d. | p. | |
| 1 | अदिक्षम् ádikṣam | अदिक्षाव ádikṣāva | अदिक्षाम ádikṣāma | अदिक्षि ádikṣi | अदिक्षावहि ádikṣāvahi | अदिक्षामहि ádikṣāmahi |
| 2 | अदिक्षस् ádikṣas | अदिक्षतम् ádikṣatam | अदिक्षत ádikṣata | अदिक्षाथास् ádikṣāthās | अदिक्षाथाम् ádikṣāthām | अदिक्षध्वम् ádikṣādhvam |
| 3 | अदिक्षित् ádikṣat | अदिक्षताम् ádikṣatām | अदिक्षन् ádikṣan | अदिक्षत ádikṣata | अदिक्षाताम् ádikṣātām | अदिक्षन्त ádikṣanta |
ending in j, namely mṛj and vṛj. All the examples noted are given below.
a. So far as the middle forms are concerned, this aorist would be fully explained as a transfer of certain s-aorists to an a-inflection. The marked difference in the strength of radical vowel in the active, however, stands in the way of the successful application of such an explanation to the active forms.
b. Forms without augment (no true subjunctives occur) are, in the active: dṛkṣam, mṛkṣam; dukṣas, rukṣas, mṛkṣas; dvikṣat; mṛkṣata; dhukṣán and dukṣán; — in the middle, dvikṣata, dukṣata and dhúkṣata, dhukṣánta.
c. There are no optative forms.
d. Imperative are: in the active, mṛkṣatam; in the middle, dhukṣásva.
e. The few accented forms without augment which occur have the tone on the tense-sign sá, in analogy with the a-aorist (2) and the imperfect of the á-class: a single exception is dhúkṣata, which probably needs emendation to dhukṣáta.
f. The aspiration of initial d and g, after loss of the aspirated quality of the root-final (155), is seen in forms from the roots duh and guh, but not from druh (only a single case, AB.); RV., however, has also adukṣat and dukṣas, dukṣán, dukṣata.
a. Of final root-vowels (as before the passive-sign yá: 770), i and u are lengthened; ṛ is usually changed to ri, but to īr and ūr in those roots which elsewhere show ir- and ur- forms (so-called ṝ-roots: 242), and to ar in ṛ and smṛ; ā is changed to e in the roots dā, dhā, sthā, pā drink, gā sing, and a few others, in part optionally.
b. The root in general assumes its weakest form: a penultimate nasal is lost, as in badhyāsam from √bandh; the roots which are abbreviated in the weak persons of the perfect (794) have the same abbreviation here, as in ucyāsam, ijyāsam, vidhyāsam, supyāsam, gṛhyāsam; √çās forms çiṣyāsam (compare 639, 854 c): and so on.
c. It has been pointed out above (837) that the active precative is an optative of the root-aorist, with a problematic insertion of a sibilant between mode-sign and ending.
b. The root is strengthened according to the rules that apply in forming the middle-stem of the s and of the iṣ-aorists respectively: in general, namely, a final vowel is gunated in both formations; but a medial vowel, only before इष् iṣ.
c. As was pointed out above (567) the middle precative is really the optative of certain aorists, with the insertion of a sibilant between mode-sign and ending only (so far as authenticated by use) in the 2d and 3d singular. In the older language, such forms are oftenest made from the s-aorist (895) and the iṣ-aorist (907); but also from the root-aorist (837 b), the a-aorist (850 a), the reduplicated aorist (870), and the siṣ-aorist (914 b); and even from the perfect (812 b).
| active. | |||
|---|---|---|---|
| s. | d. | p. | |
| 1 | भूयासम् bhūyā́sam | भूयास्व bhūyā́sva | भूयास्म bhūyā́sma |
| 2 | भूयास् bhūyā́s | भूयास्तम् bhūyā́stam | भूयास्त bhūyā́sta |
| 3 | भूयात् bhūyā́t | भूयास्ताम् bhūyā́stām | भूयासुस् bhūyā́sus |
| middle. | |||
|---|---|---|---|
| s. | d. | p. | |
| 1 | भविषीय bhaviṣīyá | भविषीवहि bhaviṣīváhi | भविषीमहि bhaviṣīmáhi |
| 2 | भविषीष्ठास् bhaviṣīṣṭhā́s | भविषीयास्थाम् bhaviṣīyā́sthām | भविषीढ्वम् bhaviṣīḍhvám |
| 3 | भविषीष्ट bhaviṣīṣṭá | भविषीयास्ताम् bhaviṣīyā́stām | भविषीरन् bhaviṣīrán |
a. The forms given by the grammarians as 2d and 3d dual are of very questionable value, as regards the place assigned to the sibilant. Those persons, and the 2d pl., have never been met with in use. For the question respecting the ending of the 2d pl., as dhvam or ḍhvam, see 226 c.
b. The precative middle is virtually unknown in the whole later literature, not a single occurrence of it having been brought to light. The BhP. has once rīriṣīṣṭa, which is also a RV. form, belonging probably to the reduplicated aorist: see 870.
a. The tense-value of the aorist indicative has also been more than once referred to, and calls only for somewhat more of detail and for illustration here.
a. Thus, tataḥ sa gardabhaṁ laguḍena tāḍayāmāsa; tenā ’sāu pañcatvam agamat (H.) thereupon he beat the donkey with a stick; and hereof the latter died; tataḥ sā vidarbhān agamat punaḥ; tāṁ tu bandhujanaḥ samapūjayat (MBh.) thereupon she went back to Vidarbha; and her kindred paid her reverence; prītimān abhūt, uvāca
cāi ’nam (MBh.) he was filled with affection, and said to him; tam adahat kāṣṭhāiḥ so ‘bhūd divyavapus tadā (R.) he burned him with wood, and he became then a heavenly form.
a. Examples from the Veda are: párī ’mé gā́m aneṣata páry agním ahṛṣata, devéṣv akrata çrávaḥ ká imā́n ā́ dadharṣati (RV.) these here have led about a cow, they have carried around the fire, they have done honor to the gods — who shall venture anything against them? yám āíchāma mánasā sò ‘yám ā́ ’gāt (RV.) he whom we (formerly, impf.) sought with our mind has (now, aor.) come; yéné ’ndro havíṣā kṛtvy ábhavad dyumny ùttamáḥ, idáṁ tád akri devā asapatnáḥ kílā ’bhuvam (RV.) that libation by which Indra, making it, became (impf.) of highest glory, I have now made, ye gods; I have become free from enemies.
b. Examples from the Brāhmaṇa language are: sā́ hā ’smiñ jyóg uvāsa... táto ha gandharvā́ḥ sám ūdire: jyóg vā́ iyám urváçī manuṣyèṣv avātsīt (ÇB.) she lived with him a long time. Then the Gandharvas said to one another, "this Urvaçī, forsooth, hath dwelt a long time among mortals"; tasya ha dantāḥ pedire: taṁ ho ’vāca: apatsata vā asya dantāḥ (AB.) his teeth fell out. He said to him: "his teeth truly have fallen out"; índrasya vṛtráṁ jaghnúṣa indriyáṁ vīryàm pṛthivī́m ánu vy ā̀rchat tád óṣadhayo vīrúdho ‘bhavan sá prajapā́tim úpā ’dhāvad vṛtrám me jaghnúṣa indriyáṁ vīryàm pṛthivī́m ánu vy ā̀rat tád óṣadhayo vīrúdho ‘bhūvann íti (TS.) of Indra, when he had slain Vritra, the force and might went away into the earth, and became the herbs and plants; he ran to Prajāpati, saying: "my force and might, after slaying Vritra, have gone away into the earth, and have become the herbs and plants"; svayám enam abhyudétya brūyād vrā́tya kvā̀ ’vātsīḥ (AV., in prose passage) going up to him in person, let him say: "Vrātya, where hast thou abode"? yád idā́nīṁ dvāú vivádamānāv eyā́tām ahám adarçam ahám açrāuṣam íti yá evá brūyā́d ahám adarçam íti tásmā evá çráddadhyāma (ÇB.) if now two should come disputing with one another, [the one] saying "I have seen", [the other] "I have heard", we should believe the one who said "I have seen".
b. In the Vedic hymns, the same distinction is prevalent, but is both less clear and less strictly maintained; many passages would admit an
interpretation implying either sense; and evident aorist-forms are sometimes used narratively, while imperfect-forms are also occasionally employed in the aorist sense.
a. But from √jīv live the stem is jīviṣyá, from √ukṣ sprinkle it is ukṣiṣyá, and so on (240).
b. There are hardly any Vedic cases of resolution of the tense-sign sya into sia; RV. has kṣeṣiántas once.
| active. | middle. | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| s. | d. | p. | s. | d. | p. | |
| 1 | दास्यामि dāsyā́mi | दास्यावस् dāsyā́vas | दास्यामस् dāsyā́mas | दास्ये dāsyé | दास्यावहे dāsyā́vahe | दास्यामहे dāsyā́mahe |
| 2 | दास्यसि dāsyási | दास्यथस् dāsyáthas | दास्यथ dāsyátha | दास्यसे dāsyáse | दास्येथे dāsyéthe | दास्यध्वे dāsyádhve |
| 3 | दास्यति dāsyáti | दास्यतस् dāsyátas | दास्यन्ति dāsyánti | दास्यते dāsyáte | दास्येते dāsyéte | दास्यन्ते dāsyánte |
| 1 | करिष्यामि kariṣyā́mi | करिष्यावस् kariṣyā́vas | करिष्यामस् kariṣyā́mas | करिष्ये kariṣyé | करिष्यावहे kariṣyā́vahe | करिष्यामहे kariṣyā́mahe |
| etc. | etc. | etc. | etc. | etc. | etc. | |
a. In the epics are found occasional cases of 1st du. and pl. in va and ma: e. g. raṁsyāva (R.), bhakṣayiṣyāva (causative: MBh.); eṣyāma (MBh.), vatsyāma (R.).
aorist on the one side, or iṣ-aorist on the other), any correspondence is still less traceable. Practically, it is necessary to learn, as a matter of usage, how any given root makes these various parts of its conjugational system.
a. Of roots ending in vowels, the great majority (excepting those in ṛ) take no i. Thus, all in ā (numerous, and unnecessary to specify: but compare c below); those in i, as kṣi possess, ci gather, ci note, mi, si or sā bind (siṣya), hi; from i, kṣi destroy, and ji occur forms of both classes; çri [and çvi] has i; — those in ī, as krī, bhī, mī, vlī; but çī lie and nī have both forms [and ḍī takes i]; — those in u, as cyu, dru, plu, çru, hu; but su press out and stu have both forms [and kṣu, kṣṇu, nu, yu, ru, snu take i]; — of those in ū, dhū and bhū take i; sū has both forms. But all in ṛ (numerous, and unnecessary to specify) take i [those in changeable ṛ, for so-called ṝ-roots (242), are said by the grammarians to take either i or ī; no ī-forms, however, are quotable].
b. Of roots ending in mutes, about half add the tense-sign directly. Thus, of roots ending in gutturals, çak; — in palatals: in c, pac, muc, ric, vac, vic, vraçc, sic (but yāc takes i); in ch, prach; in j, bhañj, mṛj (mārkṣya and mrakṣya), yaj, bhuj, yuj, vṛj, sṛj [also bhrajj, rañj, sañj, svañj, nij, ruj], while tyaj, bhaj, and majj (man̄kṣya and majjiṣya) have both forms, and vij (vijiṣya and vejiṣya) and vraj take i; — in dentals: in t, kṛt cut and vṛt [also cṛt and nṛt] make both forms; in d, ad, pad, çad fall, skand, syand, chid, bhid, vid find, nud [also had, khid, svid, kṣud, tud]; while sad (satsya and sīdiṣya) and vid know make both forms [also chṛd and tṛd], and vad has i; in dh, vyadh (vetsya), rādh, sidh succeed, budh, yudh, rudh, vṛdh. [also sādh, krudh, kṣudh, çudh], and bandh and sidh repel have both forms; in n, tan, while man and han have both forms; — in labials: in p, āp, kṣip, gup, tṛp, sṛp (srapsya and sarpsya) [also çap, lip, lup], while tap, vap, svap, dṛp, and kḷp have both forms; in bh, yabh and rabh, labh having both forms; in m, ram, while kram, kṣam, nam, and yam make both forms.
c. Of the roots reckoned by the grammarians as ending in semivowels (761 d–g) all take i. And vā or vi weave, vyā or vī envelop, and hvā or hū call take a y-form, as in their present-system, to which then i is added: thus, vayiṣya, vyayiṣya, hvayiṣya (but also hvāsya).
d. Of roots ending in spirants, the minority (about a third) are without the auxiliary vowel. They are: roots in ç, diç, viç, dṛç (drakṣya), spṛç (sprakṣya) [also daṅç, riç, liç, kruç, mṛç], while naç be lost has both forms (nan̄kṣya and naçiṣya); in ṣ, piṣ, viṣ, çiṣ [also
tviṣ, dviṣ, çliṣ, tuṣ, duṣ, puṣ, çuṣ], while kṛṣ has both forms (krakṣya and karṣiṣya); — in s, vas shine, vas clothe [also ghas], while vas dwell has both forms; — in h, mih, duh, druh [also nah, dih, lih], while dah, vah, sah, and ruh have both forms.
e. In the older language, a majority (about five ninths) of simple roots add the sya without auxiliary i; of the futures occurring in the later language only, nearly three quarters have the i, this being generally taken by any root of late origin and derivative character — as it is also uniformly taken in secondary conjugation (1019, 1036, 1050, 1068).
a. By an irregular strengthening, nan̄kṣya (beside naçiṣya) is made from √naç be lost, and man̄kṣya (beside majjiṣya) from √majj sink.
b. But a few roots make future-stems in the later language without strengthening: thus, likhiṣya, miliṣya (also TS.), vijiṣya (also vejiṣya), siṣya (√sā or si), sūṣya (939 b), sphuṭiṣya; and √vyadh makes vetsya from the weaker form vidh.
c. The ÇB. has once the monstrous form açnuviṣyāmahe, made upon the present-stem açnu (697) of √aç attain. And the later language makes sīdiṣya and jahiṣya from the present-stems of √sad and √hā. Compare further hvayiṣya etc., 935 c. Also khyāyiṣya from √khyā (beside khyāsya) appears to be of similar character.
d. A number of roots with medial ṛ strengthen it to ra (241): thus, krakṣya, trapaya, drapaya, drakṣya, mrakṣya (beside mārkṣya), sprakṣya, srakṣya, srapsya (beside sarpsya), and mradiṣya (beside mardiṣya); and √kḷp forms klapsya (beside kalpiṣya).
e. The root grah (also its doublet glah) takes ī instead of i, as it does also in the aorist and elsewhere.
for -he. Two or three optative forms are found in the epics: thus, dhakṣyet and maṅsyeran (MBh.), and drakṣyeta (R.); also an imperative patsyantu (Har.). And several 2d pl. mid. in dhvam are quotable from the epics: thus, vetsyadhvam, saviṣyadhvam, and (the causative) kālayiṣyadhvam (PB.) and jīvayiṣyadhvam (MBh.: and one text has mokṣyadhvam at i. 133. 13, where the other reads mokṣayadhvam), and bhaviṣyadhvam (MBh. R.): it is a matter of question whether these are to be accounted a real imperative formation, or an epic substitution of secondary for primary endings (compare 542 a).
a. According to the grammarians, the feminine of the active participle is made either in ántī or in atī́; but only the former has been noted as occurring in the older language, and the latter is everywhere extremely rare: see above, 449 e,f.
b. In RV. occurs once sū́ṣyantī, from √sū, with anomalous accentuation.
a. It stands related to the future, in form and meaning, as the French conditional aurais to the future aurai, or as the English would have to will have — nearly as the German würde haben to werde haben.
b. Thus, from the roots already instanced:
| active. | middle. | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| s. | d. | p. | s. | d. | p. | |
| 1 | अदास्यम् ádāsyam | अदास्याव ádāsyāva | अदास्याम ádāsyāma | अदास्ये ádāsye | अदास्यावहि ádāsyāvahi | अदास्यामहि ádāsyāmahi |
| active. | middle. | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| s. | d. | p. | s. | d. | p. | |
| 2 | अदास्यस् ádāsyas | अदास्यतम् ádāsyatam | अदास्यत ádāsyata | अदास्यथास् ádāsyathās | अदास्येथाम् ádāsyethām | अदास्यध्वम् ádāsyadhvam |
| 3 | अदास्यत् ádāsyat | अदास्यताम् ádāsyatām | अदास्यन् ádāsyan | अदास्यत ádāsyata | अदास्येताम् ádāsyetām | अदास्यन्त ádāsyanta |
| 1 | अकरिष्यम् ákariṣyam | अकरिष्याव ákariṣyāva | अकरिष्याम ákariṣyāma | अकरिष्ये ákariṣye | अकरिष्यावहि ákariṣyāvahi | अकरिष्यामहि ákariṣyāmahi |
| etc. | etc. | etc. | etc. | etc. | etc. | |
b. It consists in a derivative nomen agentis, having the value of a future active participle, and used, either with or without an accompanying auxiliary, in the office of a verbal tense with future meaning.
a. As regards the presence or absence of the vowel i, the usage is said by the grammarians to be generally the same as in the s-future from the same root (above, 935). The most important exception is that the roots in ṛ take no i: thus, kartṛ (against kariṣya); roots han and gam show the same difference; while vṛt, vṛdh, and syand have i here, though
not in the s-future. The few forms which occur in the older language agree with these statements.
a. Thus, from √दा dā give:
| active. | |||
|---|---|---|---|
| s. | d. | p. | |
| 1 | दातास्मि dātā́smi | दातास्वस् dātā́svas | दातास्मस् dātā́smas |
| 2 | दातासि dātā́si | दातास्थस् dātā́sthas | दातास्थ dātā́stha |
| 3 | दाता dātā́ | दातारौ dātā́rāu | दातारस् dātā́ras |
b. Occasionally, in the epics and later (almost never in the older language), the norm of the tense as given above is in various respects departed from: thus, by use of the auxiliary in the 3d person also; by its omission in the 1st or 2d person; by inversion of the order of noun and auxiliary; by interposition of other words between them; by use of a dual or plural nom. with the auxiliary; and by use of a feminine form of the noun. Examples are: vaktā ’sti (MBh.) he will speak; nihantā (MBh.) I shall or thou wilt strike down, yoddhā ’ham (R.) I shall fight, ahaṁ draṣṭā (MBh.) I shall see, kartā ’haṁ te (BhP.) I will do for thee, tvam bhavitā (MBh. Megh.) thou wilt be; asmi gantā (MBh.) I shall go; pratigrahītā tām asmi (MBh.) I will receive her, hantā tvam asi (MBh.) thou wilt slay; kartārāu svaḥ (MBh.) we two shall do; draṣṭry asmi (MBh.) I (f.) shall see, udbhavitrī (Nāiṣ.) she will increase, gantrī (Y.) she will go. AB. has once sotā as 2d sing., thou wilt press; JUB. makes the combination çmaçānāni bhavitāras the cemeteries will be.
c. An optative of the auxiliary appears to be once used, in yoddhā syām I would fight (R. i. 22. 25 Peterson; but the Bombay edition reads yoddhuṁ yāsyāmi).
adjective (592), is on the noun itself; and, unlike all the true verbal forms, the combination retains its accent everywhere even in an independent clause: thus, tárhi vā́ atināṣṭró bhavitā́smi (ÇB.) then I shall be out of danger (where bhaviṣyāmi, if used, would be accentless). Whether in a dependent clause the auxiliary verb would take an accent (595), and whether, if so, at the expense of the accent of the noun (as in the case of a preposition compounded with a verb-form: 1083b), we are without the means of determining.
b. On the basis of such tentative formations as these, the native grammarians set up a complete middle inflection for the periphrastic future, as follows:
| middle. | |||
|---|---|---|---|
| s. | d. | p. | |
| 1 | dātā́he | dātā́svahe | dātā́smahe |
| 2 | dātā́se | dātā́sāthe | dātā́dhve |
| 3 | dātā́ | dātā́rau | dātā́ras |
c. Only a single example of such a middle has been brought to light in the later language, namely (the causative) darçayitāhe (Nāiṣ.).
a. A few examples are: varṣiṣyáty āiṣámaḥ parjányo vṛ́ṣṭimān bhaviṣyati (ÇB.) it is going to rain; Parjanya is going to be rich in rain this year; yás tán ná véda kím ṛcā́ kariṣyati (RV.) whoever does not know that, what will he do with verse? ā́ vāí vayám agnī́ dhāsyāmahé ‘tha yūyáṁ kíṁ kariṣyatha (ÇB.) we are going to build the two fires; then what will you do? tám índro ‘bhyā́dudrāva haniṣyán (ÇB.) him Indra ran at, intending to slay; yády evā́ kariṣyátha sākáṁ devāír yajñíyāso bhaviṣyatha (RV.) if ye will do thus, ye shall be worthy of the sacrifice along with the gods; dántās te çatsyanti (AV.) thy teeth will fall out; ná mariṣyasi mā́ bibheḥ (AV.) thou shalt not die; be not afraid; brūhi kva yāsyasi (MBh.) tell us; where are you going to go? yadi mām pratyākhyāsyasi viṣam āsthāsye (MBh.) if you shall reject me, I will resort to poison. As in other languages, the tense is also sometimes used for the expression of a conjecture or presumption: thus: ko ‘yaṁ devo gandharvo vā bhaviṣyati (MBh.) who is this? he is doubtless a god, or a Gandharva; adya svapsyanti (MBh.) they must be sleeping now.
b. The spheres of future and desiderative border upon one another, and the one is sometimes met with where the other might be expected. Examples of the future taken in a quasi-desiderative sense are as follows: yád dāçúṣe bhadráṁ kariṣyási távé ’t tát satyám (RV.) what favor thou willest to bestow on thy worshiper, that of thee becometh actual (is surely brought about); yáthā ’nyád vadiṣyánt sò ‘nyád vádet (ÇB.) as if, intending to say one thing, one were to say another.
a. A few examples are: adyá varṣiṣyati...çvó vraṣṭā́ (MS.) it is going to rain today; it will rain tomorrow; yatarān vā ime çvaḥ kamitāras te jetāras (K.) whichever of the two parties these shall choose tomorrow, they will conquer; prātár yaṣṭā́smahe (TB.) we shall sacrifice tomorrow morning; ityahé vaḥ paktā̀smi (ÇB.) on such and such a day I will cook for you; tán ma ékāṁ rā́trim ánte çayitā́se jātá u te ‘yáṁ tárhi putró bhavitā́ (ÇB.) then you shall lie with me one night, and at that time this son of yours will be born. In other cases, this definiteness of time is wanting, but an emphasis, as of special certainty, seems perhaps to belong to the form: thus, bibhṛhí mā pārayiṣyā́mi tvé ’ti: kásmān mā pārayiṣyasī́ ’ty āughá imā́ḥ sárvāḥ prajā́ nirvoḍhā́, tátas tvā pārayitā̀smī́ ’ti (ÇB.) support me and I will save you, said it. From what will you save me? said he. A flood is going to carry off all these creatures; from that I will save you, said it; paridevayāṁ cakrire mahac chokabhayam prāptāsmaḥ (GB.) they set up a lamentation: "we are going to meet with great pain and dread"; yaje ‘yakṣi yaṣṭāhe ca (TA.) I sacrifice, I have sacrificed, and I shall sacrifice. In yet other cases,
in the older language even, and yet more in the later, this future appears to be equivalent to the other: thus, prajāyām enaṁ vijñātāsmo yadi vidvān vā juhoty avidvān vā (AB.) in his children we shall know him, whether he is one that sacrifices with knowledge or without knowledge; vaktāsmo vā idaṁ devebhyaḥ (AB.) we shall tell this to the gods; yadi svārtho mamā ’pi bhavitā tata evaṁ svārthaṁ kariṣyāmi (MBh.) if later my own affair shall come up, then I will attend to my own affair; kathaṁ tu bhavitāsy eka iti tvāṁ nṛpa çocimi (MBh.) but how will you get along alone? that, O king, is the cause of my grief about you.
a. Thus, yó vṛtrā́ya sínam átrā́ ’bhariṣyat prá táṁ jánitrī vidúṣa uvāca (RV.) him, who was going here to carry off Vritra's wealth, his mother proclaimed to the knowing one; çatāyuṁ gām akariṣyam (AB.) I was going to make (should have made) the cow live a hundred years (in other versions of the same story is added the other clause, in which the conditional has a value more removed from its original: thus, in GB., if you, villain, had not stopped [prā́grahīṣyaḥ] my mouth); táta evā̀ ’sya bhayáṁ vī̀ ’yāya kásmād dhy ábheṣyad dvitī́yād vāí bhayám bhavati (ÇB.) thereupon his fear departed; for of whom was he to be afraid? occasion of fear arises from a second person; útpapāta ciráṁ tán mene yád vā́saḥ paryádhāsyata (ÇB.) he leaped up; he thought it long that he should put on a garment; sá tád evá nā́ ’vindat prajā́patir yátrā́ ’hoṣyat (MS.) Prajāpati, verily, did not then find where he was to (should) sacrifice; evaṁ cen nā ’vakṣyo mūrdhā te vyapatiṣyat (GB.) if you should not speak thus, your head would fly off; sá yád dhāi ’tā́vad evā́ ’bhaviṣyad yā́vatyo hāi ’vā́ ’gre prajā́ḥ sṛṣṭā́s tā́vatyo hāi ’vā̀ ’bhaviṣyan ná prā̀ ’janiṣyanta (ÇB.) if he had been only so much, there would have been only so many living creatures as were created at first; they would have had no progeny; kiṁ vā ’bhaviṣyad aruṇas tamasāṁ vibhettā taṁ cet sahasrakiraṇo dhuri nā ’kariṣyat (Ç.) would the Dawn, forsooth, be the scatterer of the darkness, if the thousand-rayed one did not set her on the front of his chariot?
b. The infinitive (with a few sporadic exceptions in the older language) also comes in all cases from the root directly, and not from any of the derived tense-stems.
c. The same is true of the so-called gerunds, or indeclinable participles.
a. When made from an intransitive or neuter verb, the same participle, as in other languages, has no passive but only an indefinite past sense: thus, गत gatá gone; भूत bhūtá been; पतित patitá fallen.
a. Some roots, however, require the prefixion of the auxiliary vowel i to the suffix. For these, and for the verbs that add ná instead of tá, see below, 956, 957.
b. As to the accent when the root is preceded by a preposition, see 1085 a.
a. A penultimate nasal is not seldom dropped: examples are aktá (√añj), baddhá (√bandh), çrabdha (√çrambh), daṣṭá (√daṅç), srasta (√sraṅs), bāḍha (√baṅh).
b. Roots which are abbreviated in the weak forms of the perfect (794) suffer the same abbreviation here: examples are uktá (√vac), uṣṭá (√vas shine), uptá (√vap: also vapta), ūḍhá (√vah), suptá (√svap), iṣṭá (√yaj), viddhá (√vyadh); — and, by a similar procedure, √prach (or praç) makes pṛṣṭá, √bhraṅç makes bhṛṣṭa (beside the regular bhraṣṭá), and √çra boil makes çṛṭá (beside çrātá).
c. Final ā is weakened to ī in gītá (√gā sing), dhītá (√dhā suck), pītá (√pā drink), sphīta; and jītá, vītá, çītá are made from the roots jyā, vyā, çyā, (or jī etc.); — and further to i in chitá (beside chātá), dita (√dā divide and dā bind), drita (? √drā sleep), hitá (√dhā put: with h for dh; but dhita also occurs in V.), mitá (√mā measure), çitá (also çāta), sitá, sthitá.
d. A final m is lost after a in gatá, natá, yatá, ratá (from √gam etc.); and a final n in kṣata, tatá, matá, hatá. As to the other roots in am and an taking ta, see 955 a, b.
e. More isolated cases are -ūta (RV.: √av), utá or ūta (√vā weave), çiṣṭá (also çāsta: √çās), mūrtá (referred to √mūrch). As to -gdha and jagdhá, see 233 f.
f. On the other hand, √svad makes svāttá.
a. A number of roots ending in am retain the nasal, and lengthen the radical vowel (as also in some others of their verbal forms): thus, kāṁta, krāṁtá, klāṁtá, kṣāṁta, cāṁta, tāṁtá, dāṁtá, bhrāṁta, vāṁtá, çāṁtá (√çam be quiet), çrāṁtá (from √kam etc.); and one in an, dhvan sound, makes dhvāntá.
b. A few roots in an make their participle from another root-form in ā: thus, khātá, jātá, -vāta, sātá; dham has both dhamitá and dhmātá.
c. Certain roots in īv take their yū-form (765 a): thus, dyūtá (√dīv play), ṣṭhyūta, syūtá; but √mīv makes -mūta.
d. From roots in changeable ṛ (generally taking na: 957 b) are made also pūrtá (√pṛ fill: beside pṛta), çīrta and çūrtá (√çṛ crush); and çīrta is further made from √çrī mix.
e. Double forms are mugdhá and mūḍha, sāḍhá and soḍha, dhūrta and dhruta, hvṛta and hrutá.
f. The root dā give makes dattá (from the secondary root-form dad; but dāta also in V.). But the anomalously contracted form -tta (as if for dāta, with the radical vowel lost) is also frequent in composition, especially with prepositions: thus, ā́tta, ánutta, párītta, prátta, prátītta; rarely with other elements, as devátta, punartta, marútta (?). And the same abbreviated form comes from √dā divide in ávatta.
g. The roots making participles in both ta and ita, or ta and na, or in all three, will be noted in the next two paragraphs.
a. Thus, of roots presenting difficulties of combination: — 1. all that end in two consonants (save those of which one consonant is lost by a weakening process: 964 a, b): e. g. çan̄k, valg, vāñch, lajj, ubj, ceṣṭ, ghūrṇ, katth, nind, jalp, cumb, umbh, khall, pinv, çaṅs (also çastá), rakṣ, hiṅs, garh (in all, over fifty); but takṣ makes taṣṭá; — 2. all that end in linguals (including ṣ after a or ā): e. g. aṭ, truṭ, paṭh, luṭh, īḍ, vruḍ, bhaṇ, kaṣ, bhāṣ; — 3. all that end in surd spirants: e. g. likh, grath, nāth, kuth, riph, guph; — 4. all that end in l: e. g. cal, gil, mīl, lul, khel: — 6. all that end in other persistent semivowels: namely, carv (also cūrṇa), jīv (for the other roots in īv, see 955 c), dhāv run, sev, day, vyay, pūy; — 6. ujh. — This class includes more than half of the whole number that take only ita.
b. Of other roots ending in consonants: — 1. in gutturals, cak, ḍhāuk (çak has both ta and ita); çlāgh; — 2. in palatals, ac (also akná), uc, kuc, khac, yāc, ruc; aj?, kūj, vraj, also tyaj and mṛj in late texts (usually tyaktá and mṛṣṭá); — 3. in dentals, at, pat, çcut, also yat in epos (elsewhere only yattá); krad, khād, gad, cud, nad, mud, mṛd, rad, rud, vad, vid know, hrād; also nud in epos (elsewhere nuttá and nunna); mad has both mattá and maditá (the majority of roots in d take na: 957 d); edh, kṣudh, gadh, dudh, nādh, bādh, spardh; an, in, kvan, dhvan, pan, ran ring, van, stan, svan, and dhvan (also dhvāntá); — 4. in labials, cup, yup, rup, and usually kup (kupta late) and lap (lapta epic), occasionally kṣip, gup, tap, dṛp, vap, çap, while jap has both ta and ita; grabh (gṛbhītá), çubh, skabh, and occasionally lubh, while kṣubh and stabh have both forms; tim, dham, çam labor, stim, and kṣam in epos (also kṣāṁta); — 5. in spirants, aç eat, īç, kāç, kṛç, vāç, çac,
while piç has both forms, and mṛç takes ita only late; iṣ send, īṣ, kuṣ, tṛṣ, tviṣ, pruṣ, miṣ, rūṣ, heṣ, hreṣ, also muṣ except late, while dhṛṣ, ruṣ, and hṛṣ show both forms; ās, bhas, bhās, ras, las, vas clothe, has, also as throw occasionally, while kas, gras, yas, vas shine, vas dwell, çās (with çiṣṭá and çāsta), çvas, and hras make both forms; īh, grah (gṛhītá), jah (secondary form of hā), mah, rah, and occasionally ūh remove, while gāh has both forms.
c. Of roots ending in vowels, only çī lie, which makes çayita (with guṇa of root, as elsewhere: 629).
d. In general, a root maintains its full form before ita; but there are a few exceptions: thus, gṛbhītá and gṛhītá (the root being reckoned as grabh and grah: see 729), uditá (also vadita in the later language), uṣita (√vas shine; beside uṣṭá), uṣita (√vas dwell: also sporadically vasita and uṣṭa), ukṣitá (√vaká increase), çṛthitá (√çrath). From √mṛj are made both mṛjita and mārjita (with strengthening as in present and elsewhere: 627), beside mṛṣṭá.
e. Instead of i, long ī is taken in gṛbhītá and gṛhītá.
a. Certain roots in ā: thus, kṣā, glā, drā run, drā sleep, (also drita?), mlā (also mlātá), vā blow (also vāta), çyā (also çīná), styā, hā leave (also hīná and hāta), hā go forth; and dā divide makes diná (also dita and -tta). Further, certain roots in i- and u-vowels: thus, kṣi destroy (kṣīṇa; also kṣitá), ḍī, pī, lī cling, vlī, çī or çyā coagulate (beside çyāna and çīta), hrī (beside hrīta); dū burn (also duta), lū, çū; and dīv lament makes dyūna (compare 765).
b. Roots in ṛ, which before the suffix becomes īr or ūr: the forms are, arṇa (late; beside ṛtá), kīrṇa (√kṛ scatter), gīrṇá (√gṛ swallow), jīrṇá and jūrṇá (√jṛ waste away), tīrṇá and tūrṇa (also tūrtá), dīrṇá (√dṛ pierce: also dṛta), pūrṇá (√pṛ fill: also pūrtá and pṛta), mūrṇá (√mṛ crush), çīrṇá (√çṛ crush: also çīrta and çūrtá?), stīrṇá (also stṛta). Of like character with these are īrṇá from √īr, cīrṇa (beside carita) from √car, gūrṇa (beside gūrtá) from √gur, a secondary form of gṛ, and cūrṇa (beside carvita) from √carv, which is also plainly a secondary root.
c. A few roots ending in j (which becomes g before the suffix, against the usual rule of internal combination: 216 f): thus, bhagna (√bhañj), bhugna (√bhuj bend), magná (√majj), rugṇá, vigna (beside vikta). Further, two or three ending in c (similarly treated): thus, akná (√ac or añc: also acita and añcita), vṛkná (√vraçc), and apparently -pṛgṇa (RV., once: with doubly irregular change of root-final, from √pṛc). And one root in g, lagna.
d. A considerable number, some of them very common ones, of roots in d (which, against ordinary rule, becomes n before the suffix: 157 b). The forms are: unna (also utta), arṇṇa?, klinna, kṣuṇṇa, kṣviṇṇa, khinna, channa, chinná, chṛṇṇá, tunná, tṛṇṇá, nunna (also nuttá and nudita), panná, bhinná, vinna (√vid find: also vittá), çanna (√çad fall), sanná (also sattá), skanná (√skand), syanná (√syand), svinná, hanna. And ánna food, in spite of its different accent, appears to be a like formation from √ad eat.
a. The same participle is also made in the secondary conjugations: e. g. darçitavant having shown, prabodhitavant having awakened.
b. Possessives also in in made from passive participles are sometimes found used in an analogous manner, nearly as perfect active participles: e. g. iṣṭín having sacrificed, vijitino manyamānāḥ (AB.) thinking themselves to have conquered.
a. Derivatives in ya having this value are made in all periods of the language, from the earliest down; the other two are of more modern origin, being entirely wanting in the oldest Veda (RV.), and hardly known in the later. Other derivatives of a similar character, which afterward disappear from use, are found in the Veda (966).
a. The original value of the suffix is ia, and as such it has to be read in the very great majority of its Vedic occurrences. Hence the conversion of e and o to ay and av before it (see below).
b. Thus: 1. Final ā becomes e before the suffix: déya, dhyeya, khyéya, méya (perhaps dā́-ia etc., with euphonic y interposed); but RV. has once -jñāya. — 2. The other vowels either remain unchanged, or have the guṇa or the vṛddhi strengthening; and e usually and o always are treated before the ya as they would be before a vowel: thus, -kṣayya, jáyya, bháyya, lāyya; návya, bhávya, hávya, bhāvyá; vā́rya: and, in the later language, nīya, jeya, dhūya (such cases are wanting earlier). In a few instances, a short vowel adds t
before the suffix: thus, itya, mitya, çrútya, stútya, kṛtya (the only Vedic examples). — 3. Medial a remains unchanged or is lengthened: thus, dábhya, vándya, sádya; mā́dya, vā́cya. — 4. Medial i-, u-, and ṛ-vowels are unchanged or have the guṇa-strengthening: thus, ī́ḍya, gúhya, dhṛṣya; dvéṣya, yódhya, márjya.
c. The RV. has about forty examples of this gerundive, and the AV. adds half as many more. Except in bhāviá (once), the accent in RV. is always on the root; AV. has several cases of accent on the i of the suffix (hence written ādyà, āçyà, -vyādhyà, -dharṣyà). According to the grammarians, the accent is on the root or else the ending is circumflexed: always the former, if the ya follow a vowel.
b. Hence, as regards both the form taken by the root and the use or omission of an auxiliary vowel i before the tavya, the rules are the same as for the formation of the infinitive (below, 968).
c. No example of this formation is found in RV., and in AV. occur only two, janitavyà and hiṅsitavyà. In the Brāhmaṇa language it begins to be not rare, and is made both from the simple root and from the derived conjugational stems (next chapter); in the classical language it is still more frequent. According to the grammarians, the accent of the word is either circumflex on the final or acute on the penult: thus, kartavyà or kartávya; in the accentuated texts, it is always the former (the accent távya given to certain gerundives in the Petersburg lexicons is an error, growing out of the ambiguous accentuation of ÇB.: 88 c).
b. It follows, then, as regards its mode of formation, the rules for the suffix ana (below, 1150).
c. This derivative also is unknown in RV., and in AV. is found only in upajīvanī́ya and āmantranī́ya (in both of which, moreover, its distinct gerundive value admits of question). In the Brāhmaṇas (where less than a dozen examples of it have been noted), and in the later language, it is less common than the gerundive in tavya. Its accent, as in all the derivatives with the suffix īya, is on the penult: thus, karaṇī́ya.
a. Gerundives in tua or tva, apparently made from the infinitival noun in tu with the added suffix a (1209). They are kártua (in two occurrences kártva), -gaṁtva, jántua, jétua, náṁtua, váktua, sótua,
snā́tua, hántua, hétua, hótva; and, with auxiliary i (or ī), jánitva, sánitva, bhávītva.
b. Gerundives in enia or enya (compare 1217): they are īkṣeṇía, īḍénia, caréṇia, dṛçénia, -dviṣeṇia, bhūṣéṇya, yudhénia, váreṇia (and bhajenya BhP.); with one example from an apparent aorist-stem, yaṁsénya, and three or four from secondary verb-stems (see below, 1019, 1038, 1068 a).
c. Gerundives in ā́yia (once ā́yya: compare 1218): they are dakṣā́yia, panā́yia, vidā́yia, çravā́yia, hnavāyia; with a few from secondary conjugation-stems (below, 1019, 1038, 1051, 1068a); and stuṣéyia is of close kindred with them.
d. A few adjectives in elima, as pacelima, bhidelima (only these quotable), are reckoned as gerundives by the grammarians.
a. As regards the use or omission of i, the infinitive (as also the gerund in tvā: 991) follows in general the analogy of the passive participle (956). Examples are (with the gerund added) as follows: dagdhá, dágdhum, dagdhvā́ from √dah; bhinná, bhéttum, bhittvā́ from √bhid; matá, mántum, matvā́ from √man; ūḍhá, vóḍhum, ūḍhvā́ from √vah; patitá, pátitum, patitvā́ from √pat; yācitá, yā́citum, yācitvā́ from √yāc; çayitá, çáyitum, çayitvā́ from √çī. But certain exceptions and special cases require notice. Thus:
b. Of roots having no quotable participle, infinitive stems in tu are made from ad, sagh; in itu from uñch, ūh consider, kṣap, luṇṭh, lok, svar; and in both from yabh.
c. Of roots making participles of both forms, an infinitive stem in tu only is quotable for kṣip, kṣubh, tap, tyaj, mṛç, lubh, vas shine, çak, stabh; only in itu for gāh, carv, jap, mad, yat, van, çaṅs, çvas; in both for as throw, ūh remove, gup, car, mṛj (mā̆rṣṭu, mārjitu), lap, vas dwell, çap, çās.
d. Also in a number of other cases (besides those already noticed) an infinitive stem is made both with and without i. Thus, in addition to the more regular form, a stem in itu is occasionally met with from roots aç attain, iṣ seek, bandh, bhaj, yaj (ījitum), rudh obstruct, ruh, vṛṣ, sad (sīditum), sah, han, hṛ; and one in tu from roots ās, bhāṣ, vid know. Both forms occur also from certain am-roots, namely nam, yam, ram, and, with ā before tu as in the pple, kram and bhram (kṣam has only kṣaṁtu, against the analogy of kṣāṁta); further, from certain roots in variable ṛ, namely tṛ (tartu, tarī̆tu), vṛ cover (vártu, varī̆tu), and stṛ (stártu, staritu, stárītu) (but from çṛ crush occur only çárītu, çaritu, and from vṛ choose only varītu; while gṛ swallow and pṛ fill make their infinitive from other root-forms, namely giritum, pūritum); further, from a few vowel-roots, namely nī, cyu, sū (sū́tu); and finally from kṛṣ, nṛt, çuc.
e. Against the analogy of the participle, infinitive-stems in itu after a final consonant are made from the roots av, kṣan, khan and jan (the pples coming from khā and jā), guh, jabh, tam, dīv play and dīv lament (both devitu), majj, vṛt, vṛdh, sṛp; and after a final vowel, from roots in ū, namely pū, bhū, sū (also sūtu), and from çri and çvi; as to roots in variable ṛ, see just above, d.
f. As the infinitive is made from the (accented and) strengthened root, so it naturally has, as a rule, the stronger or fuller root-form where a weaker or contracted form is taken by the participle (and gerund in tvā́): e. g. váktu against uktá (and uktvā́), yáṣṭu against iṣṭá (and iṣṭvā́), banddhum against baddhá (and baddhvā́), and so on. Deserving special notice are gātu (√gā sing) against gītá, and dhā́tu (√dhā suck) against dhītá; and so from dā give and hā leave are made only dā́tu and hātu; but dhā put, mā measure, and sthā add to the regular dhātu, mātu, sthātu the late forms -dhitu, -mitu, -sthitu; and sā or si has sātu, sétu, and -situ; vā weave (pple utá) has both vā́tu and ótu; hū or hvā has havītu, hváyitu, and hvātu. The root vyadh makes its only quotable infinitive, veddhum, from its vidh-form; from sañj or saj occur both san̄ktu and saktu. The anomalous epic forms ījitum (√yaj) and sīditum (√sad), were mentioned above. The root grab makes gráhītum.
g. In the later language, the infinitive-stem forms possessive compounds with kāma and manas (especially the former): e. g. svaptukāma having the wish to sleep, yaṣṭukāma desirous of sacrificing, vaktumanas minded to speak.
h. In very rare instances, dative infinitives in tave or tavāi are
made from the infinitive stem in the later language (as abundantly in the earlier: 970 b): thus, pratihartave (BhP.). And jīvase (973 a) is once found in MBh. (i. 3. 67 = 732), in a quasi-Vedic hymn to the Açvins.
a. The root-noun, without derivative suffix, is so used in its accusative in am, its dative in e or (from ā-roots) āi, its genitive and ablative in as, and its locative in i.
b. The verbal noun in tu is so used in its accusative in tum, its dative in tave or tavāí, and its ablative and genitive in tos.
Of other nouns only single cases, generally datives, are reckoned as used with infinitive value; thus:
c. From the verbal noun in as, the dative in ase; and also, in an extremely small number of instances, a dative in se (or ṣe), from a noun formed with s simply.
d. From nouns in man and van, datives in mane and vane.
e. From nouns in ti, datives in taye, or (from one or two verbs) in tyāi.
f. From nouns in i, datives in áye.
g. From nouns in dhi and ṣi, datives in dhyāi and ṣyāi.
h. A few infinitives in ṣaṇi are perhaps locatives from nouns in an added to a root increased by s.
i. From a single root, dhṛ, are made infinitively used forms in tári, of which the grammatical character is questionable.
j. Among all these, the forms which have best right to special treatment as infinitives, on account of being of peculiar formation, or from suffixes not found in other uses, or for both reasons, are those in ṣe, ṣaṇi, tari, dhyāi, and tavāi.
k. Except the various cases of the derivative in tu, and of the root-noun, these infinitives are almost wholly unknown outside the Rig-Veda.
l. Other suffixes and forms than those noticed above might be added; for it is impossible to draw any fixed line between the uses classed as infinitive and the ordinary case-uses: thus, prajā́patim praçnám āitām (TS.) they went to ask Prajāpati; víçvaṁ jīvám prasuvántī carā́yāi (RV.) quickening every living being to motion; apáḥ sármāya codáyan (RV.) impelling the waters to flow; çaknuyā́d gráhaṇāya (instead of the usual gráhītum: ÇB.) may be able to apprehend; ā tamanāt (instead of the usual tamitoḥ: S.) until exhaustion. And the so-called infinitives
are found coördinated in the same sentence with common nouns, and even with compound nouns: e. g. cáritave... ābhogáya iṣṭáye rāyé (RV.) to go abroad, to enjoy, to seek wealth; ārtatrāṇāya na prahartum anāgasi (Ç.) for the rescue of the distressed, not for hurling at the innocent.
More special rules as to the various formations are as follows:
a. The roots in ā form the accus. in ām, the dat. in āi, the abl. in ās (understanding avasā́ before ā́ as for avasā́s and not avasāí in RV. iii. 53. 20), and the locative in e (only two examples, of which one is perhaps better understood as dative).
a. The dative in tavāi is in two respects anomalous: in having the heavy feminine ending āi along with a strengthened u; and in taking a double accent, one on the root or on the prefixed preposition, and the other on the ending āi: thus, étavāí, hántavāí, átyetavāí, ápabhartavāí.
b. The ending se is extremely rare, being found only in jiṣé and perhaps stuṣé, and one or two still more doubtful cases.
(RV.). In tyāi, the only examples noted are ityāí (RV.) and sā́ḍhyāi (MS. AB.).
b. With aye are formed iṣáye, tujáye, dṛçáye, maháye, yudháye, sanáye; and citáye (VS.), gṛhaye (K.).
a. This infinitive is by no means rare in RV., being made in thirty-five different forms (with seventy-two occurrences). But it is hardly known outside of the RV.; the AV. has it but once (in a passage found also in RV.); and elsewhere half-a-dozen examples have been noticed, in mantra-passages (one of them TS. falsely reads gámadhye); in the Brāhmaṇa language proper it appears to be entirely wanting.
a. Especially, of forms from the root çak be able, and arh be worthy, have the right or the power. Thus, çakéma tvā samídham (RV.) may we accomplish thy kindling; mā́ çakan pratidhā́m íṣum (AV.) may they not be able to fit the arrow to the string; máno vā́ imā́ṁ sadyáḥ páryāptum
arhati mánaḥ páribhavitum (TS.) the mind, forsooth, can at once attain and surpass her; kó hy ètásyā́ ’rhati gúhyaṁ nā́ma gráhītum (ÇB.) for who is worthy to take his secret name? In the Veda, the construction with these verbs is only one among others; in the Brāhmaṇa, it becomes the greatly prevalent one (three quarters or more of all the cases).
b. Further, of verbs of motion (next most frequent case): thus, dā́kṣiṇāni hótum eti (TS.) he goes to sacrifice things pertaining to sacrificial gifts; índram pratíram emy ā́yuḥ (RV.) I go to Indra for (i. e. beseech of him) the lengthening out of life; — of √dhṛ persist in, undertake: as, sá idáṁ jātáḥ sárvam evá dágdhuṁ dadhre (ÇB.) he, as soon as born, began to burn this universe; — of verbs meaning desire, hope, notice, know, and the like: as, pā́çān vicṛ́taṁ vettha sárvān (AV.) thou knowest how to loosen all bonds; tásmād agníṁ nā́ ”driyeta párihantum (ÇB.) therefore one should not be careful to smother the fire; — and of others.
Examples are: víçaṁ jīváṁ caráse bodháyantī (RV.) awakening every living creature to motion; tā́n úpa yāta píbadhyāi (RV.) come to drink them; nāí ’tā́ṁ te devā́ adadur áttave (AV.) the gods did not give her to thee for eating; praí ”d yudháye dásyum índraḥ (RV.) Indra went forward to fight the demon; cákṣur no dhehi vikhyāí (RV.) give us sight for looking abroad.
Some peculiar constructions, however, grow out of this use of the infinitive dative. Thus:
a. The noun which is logically the subject or the object of the action expressed by the infinitive is frequently put beside it in the dative (by a construction which is in part a perfectly simple one, but which is stretched beyond its natural boundaries by a kind of attraction): thus, cakāra sū́ryāya pánthām ánvetavā́ u (RV.) he made a track for the sun to follow (made for the sun a track for his following); çíçīte çṛ́n̄ge rákṣobhyo viníkṣe (RV.) he whets his horns to pierce the demons; rudrā́ya dhánur a tanomi brahmadvíṣe çárave hántavā́ u (RV.) I stretch the bow for Rudra, that with his arrow he may slay the brahma-hater; asmábhyaṁ dṛçáye sū́ryāya púnar dātām ásum (RV.) may they grant life again, that we may see the sun.
b. An infinitive with √kṛ make is used nearly in the sense of a causative verb: thus, prā́ ’ndháṁ çroṇáṁ cákṣasa étave kṛthaḥ (RV.) ye make the blind and lame to see and go; agníṁ samídhe cakártha (RV.) thou hast made the fire to be kindled. Of similar character is an occasional construction with another verb: as, yád īm uçmási kártave kárat tát (RV.) what we wish to be done, may he do that; kavī́ṅr icchāmi saṁdṛ́çe (RV.) I desire to see the sages.
c. A dative infinitive is not seldom used as a predicate, sometimes
with, but more usually without, a copula expressed: thus, agnír iva ná pratidhṛ́ṣe bhavati (TS.) like fire, he it not to be resisted; mahimā́ te anyéna ná saṁnáçe (VS.) thy greatness is not to be attained by another; nákim índro níkartave ná çakráḥ páriçaktave (RV.) Indra is not to be put down, the mighty one is not to be overpowered.
d. Sometimes an infinitive so used without a copula has quite nearly the value of an imperative: thus, tyā́ me yaçásā... āuçijó huvádhyāi [asti] (RV.) these glorious ones shall the son of Uçij invoke for me; sūktébhir vaḥ... índrā nv àgnī́ ávase huvádhyāi [staḥ] (RV.) with your hymns shall ye call now on Indra and Agni for aid; vandádhyā agníṁ námobhiḥ [asmi] (RV.) let me greet Agni with homage; asmā́kāsaç ca sūráyo víçvā ā́çās tarīṣáṇi (RV.) and let our sacrifices cross all regions; tán nāí ’váṁ kártavāí (MS.) that must not be done so; brahmadvíṣaḥ çárave hántavā́ u (RV.) let the arrow slay the brahma-haters. The infinitives in dhyāi and ṣaṇi (which latter is in all its uses accordant with datives) are those in which the imperative value is most distinctly to be recognized.
e. In the Brāhmaṇas and Sūtras (especially in ÇB.) the dative in tavāi is not seldom used with a verb signifying speak (brū, vac, ah), to express the ordering of anything to be done: thus, tásmād óṣadhīnām evá mū́lāny úcchettavāí brūyāt (ÇB.) therefore let him direct the roots of the plants to be cut up (speak in order to their cutting up: cf. yé vaçā́yā ádānāya vádanti who dissuade from giving the cow: AV.).
a. Thus, ā́ támitoḥ (TS. etc.) until exhaustion; purā́ vācáḥ právaditoḥ (TS.) before utterance of the voice. In the Brāhmaṇa language, this is the well-nigh exclusive construction of the ablative (it occurs also with prāk, arvāk, etc.); in the Veda, the latter is used also after ṛté without, and after several verbs, as trā and pā protect, yu separate, bhī, etc.
b. In a few instances, by an attraction similar to that illustrated above for the dative (982 a), a noun dependent on this infinitive is put in the ablative beside it: thus, purā vāgbhyaḥ sampravaditoḥ (PB.) before the utterance together of the voices; trā́dhvaṁ kartā́d avapádaḥ (RV.) save us from falling down into the pit; purā dakṣiṇābhyo netoḥ (Āpast.) before the gifts are taken away.
a. Examples are: tā́ [devátāḥ] īçvarā́ enam pradáhaḥ (TS.) they are likely to burn him up; átha ha vā́ īçvarò ‘gníṁ citvā́ kíṁcid dāuritám ā́pattor ví vā hválitoḥ (ÇB.) so in truth he is liable,
after piling the fire, to meet with some mishap or other, or to stagger; içvaraṁ vāi rathantaram udgātuç cakṣuḥ pramathitoḥ (PB.) the rathantara is liable to knock out the eye of the chanter.
b. The dative is used in ÇB. instead of the genitive in a single phrase (īçvarāú jánayitavāí); and, in the later language, sometimes the accusative in turn. In a case or two the masc. sing. nom. īçvaraḥ is used, without regard to the gender or number of the word which it qualifies: thus, tásye ”çvaráḥ prajā́ pā́pīyasī bhávitoḥ (ÇB.) his progeny is liable to deteriorate. And in a very few instances the word īçvara is omitted, and the genitive has the same value without it: thus, dve madhyaṁdinam abhi pratyetoḥ (AB.) two may be added to the noon libation; táto dīkṣitáḥ pāmanó bhávitoḥ (ÇB.) then the consecrated is liable to get the itch.
c. This construction with īçvara, which is the only one for the genitive infinitive in the Brāhmaṇa, is unknown in the Veda, where the genitive is found in a very small number of examples with madhyā́, and with the root īç: thus, madhyā́ kártoḥ (RV.) in the midst of action; ī́çe rāyó dā́toḥ (RV.) he is master of the giving of wealth; ī́çe yótoḥ (RV.) is able to keep away.
bhāryām (MBh.) it is proper for me to comfort his wife; na naptāraṁ svayaṁ nyāyyaṁ çaptum evam (R.) it is not suitable thus to curse one's own grandson; tad vaktuṁ na pāryate (Çatr.) it is not possible to say that.
a. Thus, for example: çrutvāi ’va cā ’bruvan and hearing (or having heard) they spoke; tebhyaḥ pratijñāyā ’thāi ’tān paripapraccha having given them his promise, he then questioned them.
a. To this distribution of uses between the two suffixes there are occasional exceptions. Thus, gerunds in ya from simple roots are not very rare in the epic language (e. g. gṛhya, uṣya [√vas dwell], arcya, īkṣya, cintya, tyajya, lakṣya; also from causatives and denominatives, as vācya, yojya, plāvya), and are not unknown elsewhere (e. g. arcya and īkṣya M., prothya AGS., sthāpya ÇvU.). And gerunds in tvā from compounded roots are met with in considerable numbers from AV. (only pratyarpayitvā́) down: e. g. samīrayitvā́ MS., virocayitvā́ TA., utkṣiptvā U., pratyuktvā E., pratyasitvā S., prahasitvā MBh., saṁdarçayitvā MBh., vimuktvā R., nivedayitvā R., proktvā Pañc., anupītva VBS.: the great majority of them are made from the causative stem.
b. The prefixion of the negative particle, a or an, does not cause the gerund to take the form in ya: thus, akṛtvā, amīrayitvā (but R. has acintya). Of compounds with other than verbal prefixes, RV. has punardā́ya, karṇagṛ́hya, pādagṛ́hya, hastagṛ́hya, araṁkṛ́tya, akkhalīkṛ́tya, mithaspṛ́dhya; AV. has further namaskṛ́tya.
a. Examples of the general accordance of passive participle, infinitive, and gerund in regard to the use of i were given above, 968 a; farther specifications are called for, as follows:
b. The quotable roots in variable ṛ (242) change it to īr: thus, tīrtvā́, stīrtvā́ (also stṛtvā́); and car makes also cīrtvā (like cīrṇa); — roots in ā show in general the same weakening as in the participle; but from dhā put is quotable only dhitvā́, from mā measure mitvā́ and mītvā, from dā give only dattvā́, from chā chāyitvā; — of roots in am, kram and bhram and yam make forms both with and without i (as in the infinitive), but ram has ratvā́ and raṁtvā, and dam and vam make damitvā and vamitvā.
c. The auxiliary vowel is taken by roots gras, muṣ, çap, and çās (çāsitvā) (whose participles have both forms); also by cāy, nṛt (nartitvā), lag, and svaj (against analogy of pple); and çuc makes çocitvā. On the other hand, from ruj (rugṇa) and vraçc (vṛkṇa) come ruktvā́ and vṛṣṭvā́. And both forms are made (as also in infinitive or participle) from car, vas dwell (uṣṭvā, uṣitvā́), nī (nītvā́, nayitvā), and mṛj (mṛṣṭvā́, mārjitvā).
d. While the formation is in general one requiring, like the passive participle (e. g. uptvā, like uptá; uditvā́, like uditá), a weak or weakened root, there are some cases in which it is made from a strong or strengthened root-form. Thus (besides the instances already given: chāyitvā, raṁtvā, çāsitvā, cāyitvā, çocitvā, nayitvā, mārjitvā), we find charditvā (Āpast.), daṅṣṭvā, and spharitvā, and, from a number of roots, a second strong form beside the more regular weak one: namely, an̄ktvā, bhan̄ktvā, bhun̄ktvā, syanttvā (beside aktvā́ etc.); cayitvā, smayitvā, smaritvā (beside citvā́ etc.); roditvā (beside ruditvā), and siñcitvā (beside siktvā). The last shows the influence of the present-stem; as do also mārjitvā (above) and jighritvā (√ghrft). The form ṣṭhutvā (Āpast.) is doubtless a false reading, for ṣṭhyūtvā.
in a short vowel takes त्य tya instead of य ya: thus, जित्य -jítya, स्तुत्य -stútya, कृत्य -kṛ́tya.
a. Roots in variable ṛ (242) change that vowel to īr or ūr: thus, kīrya, gī́rya, tīrya (and tū́rya), dī́rya, pūrya, çī́rya, stī́rya (also stṛtya); — roots in ā have for the most part -āya; but dhā suck makes dhīya, and double forms are found from gā sing (gāya, gī́ya), pā drink (pā́ya, pīya), dā give (dā́ya, dádya), dā divide (dā́ya, ditya), mā measure, exchange (mā́ya, mítya), sā bind (sā́ya, sya); lī cling has lā́ya or līya, as if an ā-verb; and khan and dham make khāya and dhmā́ya, from their ā-forms; — the roots in an and am making their participle in ata (954 d) make the gerund in atya, but also later in anya, amya (e. g. gátya, gamya; hátya, hanya; but tan makes as second form tāya, and from ram only ramya is quotable); — the roots in īv add ya to their īv-form: thus, ṣṭhīvya, sī́vya; — a few roots in i and u add ya to the lengthened vowel besides adding tya: thus, i go (īya, ítya; also ayya), ci gather (cīya, cítya), and plu, yu unite, su, stu (plū́ya, plutya, etc.); while kṣi destroy has only kṣī́ya.
b. This gerund, though accented on the root-syllable, is generally a weakening formation: thus are made, without a strengthening nasal found in some other forms, ácya, ájya, idhya, údya, ubhya, grathya, tácya, daçya, bádhya, bhajya, lípya, lúpya, vlágya, çrabhya, sajya, skábhya, stábhya, syadya, svajya; with weakening of other kinds, gṛ́hya and gṛ́bhya, pṛcchya, úcya, udya, úpya, úṣya (vas dwell), úhya, vidhya, vī́ya, vṛçcya, spṛ́dhya, hū́ya; — but from a number of roots are made both a stronger and a weaker form: thus, manthya and máthya, mārjya and mṛ́jya, rundhya and rúdhya, çaṅsya and çásya, çāsya and çiṣya, skándya and skádya, sráṅsya and srasya; — and only strong forms are found from roots arc, av, cāy, çī (çayya), as well as from certain roots with a constant nasal: e. g. uñch, kamp, nand, lamb, çan̄k; isolated cases are oṣya (√uṣ burn), prothya (also prúthya).
c. Other special cases are úhya and ūhya (√ūh remove), gurya and gū́rya, gúhya and gūhya, rúhya and rūhya, bhramya and bhrāmya, áyya (beside ítya, īya), ghrāya and jighrya; and ūrṇutya (beside vṛ́tya).
a. In RV., however, the final of ya is in the great majority of instances (fully two thirds) long (as if the instrumental ending of a derivative noun in i or ti). In AV., long ā appears only once in a RV. passage.
b. Instead of tvā alone, the Veda has three forms of the suffix, namely tvā́, tvā́ya, and tvī́. Of these three, tvī́ is decidedly the commonest in RV. (thirty-five occurrences, against twenty-one of tvā); but it is unknown
in AV., and very rare elsewhere in the older language; tvā́ya is found nine times in RV. (only once outside the tenth Book), twice in AV., and but half-a-dozen times elsewhere (in ÇB., once from a causative stem: spāçayitvā́ya). The historical relation of the three forms is obscure.
c. Two other gerund suffixes, tvānam and tvīnam. are mentioned by the grammarians as of Vedic use, but they have nowhere been found to occur.
a. Thus, in the Nala and Bhagavad-Gītā, which have only one tenth as many verb-forms as RV., there are more than three times as many examples of the gerund as in the latter.
b. In general, the gerund is an adjunct to the subject of a sentence, and expresses an act or condition belonging to the subject: thus, vajreṇa hatvā́ nír apáḥ sasarja (RV.) smiting with his thunderbolt, he poured forth the waters; pītvī́ sómasya vāvṛdhe (RV.) having drunk of the soma, he waxed strong; tē yajñásya rásaṁ dhītvā́ vidúhya yajñáṁ yūpéna yopayitvā́ tirò ‘bhavan (ÇB.) having sucked out the sap of the offering, having milked the offering dry, having blocked it with the sacrificial post, they disappeared; çrutvāi ’va cā ’bruvan (MBh.) and having heard, they said; taṁ ca dūre dṛṣṭvā gardabhī ’yam iti matvā dhāvitaḥ (H.) and having seen him in the distance, thinking 'it is a she-ass', he ran.
c. But if the logical subject, the real agent, is put by the construction of the sentence in a dependent case, it is still qualified by the gerund: thus, stríyaṁ dṛṣṭvā́ya kitaváṁ tatāpa (RV.) it distresses the gambler (i. e. the gambler is distressed) at seeing a woman; táṁ hāi ’naṁ dṛṣṭvā́ bhī́r viveda (ÇB.) fear came upon him (i. e. he was afraid) when he saw him; vidhāya proṣite vṛttim (M.) when he stays away after providing for her support; kiṁ nu me syād idaṁ kṛtvā (MBh.) what, I wonder, would happen to me if I did this; — and especially, when a passive form is given to the sentence, the gerund qualifies the agent in the instrumental case (282 a): thus, tataḥ çabdād abhijñāya sa vyāghreṇa hataḥ (H.) thereupon he was slain by the tiger, who recognized him by his voice; tvayā sa rājā çakuntalām puraskṛtya vaktavyaḥ (Ç.) presenting Çakuntalā, thou must say to the king; haṅsānāṁ vacanaṁ çrutvā yathā me (gen. for instr.) nāiṣadho vṛtaḥ (MBh.) as the Nishadhan was chosen by me on hearing the words of the swans: this construction is extremely common in much of the later Sanskrit.
d. Occasionally, the gerund qualifies an agent, especially an indefinite one, that is unexpressed: thus, tadā ’trāi ’va paktvā khāditavyaḥ (H.) then he shall be eaten [by us] cooking him on the spot; yad anyasya parijñāya punar anyasya dīyate (M.) that, after being promised (lit. when one has promised her) to one, she is given again to another; sucintya co ’ktaṁ suvicārya yat kṛtam (H.) what one says after mature thought,
and does after full deliberation. Hence, still more elliptically, after alam: thus, alaṁ vicārya (Ç.) enough of hesitation; tad alaṁ te vanaṁ gatvā (R.) so have done with going to the forest.
e. Other less regular constructions are met with, especially in the older language: thus, in the manner of a participle with man and the like (268 a), as táṁ hiṅsitvè ’va mene (ÇB.) he thought he had hurt him; tā adbhir abhiṣicya nijāsyāi ’vā ’manyata (AB.) having sprinkled them with water, he believed himself to have exhausted them; — in the manner of a participle forming a continuous tense with √i (1075 a), as indram evāi ’tāir ārabhya yanti (AB.) by means of them they keep taking hold of Indra; — as qualifying a subordinate member of the sentence, as puroḍā́çam evá kūrmám bhūtvā́ sárpantam (ÇB.) to the sacrificial cake creeping about, having become a tortoise; ayodhyām . . . saphenām sasvanām bhūtvā jalormim iva (R.) into Ayodhyā, like a surge that had been foamy and roaring; — even absolutely, as ātithyéna vāí devā́ iṣṭvā́ tā́nt samád avindat (ÇB.) when the gods had sacrificed with the guest-offering, strife befel them.
f. As in the two examples before the last, a predicate word with bhūtvā is put in the same case with the subject: thus, further, tád iyám evāì ’tád bhūtvā́ yajati (ÇB.) so having thus become this earth he makes offering; yena vāmanenā ’pi bhūtvā (Vet.) by whom, even when he had become a dwarf. The construction is a rare one.
g. A number of gerunds have their meaning attenuated sometimes to the semblance of a preposition or adverb: such are adhikṛtya making a subject of, i. e. respecting, of; ādāya, upāgṛhya taking, i. e. with; uddiçya pointing toward, i. e. at; āsādya, arriving at, i. e. along, by; ārabhya beginning, i.e. from; sambhūya being with, i. e. with; saṁhatya striking together, i. e. in unison; prasahya using force, i. e. violently; tyaktvā, parityajya, muktvā, vihāya, uddhṛtya, varjayitvā leaving out etc., i. e. excepting, without; and others. Examples are: çakuntalām adhikṛtya bravīmi (Ç.) I am speaking of Çakuntalā; tam uddiçya kṣiptalaguḍaḥ (H.) having thrown the cudgel at him; nimittaṁ kiṁcid āsādya (H.) for some reason or other.
h. The gerund is in the later language sometimes found in composition, as if a noun-stem: e. g. prasahyaharaṇa taking with violence; pretyabhāva existence after death; vibhajyapāṭha separate enunciation; sambhūyagamana going together. It is also often repeated (1260), in a distributive sense: e. g. sá vāí sammṛ́jya-sammṛjya pratápya-pratapya prá yacchati (ÇB.) in each case, after wiping and warming them, he hands them over; gṛhītvā-gṛhītvā (KÇS.) at each taking; unnamyo’nnamya (Pañc.) every time that they arise.
with that of the usual gerund that it cannot well be called by a different name.
a. No example of a peculiar gerundial construction with such a form occurs either in RV. or AV., although a dozen adverbial accusatives are to be classed as representing the formation: thus, abhyākrā́mam, pratán̄kam, praṇódam, nilā́yam, abhiskándam, etc. This gerund is found especially in the Brāhmaṇas and Sūtras, where it is not rare; in the epics it is extremely infrequent; later, also, it occurs very sparingly.
b. A final vowel has vṛddhi-strengthening before the suffix: thus, nāyam, çrāvam, kāram; final ā adds y: thus, khyāyam, yāyam; a medial vowel has guṇa (if capable of it: 240): thus, kṣepam, kroçam, vartam (but īkṣam, pūram); a medial a before a single consonant is lengthened: thus, krāmam, cāram, grāham, svādam (but grantham, lambham). The accent is on the radical syllable. No uncompounded examples are found in the older language, and extremely few in the later.
c. Examples are: kā́maṁ vā́ imā́ny án̄gāni vyatyā́saṁ çete (ÇB.) he lies changing the position of these limbs at pleasure; úttarām-uttarāṁ çā́khāṁ samālámbhaṁ róhet (ÇB.) he would climb, taking hold of a higher and ever a higher limb; aparī́ṣu mahānāgám ivā ’bhisaṁsā́raṁ didṛkṣitā́raḥ (ÇB.) hereafter, running together as it were about a great snake, they will wish to see him; nā́māny āsām etā́ni nāmagrā́ham (ÇB.) with separate naming of these their names; yó viparyā́sam avagū́hati (ÇB.) whoever buries it upside down; bāhūtkṣepaṁ kranditum pravṛttā (Ç.) she proceeded to cry, throwing up her arms (with arm-tossing); navacūtapallavāni darçaṁ-darçam madhukarāṇāṁ kvanitāni çrāvaṁ-çrāvam paribabhrāma (DKC.) he wandered about, constantly seeing the young shoots of the mango, and hearing the humming of the bees. Repeated forms, like those in the last example, are approved in the later language; they do not occur earlier (but instead of them the repeated ordinary gerund: 994 h).
usually connected with a certain definite modification of the original radical sense.
a. We have seen, indeed, that the tense-systems are also for the most part made from derivative-stems; and even that, in some cases, such stems assume the appearance and value of roots, and are made the basis of a complete conjugational system. Nor is there any distinct division-line to be drawn between tense-systems and derivative conjugations; the latter are present-systems which have been expanded into conjugations by the addition of other tenses, and of participles, infinitives, and so on. In the earliest language, their forms outside of the present-system are still quite rare, hardly more than sporadic; and even later they are — with the exception of one or two formations which attain a comparative frequency — much less common than the corresponding forms of primary conjugation.
a. The passive is classed here as a secondary conjugation because of its analogy with the others in respect to specific value, and freedom of formation, although it does not, like them, make its forms outside the present system from its present-stem.
a. It has a special present-system, the stem of which is present only, and not made the basis of any of the remaining forms: this stem is formed with the accented class-sign य yá, and it takes (with exceptions: 774) the middle endings. This present-system is treated with the others, above, 768 ff.
b. There is a special passive 3d sing. of the aorist, ending in इ i: it is treated above, 842 ff.
c. In the remaining tenses, the middle forms are used also in a passive sense.
d. But the passive use of middle forms is not common; it is oftenest met with in the perfect. The participle to a great extent takes the place of a past passive tense, and the gerundive that of a future. On the other
hand, in the oldest language (RV.), middle forms of other present-systems are in a considerable number of cases employed with passive meaning.
e. According to the grammarians, there may be formed from some verbs, for passive use, a special stem for the aorist and the two future systems, coinciding in form with the peculiar 3d sing. aorist.
f. Thus, from √dā (aor. 3d sing. adāyi), beside ádāsi, dāsyé, dātā́he, also ádāyiṣi, dāyiṣyé, dāyitā́he. The permission to make this doable formation extends to all roots ending in vowels, and to grah, dṛç, and han. No such passive forms occur in the older language, and not half-a-dozen are quotable from the later (we find adhāyiṣi and asthāyiṣi in DKC., and anāyiṣata in Kuval.).
g. As to the alleged passive inflection of the periphrastic perfect, see below, 1072.
h. Besides the participle from the present tense-stem (771. 5), the passive has a past participle in त ta (952), or न na (957), and future participles, or gerundives, of various formation (961 ff.), made directly from the root.
a. As in other languages, a 3d sing, passive is freely made from intransitive as well as transitive verbs: thus, ihā ”gamyatām come hither; tvayā tatrāi ’va sthīyatām do you stand just there; sarvāir jālam ādāyo ’ḍḍīyatām (H.) let all fly up with the net.
It is, like the present-system of the second conjugation-class (642 ff.), the inflection of a reduplicated stem, but of one that is peculiar in having a strengthened reduplication. It is decidedly less extended beyond the limits of a present-system than any other of the derivative conjugations.
a. The intensive conjugation signifies the repetition or the intensification of the action expressed by the primary conjugation of a root.
a. In fact, however, intensives in the later language are very rare, so rare that it is hard to tell precisely what value is to be given to the rules of the native grammar respecting them. Nor are they at all common earlier, except (comparatively) in the RV., which contains about six sevenths of the whole number (rather over a hundred) quotable from Veda and Brāhmaṇa and Sūtra-texts; AV. has less than half as many as RV., and many of them in RV. passages; from the later language are quotable about twenty of these, and about forty more, but for the most part only in an occurrence or two.
b. Hence, in the description to be given below, the actual aspect of the formation, as exhibited in the older language, will be had primarily and especially in view; and the examples will be of forms found there in use.
I. a. The reduplicating syllable is, as elsewhere, composed of a single consonant with following vowel, and, so far as the consonant is concerned, follows the rules for present and perfect reduplication (590); but the vowel is a heavy one, radical a and ṛ (or ar) being reduplicated with ā, an i-vowel by e, and an u-vowel by o.
Examples are: vāvad, bābadh, çāçvas, rārandh; dādṛ, dādhṛ; cekit, tetij, nenī, vevlī; çoçuc, popruth, coṣku, johū.
II. b. The reduplicating syllable has a final consonant, taken from the end of the root. With an exception or two, this consonant is either r (or its substitute l) or a nasal.
Examples are: carcar, calcal, sarsṛ, marmṛj, jarhṛs; can̄kram, jan̄ghan, taṅstan, dandaç (√daṅç or daç), jañjabh (√jambh or jabh), tantas (√taṅs or tas), nannam (√nam), yaṁyam (√yam). The nasal is assimilated to the initial consonant.
c. Only roots having a or ṛ as vowel make this form of reduplication, but with such roots it is more common than either of the other forms.
d. Irregular formations of this class are: with a final other than r or n in the reduplication, badbadh; with a final nasal in the reduplication which is not found in the root, jan̄gah (RV.), jañjap (ÇB.; and jan̄gūyat PB. is perhaps from √gu; the later language has further dandah); with an anomalous initial consonant in reduplication, jarbhur from √bhur (compare the Vedic perfect jabhāra from √bhṛ, 789 b), galgal from √gal; with various treatment of an ṛ or ar-element, dardar and dardir, carkar and carkir, tartar and tartur, carcar and carcur, jargur and jalgul.
e. The roots i and ṛ are the only ones with vowel initial forming an intensive stem: i makes iyāy (? PU., once); ṛ makes the irregular alar or alṛ. As to the stem ī́ya, see below, 1021 b.
III. f. The reduplication is dissyllabic, an i-vowel being added after a final consonant of the reduplicating syllable. This i-vowel is in the older language short before a double consonant, and long before a single.
Examples are: ganīgam (but gánigmatam), varīvṛt, vanīvāh, caniṣkad, saniṣvan; navīnu, davidyut (and the participles dávidhvat but távītuat). A single exception as to the quantity of the i is davidhāva.
g. This method of reduplication is followed in the older language by about thirty roots. Thus, of roots having final or penultimate n (once m), and n in the reduplicating syllable, pan, phan, san, svan, han; gam; krand, çcand, skand, syand; of roots having final or medial ṛ, and r in the, reduplicating syllable, kṛ make, tṛ, bhṛ, vṛ, mṛj, mṛç, vṛj, vṛt, sṛp; also mluc (malimluc); — further, of roots assuming in the reduplication a n not found in the root, only vah (ÇB.: the grammarians allow also kas, pat, pad; and panīpad is quotable later; and AÇS. has canīkhudat, for which TB. reads kánīkhunat); finally, of roots having u or ū as radical vowel, with av before the i-vowel, tu, dhū, nu, dyut.
h. In this class, the general rules as to the form of the reduplicating consonant (590) are violated in the case of ghanīghan and bharībhṛ, and of ganīgam, karīkṛ (but the regular carīkṛ also occurs), kanikrand, and kaniṣkand (but also caniṣkand occurs); also in kanīkhun.
i. The reversion to more original guttural form after the reduplication in cekit, and jan̄ghan and ghanīghan, is in accordance with what takes place elsewhere (2161).
Thus, in the older language, dādr and dardṛ; dādhṛ and dardhṛ; cācal and carcar (and carcur); tartar (and tartur) and tarītṛ; jan̄gam and ganīgam; jan̄ghan and ghanīghan; pamphan and panīphan; marmṛj and marīmṛj; marmṛç and marīmṛç; varvṛt and varīvṛt; jarbhṛ and bharībhṛ; dodhū and davīdhū; nonu and navīnu; bābadh and badbadh.
a. The most marked irregularity is the frequent insertion of an ī between the stem and ending. According to the grammarians, this is allowed in all the strong forms before an ending beginning with a consonant; and before the ī a final vowel has guṇa-strengthening, but a medial one remains unchanged.
a. Neither from this nor from any other root are more than a few scattering forms actually quotable.
| 1. Present Indicative. | |||
|---|---|---|---|
| s. | d. | p. | |
| 1 | वेवेद्मि, वेविदीमि vévedmi, vévidīmi | वेविद्वस् vevidvás | वेविद्मस् vevidmás |
| s. | d. | p. | |
| 2 | वेवेत्सि, वेविदीषि vévetsi, vévidīṣi | वेवित्थस् vevitthás | वेवित्थ vevitthá |
| 3 | वेवेत्ति, वेविदीति vévetti, vévidīti | वेवित्तस् vevittás | वेविदति vévidati |
b. From √हू hū, the singular forms with auxiliary vowel would be जोहवीमि jóhavīmi, जोहवीषि jóhavīṣi, जोहवीति jóhavīti.
b. A single dual form with ī and strong stem occurs: namely, tartarīthas.
c. The middle forms found to occur are: 1st sing., jóguve, nenije; 3d sing., nenikté, sarsṛte; and, with irregular accent, tétikte, dédiṣṭe; with irregular loss of final radical nasal, nánnate; with ending e instead of te, cékite, ján̄gahe, jóguve, yoyuve, bābadhe, and (with irregular accent) badbadhé; 3d du., sarsrāte; 3d pl., dédiçate.
b. Forms with secondary endings are more frequent: thus, 2d sing., jan̄ghanas, jalgulas; 3d sing., jāgarat, cékitat, bobhavat, cárkṛṣat, ján̄ghanat, bárbṛhat, mármṛjat, mármṛçat, parpharat, dardirat, caniṣkadat, davidyutat, saniṣvaṇat; 1st du., jan̄ghanāva; 1st pl., carkirāma, vevidāma; 3d pl., pā́patan, çóçucan, carkiran; and, with double mode-sign, cā́kaçān (AV.). Of the middle are found only 3d persons plural: thus, ján̄ghananta, jarhṛṣanta, marmṛjanta, nonuvanta, çoçucanta.
| s. | d. | p. | |
|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | वेविद्याम् vevidyā́m | वेविद्याव vevidyā́va | वेविद्याम vevidyā́ma |
| etc. | etc. | etc. |
a. The optative is represented by only an example or two in the older language: thus, active, veviṣyāt (AV.), jāgṛyās (KB.), jāgriyāt (AB.), jāgṝyāma (VS. MS.; but jāgriyāma TS.); RV. has only cākanyāt (pft.?); middle, nenijīta (K.).
| s. | d. | p. | |
|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | वेविदानि vévidāni | वेविदाव vévidāva | वेविदाम vévidāma |
| 2 | वेविद्धि veviddhí | वेवित्तम् vevittám | वेवित्त vevittá |
| 3 | वेवित्तु, वेविदीतु vévettu, vévidītu | वेवित्ताम् vevittā́m | वेविदतु vévidatu |
b. Of imperative forms with auxiliary ī, RV. has none; AV. has vāvadītu and johavītu, and such are sometimes found in the Brāhmaṇas; AV. has also, against rule, taṅstanīhi and jan̄ghanīhi; VS. has cākaçīhi.
Examples are: active, cā́kaçat, nā́nadat, cékitat, mémyat, çóçucat, róruvat, dárdrat, mármṛjat, ján̄ghanat, nánnamat, pánīphanat, kánīkradat, dávidyutat; — middle, bā́badhāna, mémyāna, cékitāna, yóyuvāna, rórucāna, járbhurāṇa, sársrāṇa, jañjabhāna, nánnamāna, dándaçāna. No middle participle shows the dissyllabic reduplication.
b. The RV. has once ján̄ghnatas, gen. sing., with root-vowel cast out; kánikrat appears to be used once for kánikradat; if cākát is to be referred to √kā (Grassmann), it is the only example of an intensive from a root in ā, and its accent is anomalous. Marmṛçantas (AB.) is perhaps a false reading; but forms with the nasal irregularly retained are found repeatedly in the epics and later: thus, lelihan, dedīpyantīm (MBh.), jājvalant (MBh. R.), sarīsṛpantāu (BhP.), rāraṭantī (R.).
| s. | d. | p. | |
|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | अवेविदम् ávevidam | अवेविद्व ávevidva | अवेविद्म ávevidma |
| 2 | अवेवेत्, अवेविदीस् ávevet, ávevidīs | अवेवित्तम् ávevittam | अवेवित्त ávevitta |
| 3 | अवेवेत्, अवेविदीत् ávevet, ávevidīt | अवेवित्ताम् ávevittām | अवेविदुस् ávevidus |
a. A final vowel before this ya is treated as before the passive-sign ya (770).
b. The inflection is precisely like that of any other stem ending in a in the middle voice: thus, from √mṛj, intensive stem marmṛj, is made the present indicative marmṛjyé, marmṛjyáse, marmṛjyáte, etc.; optative marmṛjyéya, marmṛjyéthās, marmṛjyéta, etc.; imperative marmṛjyásva, marmṛjyátām, etc.; participle marmṛjyámāna; imperfect ámarmṛjye, ámarmṛjyathās, ámarmṛjyata, etc.; subjunctive forms do not occur.
c. In a very few sporadic cases, these yá-forms are given a passive value: thus, jan̄ghanyamāna in MḍU.; bambhramyate, dādhmāyamāna, pepīyamāna in the later language. And active participles (529 a) are not unknown: thus, dedīpyantīm (MBh.), dodhūyant (MBh. BhP.).
a. In RV., yá-forms are made from eight roots, five of which have also forms of the simpler conjugation; the AV. adds one more; the other earlier texts (so far as observed) about twenty more, and half of them have likewise forms of the simpler conjugation. Thus: from √mṛj, marmṛjyáte etc., and marīmṛjyeta; from √tṛ, tartūryante; from √car, carcūryámāṇa; from √nī, nenīyéran, etc.; from √vī, vevīyate; from √rih, rerihyáte etc.; from vij, vevijyáte; from √sku, coṣkūyáse etc.; from √diç, dediçyate; from √kāç, cākaçyáte etc.; from √vad, vāvadyámāna; from √nam, nannamyadhvam; from √vah, vanīvāhyéta etc. (with lengthened root-vowel, elsewhere unknown); from √krand, kanikradyámāna; from √vṛt, varīvartyámāna (ÇB.: should be varīvṛty-); from √mṛç, amarīmṛçyanta (ÇB.? the text reads amarīmṛtsyanta); from √yup, yoyupyánte etc.; from √nud, anonudyanta; from √vlī, avevlīyanta; from √jabh, jañjabhyáte etc.; from √jap, jañjapyámāna; and so on.
a. No example of an intensive periphrastic perfect has anywhere come to light (except from jāgṛ: 1020 a). A few unmistakable perfect forms are made from the intensively reduplicated root in RV.: namely, davidhāva and nónāva, 3d sing., and nonuvus, 3d pl.; and there occur further dodrāva (TS.), yoyāva and lelā́ya (MS.), and leláya (? ÇB.), all used in the sense of presents. To them may be added jāgara 1st sing. and jāgā́ra 3d sing.: but as to these, see below, 1020 a.
a. Thus, from √vid, intensive stem vevid, would be made the aorist avevidiṣam with precative vevidyāsam, the futures vevidiṣyāmi and veviditāsmi, the participles vevidita, veviditavya, etc., the infinitive veviditum, and the gerunds veviditvā and -vevidya. And, where the intensive conjugation is the derivative middle one, the aorist and futures would take the corresponding middle form.
b. Of all this, in the ancient language, there is hardly a trace. The RV. has cárkṛṣe, 3d sing. mid., of a formation like hiṣe and stuṣé (894 d), and the gerundives vitantasā́yya, and marmṛjénya and vāvṛdhénya; and ÇB. has the participle vanīvāhitá, and the infinitive dédīyitavāí. As to jāgariṣyánt and jāgaritá, see the next paragraph.
a. The root gṛ (or gar) wake has from the first no present-system save one with intensive reduplication; and its intensive stem, jāgṛ, begins early to assume the value of a root, and form a completer conjugation; while by the grammarians this stem is reckoned as if simple and belonging to the root-class, and is inflected throughout accordingly. Those of its forms which occur in the older language have been given along with
the other intensives above. They are, for the present-system, the same with those acknowledged as regular later. The older perfect is like the other intensive perfects found in RV.: namely, jāgara etc., with the participle jāgṛvā́ṅs; and a future jāgariṣyá-, a passive participle jāgaritá, and a gerundive jāgaritavyà, are met with in the Brāhmaṇas. The old aorist (RV.) is the usual reduplicated or so-called causative aorist: thus, ájīgar. The grammarians give it in the later language a perfect with additional reduplication, jajāgāra etc., an iṣ-aorist, ajāgariṣam, with precative jāgaryāsam, and everything else that is needed to make up a complete conjugation. The perf. jajāgāra is quotable from the epics and later, as also the periphrastic jāgarām āsa. And MBh. has the mutilated jāgṛmi, and also a-forms, as jāgarati and jāgramāṇa.
b. The middle stem ī́ya, not infrequent in the oldest language, is often called an intensive of √i go, but without any propriety, as it has no analogy of form whatever with an intensive. The isolated 1st pl. īmahe, common in RV., is of questionable character.
a. Also daridrā, intensive of √drā run, is made by the grammarians a simple root, and furnished with a complete set of conjugational forms: as dadaridrāu; adaridrāsīt, etc. etc. It does not occur in the older language (unless dáridrat TS., for which VS. MS. read dáridra). The so-called root vevī flutter is a pure intensive.
a. The desiderative conjugation, although its forms outside the present-system are extremely rare in the oldest language, is earlier and more fully expanded into a whole verbal system than the intensive. Its forms are also of increasing frequency: much fewer than the intensives in RV., more numerous in the Brāhmaṇas and later; not one third of the whole number of roots (about a hundred) noted as having a desiderative conjugation in Veda and Brāhmaṇa have such in RV.
a. A few instances in the concluding part of ÇB. in which the accent is otherwise laid — thus, tiṣṭhā́set, yiyāsántam, vividiṣánti, īpsántas — must probably be regarded as errors.
a. A final i or u is lengthened before sa: thus, cikṣīṣa, cikīṣa, jigīṣa; çuçrūṣa, juhūṣa, cukṣūṣa.
b. A final ṛ becomes īr or ūr before sa: thus, cikīrṣa, titīrṣa (also irregularly tūtūrṣa RV.), didhīrṣa, sisīrṣa, tistīrṣa (also tustūrṣa), jihīrṣa; bubhūrṣa, mumūrṣa (the only examples quotable).
c. Before iṣa, a final i- or u- or ṛ-vowel necessarily, and a penultimate i or u or ṛ optionally, have the guṇa-strengthening; no examples are quotable from the older texts; later occur çiçayiṣa, çiçariṣa; cikartiṣa, ninartiṣa, mimardiṣa, vivarṣiṣa, çuçobhiṣa; but rurudiṣa.
More special exceptions are:
d. A few roots in ā weaken this vowel to ī or even i: thus, jigīṣa from √gā go; pipīṣa (beside pipāsa) from √pā drink, jihīṣa (AV.) from √hā remove (jihīte: 664); didhiṣa (beside dhitsa) from √dhā.
e. A few roots in an or am lengthen the vowel: thus, jigāṅsa (beside jigamiṣa) from √gam; jighāṅsa from √han; mīmāṅsa from √man; and titāṅsa from √tan.
f. Reversion to guttural form of an initial after the reduplication is seen in cikīṣa from √ci, cikitsa from √cit, jigīṣa from √ji, jighāṅsa from √han; and √hi is said to make jighīṣa (no occurrence).
g. The roots van and san make vivāsa and siṣāsa, from the root-forms vā and sā.
h. The root jīv forms jujyūṣa (ÇB.: jijīviṣa, VS.); and the other roots in īv (765) are required to make the same change before sa, and to have guṇa before iṣa: thus, susyūṣa or siseviṣa from √sīv. Svap forms suṣupsa. Dhūrv forms dudhūrṣa.
i. Initial s is usually left unchanged to ṣ after the reduplication when the desiderative sign has ṣ (184e): thus, sisan̄kṣa (ÇB.: √sañj), and susyūṣa and sisaniṣa, according to the grammarians; but tuṣṭūṣa is met with.
j. Further may be mentioned as prescribed by the grammarians: ninan̄kṣa (or ninaçiṣa) from √nāç be lost; miman̄kṣa from √majj (occurs in miman̄kṣu); mimārjiṣa (or mimṛkṣa) from √mṛj.
a. A few roots have a long vowel in the reduplicating syllable: thus, bībhatsa from √badh or bādh; mīmaṅsa from √man; and tūtūrṣa (RV.) from √tur; dadhiṣu (AV.) and dadan̄kṣu (C.) are probably false forms.
b. From √aç is made (ÇB.) açiçiṣa, and from √edh (VS.) edidhiṣa (with a mode of reduplication like that followed sometimes in the reduplicating aorist: 862). In the older language, these are the only roots with initial vowel which form a desiderative stem, except āp and ṛdh, which have abbreviated stems: see the next paragraph. In the later language occur further eṣiṣiṣa (√iṣ seek) and īcikṣiṣa (√īkṣ); and the grammarians add others, as arjihiṣa (√arh), undidiṣa (√und), ardidhiṣa (√ṛdh).
c. RV. has the stems ínakṣa and íyakṣa, regarded as desideratives from √√naç attain and yaj, with mutilated reduplication.
a. Such abbreviated stems are found in the older language as follows: dhitsa (beside didhiṣa) from √dhā; ditsa (beside didāsa) from √dā; dipsa (dhīpsa JB.) from √dabh; çikṣa from √çak; sīkṣa from √sah: these are found in RV.; in AV. are added īpsa from √āp (RV. has apsa once), and īrtsa from √ṛdh; the other texts furnish lipsa (ÇB.) or līpsa (TB.) from √labh, ripsa (GB.) from √rabh, pitsa (ÇB.) from √pad, and dhīkṣa (ÇB.) from √dah (not √dih, since no roots with i as medial vowel show the contracted form). In the later language are further found pitsa from √pat also, jñīpsa from the causative quasi-root jñap (below, 1042 j), and the anomalous mitsa from √mā measure (allowed also from roots mi and mī); and the grammarians give ritsa from √rādh. Also mokṣa is (very questionably) viewed as a desiderative stem from √muc.
a. It is declared to follow in general, though not without exceptions, necessary or optional, the analogy of the futures (934, 943 a).
b. No example of the use of i is found in RV., and only one each in AV. (pipatiṣa), VS. (jijīviṣa), and TS. (jigamiṣa). The other examples noted in the early texts are açiçiṣa, cikramiṣa, jigrahīṣa (with ī for i, as elsewhere in this root), cicariṣa, edidhiṣa, jijaniṣa, didīkṣiṣa, bibādhiṣa, ruruciṣa, vivadiṣa, vividiṣa, çiçāsiṣa, tiṣṭighiṣa, jihiṅsiṣa: most of them are found only in ÇB. Stems also without the auxiliary vowel are made from roots gam, grab, car, jīv, pat, bādh, vid.
as active model ईप्स īpsa seek to obtain, from √आप् āp obtain; as middle, तितिक्ष titikṣa endure, from √तिज् tij be sharp (see below, 1040).
| 1. Present Indicative. | ||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| active. | middle. | |||||
| s. | d. | p. | s. | d. | p. | |
| 1 | ईप्सामि ī́psāmi | ईप्सावस् ī́psāvas | ईप्सामस् ī́psāmas | तितिक्षे títikṣe | तितिक्षावहे títikṣāvahe | तितिक्षामहे títikṣāmahe |
| etc. | etc. | etc. | etc. | etc. | etc. | |
| 2. Present Subjunctive. | ||||||
| 1 | ईप्सानि ī́psāni | ईप्साव ī́psāva | ईप्साम ī́psāma | तितिक्षै títikṣāi | तितिक्षावहै títikṣāvahāi | तितिक्षामहै títikṣāmahāi |
| etc. | etc. | etc. | etc. | etc. | etc. | |
| 3. Present Optative. | ||||||
| 1 | ईप्सेयम् ī́pseyam | ईप्सेव ī́pseva | ईप्सेम ī́psema | तितिक्षेय títikṣeya | तितिक्षेवहि títikṣevahi | तितिक्षेमहि títikṣemahi |
| etc. | etc. | etc. | etc. | etc. | etc. | |
| 4. Present Imperative. | ||||||
| 2 | ईप्स ī́psa | ईप्सतम् ī́psatam | ईप्सत ī́psata | तितिक्षस्व títikasva | तितिक्षेथाम् títiksetham | तितिक्षध्वम् títiksadhvam |
| etc. | etc. | etc. | etc. | etc. | etc. | |
| 5. Present Participle. | ||||||
| ईप्सन्त् ī́psant (f.ईप्सन्ती ī́psantī) | तितिक्षध्वम् títikṣadhvam | |||||
| 6. Imperfect. | ||||||
| 1 | ऐप्सम् āípsam | ऐप्साव āípsāva | ऐप्साम āípsāma | अतितिक्षे átitikṣe | अतितिक्षावहि átitikṣāvahi | अतितिक्षामहि átitikṣāmahi |
| etc. | etc. | etc. | etc. | etc. | etc. | |
a. There are almost no irregularities of inflection to be reported from the older language. No 1st pl. in masi, or 2d pl. in thana or tana, is met with; of the impv. in tāt, only īpsatāt. The quotable subjunctive forms are those in sāni, sāt and sat, sān, and santa. KBU. has jijñāsīta (cf. 738 b). But the fem. pple síṣāsatī (instead of siṣāsantī) occurs once or twice in the older texts; and RV. has dídhiṣāṇa.
b. In the epics and later are found sporadic forms of the non-a-conjugation
conjugation: thus, sisṛkṣmas (BhP.), titikṣmahe and bubhūṣate 3d pl. (MBb.); and the fem. participles lipsatī and cikīrṣatī (MBh.: against 449 b). The anomalous jighīṅsīyāt occurs also in MBh. and Vas.
b. In the later language, a complete system of verbal forms is allowed to be made in the desiderative conjugation, the desiderative stem, less its final vowel, being treated as a root. Thus:
a. Thus, īpsāṁ cakāra etc.; titikṣāṁ cakre etc. Such forms are made in ÇB. from √√kram, dhūrv, bādh, ruh; and in ChU. from man.
b. Apparent perfect forms of the ordinary kind made from mimikṣ in RV. have been noticed in the preceding paragraph. And AB. (viii. 21. 10) has once didāsitha thou hast desired to give.
a. The AY. has acikitsīs, and īrtsīs (augmentless, with mā́ prohibitive: 579). TB. has āipsīt; ÇB. āírtsīt, ācikīrṣis and ajighāṅsīs, and amīmāṅsiṣṭhās; KB. jijñāsiṣi; JUB. āipsiṣma; and AA. adhitsiṣam. No examples have been found in the later language.
b. A precative is also allowed — thus, īpsyāsam, titikṣiṣīya; but it never occurs.
a. The ÇB. has titikṣiṣyate and didṛkṣitā́ras. Such forms as jijñāsyāmas (MBh.), didhakṣyāmi (R.), and mīmāṅsyant (GGS.) are doubtless presents, with -sya- blunderingly for -sa-.
a. In the older language have been noted: participle in ta, mīmāṅsitá (AV., GB.), jijyūṣita (AB.), çuçrūṣitá and dhīkṣitá (ÇB.); — gerundive in tavya, līpsitavya (AB.), didhyāsitavyá (ÇB.); in ya, jijñāsyà (ÇB.); — gerund in tvā, mīmāṅsitvā (K.).
a. Of these formations in the older language are found mīmāṅsyámāna (doubtless to be read for -sámāna, AV.), lipsyámāna (ÇB.), and rurutsyamāna (K.). Half-a-dozen such passives are quotable later, and one or two causatives: e. g. cikitsyate, vivakṣyate, jijñāsyate; cikīrṣayant, cikitsayiṣyati.
b. For the desiderative conjugation formed on causative stems, which is found as early as the Brāhmaṇas, see below, 1052b.
a. On account of the near relation of desiderative and future (cf. 948 b), the former is occasionally found where the latter was rather to be expected: thus, rājānam prayiyāsantam (ÇB.) a king about to depart; prāṇa uccikramiṣan (ChU.) the breath on the point of expiring; mumūrṣur ivā ’bhavat (H.) he was fain to die.
b. But by no means all conjugation-stems formed by the sign आय áya are of causative value; and the grammarians regard a part of them as constituting a conjugation-class, the tenth or cur-class, according to which roots may be inflected as according to the other classes, and either alone or along with others (775).
c. In RV., the proportion without causative value is fully one third. The formation is a more obviously denominative one than any of the other conjugation-classes, an intermediate between them and the proper denominatives. A causative meaning has established itself in connection with the formation, and become predominant, though not exclusive. A number of roots of late appearance and probably derivative character are included in the class, and some palpable denominatives, which lack only the usual denominative accent (below, 1056).
d. The causative formation is of much more frequent use, and more decidedly expanded into a full conjugation, than either the intensive or the desiderative. It is made from more than three hundred roots in the early language (in RV., from about one hundred and fifty); but in the oldest, its forms outside the present-system are (apart from the attached reduplicated aorist: 1046) exceedingly few.
a. Medial or initial i, u, ṛ, ḷ have the guṇa-strengthening (if capable of it: 240; thus, vedaya from √vid, codaya from √cud, tarpaya from √tṛp; and kalpaya from √kḷp (only example): but cintaya, gulphaya, dṛṅhaya.
b. But a few roots lack the strengthening: these are, in the older language, cit (citaya and cetaya), iṣ, iḷ, riṣ (riṣaya and reṣaya), vip (vipaya and vepaya), tuj, tur, tuṣ (tuṣaya and toṣaya), dyut (dyutaya and dyotaya), ruc (rucaya and rocaya), çuc (çucaya and çocaya), çubh (cubhaya and çobhaya), kṛp, mṛḍ, spṛh; and grabh makes in RV. gṛbhaya. Duṣ and guh lengthen the vowel instead. Mṛj sometimes has vṛddhi, as in other forms: thus, mārjaya (beside marjaya). On the other hand, guṇa appears irregularly (240 b) in srevaya (beside çrīvaya), heḍaya, mekṣaya. Similar irregularities in the later language are giraya, tulaya (also tolaya), churaya (also choraya), muṣaya, sphuraya. No forms without strengthening have a causative value made in the older language.
c. A final vowel has the vṛddhi-strengthening: thus, cāyaya, çāyaya, cyāvaya, bhāvaya, dhāraya, sāraya.
d. But no root in i or ī has vṛddhi in the Veda (unless pāyaya [k, below] comes from pī rather than pā) — as, indeed, regular causatives from such roots are hardly quotable: only RV. has kṣayaya (beside kṣepaya) from √kṣi possess; for a few alternatively permitted forms, see below, 1. In B. and S., however, occur çāyaya and sāyaya (√si or sā); and later -āyaya, cāyaya, smāyaya, ḍāyaya, nāyaya.
e. A few roots have a form also with guṇa-strengthening: thus, cyu, dru, plu, yu separate, çru, pū, stu, sru; jṛ waste away, dṛ pierce, sṛ, smṛ, hṛ; vṛ choose makes varaya later (it is not found in V.: epic also vāraya).
f. A medial or initial a in a light syllable is sometimes lengthened, and sometimes remains unchanged: thus, bhājaya, svāpaya, ādaya; janaya, çrathaya, anaya (but mandaya, valgaya, bhakṣaya).
g. The roots in the older language which keep their short a are jan, pan, svan, dhan, ran, stan, gam (gāmaya once in RV.), tam, dam, raj (usually rañjaya), prath, çrath, çnath, vyath, svad, chad please (also chandaya), nad, dhvas (also dhvaṅsaya), rah, mah (also maṅhaya), nabh (also nambhaya), tvar, svar, hval. In the later language, further, kvaṇ, jvar, trap, day, paṇ, rac, ran ring, vadh, val, vaç, çlath, skhal, sthag. Both forms are made (either in the earlier or in the later language, or in both taken together) by ad, kal, kram, kṣam, khan, ghaṭ, cam, cal, jval, tvar, dal, dhvan, nad, nam, pat, bhram, math, mad, yam, ram, lag, lal, vam, vyadh, çam be quiet, çram, çvas, svap. The roots which lengthen the vowel are decidedly the more numerous.
h. If a nasal is taken in any of the strong forms of a root, it usually appears in the causative stem: e. g. dambhaya, daṅçaya, indhaya,
limpaya, rundhaya, çundhaya, kṛntaya, dṛṅhaya. From a number of roots, stems both with and without the nasal are made: thus (besides those mentioned above, g), kuñcaya and kocaya, granthaya and grathaya, bṛṅhaya and barhaya, bhraṅçaya and bhrāçaya, çundhaya and çodhaya, sañjaya and sajjaya, siñcaya and secaya. In a few of these is seen the influence of present-stems.
i. Most roots in final ā, and the root ṛ, add p before the conjugation-sign: thus, dāpaya, dhāpaya, sthāpaya; arpaya.
j. Such stems are made in the older language from the roots kṣā, khyā, gā sing (also gāyaya), glā, ghrā, jñā, dā give, dā divide, drā run, dhā put and dhā suck, mā measure, mlā, yā, vā blow, sthā, snā, hā remove; the later language adds kṣmā, dhmā, and hā leave. From jñā and snā are found in AV. and later the shortened forms jñapaya and snapaya, and from çrā only çrapaya (not in RV.). Also, in the later language, glā forms glapaya, and mlā forms mlapaya.
k. Stems from ā-roots showing no p are, earlier, gāyaya (also gāpaya) from √gā sing, chāyaya, pāyaya from √pā drink (or pī), pyāyaya from √pyā or pyāy; sāyaya from √sā (or si); also, later, hvāyaya from √hvā (or hū); — and further, from roots vā weave, vyā, and çā (or çi), according to the grammarians.
l. The same p is taken also by a few i- and ī-roots, with other accompanying irregularities: thus, in the older language, kṣepaya (RV., beside kṣayaya) from √kṣi possess; jāpaya (VS. and later) from √ji; lāpaya (TB. and later; later also lāyaya) from √lī cling; çrāpaya (VS., once) from √çri; adhyāpaya (S. and later) from adhi+√i; — in the later, kṣapaya (beside kṣayaya) from √kṣi destroy; māpaya from √mī; smāpaya (beside smāyaya) from √smi; hrepaya from √hrī; — and the grammarians make further krāpaya from √krī; cāpaya (beside cāyaya) from √ci gather; bhāpaya (beside bhāyaya and bhīṣaya) from √bhī; repaya from √rī, and vlepaya from √vlī. Moreover, √ruh makes ropaya (B. and later) beside rohaya (V. and later), and √knū makes knopáya (late).
m. More anomalous cases, in which the so-called causative is palpably the denominative of a derived noun, are: pālaya from √pā protect; prīṇaya from √prī; līnaya (according to grammarians) from √lī; dhūnaya (not causative in sense) from √dhū; bhīṣaya from √bhī; ghātaya from √han; sphāvaya from √sphā or sphāy.
n. In the Prakrit, the causative stem is made from all roots by the addition of (the equivalent of) āpaya; and a number (about a dozen) of like formations are quotable from Sanskrit texts, mostly of the latest period; but three, krīḍāpaya, jīvāpaya, and dīkṣāpaya, occur in the epics; and two, açāpaya and kṣālāpaya, even in the Sutras.
stems in अ a (733 a): it will be sufficient to give here in general the first persons of the different formations, taking
as model the stem धारय dhāráya, from √धृ dhṛ. Thus:
| active. | |||
|---|---|---|---|
| s. | d. | p. | |
| 1 | धारयामि dhāráyāmi | धारयावस् dhāráyāvas | धारयामस् dhāráyāmas |
| etc. | etc. | etc. | |
| middle. | |||
| s. | d. | p. | |
| 1 | धारये dhāráye | धारयावहे dhāráyāvahe | धारयामहे dhāráyāmahe |
| etc. | etc. | etc. | |
a. The 1st pl. act. in masi greatly outnumbers (as ten to one) that in mas in both RV. and AV. No example occurs of 2d pl. act. in thana, nor of 3d sing. mid. in e for ate.
For the subjunctive may be instanced all the forms noted as
occurring in the older language:
| active. | |||
|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | dhāráyāṇi | dhāráyāva | dhāráyāma |
| 2 | dhāráyāsi dhāráyās | dhāráyāthas | dhāráyātha |
| 3 | dhāráyāti dhāráyāt | dhāráyātas | dhāráyān |
| middle. | |||
| 1 | dhāráyāi | dhāráyāvahāi | |
| 2 | dhāráyāse | dhāráyādhve dhāráyādhvāi | |
| 3 | dhāráyāte dhāráyātāi | dhāráyāite | |
b. Only one dual mid. form in āite occurs: mādáyāite (RV.). The only RV. mid. form in āi, except in 1st du., is mādayādhvāi. The primary endings in 2d and 3d sing. act. are more common than the secondary.
| active. | |||
|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | घारयेयम् dhāráyeyam | धारयेव dhāráyeva | धारयेम dhāráyema |
| etc. | etc. | etc. | |
| middle. | |||
|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | धारयेय dhāráyeya | धारयेवहि dhāráyevahi | धारयेमहि dhāráyemahi |
| etc. | etc. | etc. | |
c. Optative forms are very rare in the oldest language (four in RV., two in AV.); they become more common in the Brāhmaṇas. A 3d sing. mid. in īta instead of eta (cf. 738 b) occurs once in B. (kāmayīta AB.), is not very rare in S. (a score or two of examples are quotable), and is also found in MBh. and later. Of a corresponding 3d pl. in īran only one or two instances can be pointed out (kāmayīran AÇS., kalpayīran AGS.).
| active. | |||
|---|---|---|---|
| 2 | धारय dhāráya | धारयतम् dhāráyatam | धारयत dhāráyata |
| etc. | etc. | etc. | |
| middle. | |||
| 2 | धारयस्व dhāráyasva | धारयेथाम् dhāráyethām | धारयध्वम् dhāráyadhvam |
| etc. | etc. | etc. | |
d. Imperative persons with the ending tāt occur: dhārayatāt (AV.) and cyāvayatāt (ÇB.) are 2d sing.; pātayatāt (ÇB.) is 3d sing.; gamayatāt and cyāvayatāt (K. etc.), and vārayatāt (TB.) are used as 2d pl. Vārayadhvāt (K. etc.) is 2d pl., and the only known example of such an ending (see above, 549 b).
| active. | middle. |
|---|---|
| धारयन्त् dhāráyant | धारयमाण dhāráyamāṇa |
e. The feminine of the active participle is regularly and usually made in antī (449 c). But a very few examples in atī are met with (one in the older language: namayatī Āpast.).
f. The middle participle in māna is made through the whole history of the language, from RV. (only yātáyamāna) down, and is the only one met with in the earlier language (for ī́rayānas [sic !], MS. ii. 7. 12, is evidently a false reading, perhaps for írayā nas). But decidedly more common in the epics and later is one formed with āna: e. g. kāmayāna, cintayāna, pālayāna, vedayāna. It is quotable from a larger number of roots than is the more regular participle in māna. As it occurs in no accentuated text, its accent cannot be given.
| active. | |||
|---|---|---|---|
| 1. | अधारयम् ádhārayam | अधारयाव ádhārayāva | अघारयाम ádhārayāma |
| etc. | etc. | etc | |
| middle. | |||
| 1 | अधारये ádhāraye | अधारयावहि ádhārayāvahi | अधारयामहि ádhārayāmahi |
| etc. | etc. | etc. | |
धारयां चकार dhārayā́ṁ cakāra (or āsa: 1070 b)
धारयां चक्रे dhārayā́ṁ cakre
a. Of this perfect no example occurs in RV. or SV. or VS., only one — gamayā́ṁ cakāra — in AV., and but half-a-dozen in all the various texts of the Black Yajur-Veda, and these not in the mantra-parts of the text. They are also by no means frequent in the Brāhmaṇas, except in ÇB. (where they abound: chiefly, perhaps, for the reason that this work uses in considerable part the perfect instead of the imperfect as its narrative tense).
a. It has been already fully described (above, 856 ff.).
b. Its association with the causative is probably founded on an
original intensive character belonging to it as a reduplicated form, and is a matter of gradual growth; in the Veda it is made from a
considerable number of roots (in RV., more than a third of its instances; in AV., about a fifth) which have no causative stem in aya.
c. The causative aorist of √धृ dhṛ, then, is as follows:
| active. | |||
|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | अदीधरम् ádīdharam | अदीधराव ádīdharāva | अदीधराम ádīdharāma |
| etc. | etc. | etc. | |
| middle. | |||
| 1 | अदीधरे ádīdhare | अदीधरावहि ádīdharāvahi | अदीधरामहि ádīdharāmahi |
| etc. | etc. | etc. | |
An example was inflected in full at 864.
| active. | middle. |
|---|---|
| धार्यासम् dhāryāsam etc. | धारयिषीय dhārayiṣīya etc. |
This formation is to be regarded as purely fictitious.
| active. | middle. |
|---|---|
| धारयिष्यामि dhārayiṣyā́mi etc. | धारयिष्ये dhārayiṣyé etc. |
| धारयिष्यन्त् dhārayiṣyánt | धारयिष्यमाण dhārayiṣyámāṇa |
| active. | middle. |
|---|---|
| अधारयिष्यम् ádhārayiṣyam etc. | अधारयिष्ये ádhārayiṣye etc. |
| धारयितास्मि dhārayitā́smi etc. |
a. It has been mentioned above that RV. and AV. contain only two
examples each of the s-future, and none of the periphrastic. The former begin to appear in the Brāhmaṇas more numerously, but still sparingly, with participles, and conditional (only adhārayiṣyat ÇB.; alāpayiṣyathās ChU.); of the latter, ÇB. affords two instances (pārayitā́smi and janayitā́si). Examples of both formations are quotable from the later language (including the middle form darçayitāhe: 947 c).
a. To the latter class belong the passive participle, as dhārita; the gerundive and gerund in ya, as dhārya, -dhārya; and the gerund in am, as dhāram; also, in the older language, the root-infinitive, as -dhāram etc. (970 a). To the former class belong the infinitive and the gerund in tvā, as dhārayitum, dhārayitvā, and the gerundive in tavya, as dhārayitavya (also, in the older language, the infinitives in tavāi and dhyāi, as jánayitavāí, īrayádhyāi, etc.). The auxiliary i is taken in every formation which ever admits that vowel.
b. Examples of the passive participle are īritá, vāsita, çrāvitá. But from the quasi-root jñap (1042 j) is made jñapta, without union-vowel.
c. Examples of the infinitive and gerund in tvā are jóṣayitum, dhā́rayitum; kalpayitvā́, arpayitvā́. But in the epics, and even later, infinitives are occasionally made with loss of the causative-sign: e. g. çeṣitum, bhāvitum, dhāritum, mocitum.
d. Examples of the gerunds in ya and am are -bhā́jya, -ghārya, -pādya, -vāsya, nāyya, -sthāpya; -bhā́jam, -sthāpam. But stems showing in the root-syllable no difference from the root retain ay of the causative-sign in the gerund, to distinguish it from that belonging to the primary conjugation: e. g. -kramáyya, -gamáyya, -janáyya, -jvaláyya, -kalayya, -çamayya, -racayya, -āpayya.
e. Examples of the gerundive in tavya are tarpayitavyà, gamayitavya, hvāyayitavya; of that in ya, sthā́pya, hā́rya, yājya; of that in anīya, sthāpanīya, bhāvanīya.
f. Examples of other formations occurring in the older language are as follows: root-infinitive, -sthāpam, -vāsas; — infinitive in tu, other cases than accusative, -janayitave; jánayitavāí, pā́yayitavāí, -çcotayitavāí; çámayitos; — infinitive in dhyāi, iṣayádhyāi, īrayádhyāi, taṅsayádhyāi, nāçayádhyāi, mandayádhyāi, mādayádhyāi, riṣayádhyāi, vartayádhyāi, vājayádhyāi, syandayádhyāi (all RV.); — gerundive in āyya, panayā́yya, spṛhayā́yya, trayayā́yya (? √trā).
g. Other noun-derivatives from the causative stem are not infrequent, being decidedly more numerous and various than from any other of the secondary conjugation-stems. Examples (of other kinds than those instanced in 1044) are: árpaṇa, dāpana, prīṇana, bhī́ṣaṇa; jñāpaka, ropaka; patayālú, spṛhayālu; jánayati, jñapti.
h. All the classes of derivatives, it will be noticed, follow in regard to accent the analogy of similar formations from the simple root, and show no influence of the special accent of the causative-stem.
a. The passive-stem is formed by adding the usual passive-sign य yá to the causatively strengthened root, the causative-sign being dropped: thus, धार्यते dhāryáte.
b. Such passives are hardly found in the Veda (only bhājyá- AV.), but some thirty instances are met with in the Brāhmaṇas and Sūtras: examples are jñapyá- (TS.), sādya- (K.), pādya- (AB.), vādya- (TB.), sthāpya- (GB.); and they become quite common later.
c. The desiderative stem is made by reduplication and addition of the sign इष iṣa, of which the initial vowel replaces the final of the causative stem: thus, दिधारयिषति dīdhārayiṣati.
d. These, too, are found here and there in the Brāhmaṇas and later (about forty stems are quotable): examples are pipāyayiṣa (K.), bibhāvayiṣa and cikalpayiṣa and lulobhayiṣa (AB.), dídrāpayiṣa and rirādhayiṣa and āpipayiṣa (ÇB.), and so on.
e. As to causatives made from the intensive and desiderative stems, see above, 1025, 1039.
a. It is a view now prevailingly held that most of the present-systems of the Sanskrit verb, along with other formations analogous with a
present-system, are in their ultimate origin denominative; and that many apparent roots are of the same character. The denominatives which are so called differ from these only in that their origin is recent and undisguised.
a. But such formations are rare in actual use. The RV. has a few isolated and doubtful examples, the clearest of which is bhiṣákti he heals, from bhiṣáj physician; it is made like a form of the root-class; abhiṣṇak seems to be its imperfect according to the nasal class; and pátyate he rules appears to be a denominative of páti master; other possible cases are iṣaṇas etc., kṛpáṇanta, taruṣema etc., vanuṣanta, bhurajanta, vánanvati. From the other older texts are quotable kavyánt (TS.), áçlonat (TB.), unmūlati (ṢB.), svadhāmahe (ÇÇS.). And a considerable number of instances, mostly isolated, are found in the later language: e. g. kalahant (MBh.), arghanti (Pañç.), abjati (Çatr.), gardabhati (SD.), utkaṇṭhate (SD.), jagannetrati (Pras.), keliçvetasahasrapattrati (Pras.).
a. The identity of this ya with the ya of the so-called causative conjugation, as making with the final a of a noun-stem the causative-sign aya, is hardly to be questioned. What relation it sustains to the ya of the ya-class (759), of the passive (768), and of the derivative intensive stem (1016), is much more doubtful.
a. They are frequent in RV., which contains over a hundred, of all varieties; AV. has only half as many (and personal forms from hardly a third as many: from the rest, present participles, or derivative nouns); AB., less than twenty; ÇB., hardly more than a dozen; and so on. In the later language they are quotable by hundreds, but from the vast majority of stems occur only an example or two; the only ones that have won any currency are those that have assumed the character of "cur-class" verbs.
a. The modes of treatment of the stem-final are also various; and the grammarians make a certain more or less definite assignment of the varieties of meaning to the varieties of form; but this allotment finds only a dubious support in the usages of the words as met with even in the later language, and still less in the earlier. Hence the formal classification, according to the final of the noun-stem and the way in which this is treated before the denominative sign yá, will be the best one to follow.
b. But final a is also often lengthened: thus, aghāyáti plans mischief; priyāyáte holds dear; açvāyáti seeks for horses; açanāyáti desires food.
c. While in the Veda the various modes of denominative formation are well distributed, no one showing a marked preponderance, in the later language the vast majority of denominatives (fully seven eighths) are of the two kinds just noticed: namely, made from a-stems, and of the form aya or āya, the former predominating. And there is seen a decided tendency to give the denominatives in aya an active form and transitive meaning, and those in āya a middle form and intransitive or reflexive meaning. In not a few cases, parallel formations from the same stem illustrate this distinction: e. g. kaluṣayati makes turbid, kaluṣāyate is or becomes turbid; taruṇayati rejuvenates, taruṇāyate is rejuvenated; çithilayati loosens, çithilāyate grows loose. No distinct traces of this distinction are
recognizable in the Veda, although there also corresponding forms with short a and with long ā sometimes stand side by side.
d. Final a is sometimes changed to ī (very rarely i): thus, adhvarīyáti performs the sacrifice; taviṣīyáti is mighty; putrīyáti or putriyáti desires a son; māṅsīyáti craves flesh; sajjīyate is ready; candrakāntiīati is moonstonelike. Not fifty stems of this form are quotable.
e. It is occasionally dropped (after n or r): thus, turaṇyáti is rapid; adhvaryáti performs the sacrifice.
f. Other modes of treatment are sporadic: thus, the addition of s, as in stanasyati seeks the breast; the change of a to e, as in vareyáti plays the wooer.
a. More rarely, i or u is treated as a (or else is gunated, with loss of a y or v): thus, dhunayáti comes snorting; laghayati makes easier. Sometimes, as to a (above, 1059f), a sibilant is added: thus, aviṣyáti is vehement; uruṣyáti saves. From dhī, RV. makes dhiyāyáte.
b. The diphthongs, in the few cases that occur, have their final element changed to a semivowel: thus, gavyáti seeks cattle, goes a-raiding.
a. But a final n is sometimes dropped, and the preceding vowel treated as a final: thus, rājāyáte or rājīyáti is kingly, from rājan; -karmayati from -karman; svāmīyati treats as master, from svāmin: vṛṣāyáte from vṛṣan is the only example quotable from the older language. Sporadic cases occur of other final consonants similarly treated: thus, ojāyáte from ojas, -manāyate from -manas; — while, on the other hand, an a-vowel is occasionally added to such a consonant before ya: thus, iṣayáti from iṣ, satvanāyati from satvan.
— or even, with a also added after an i- or u- vowel, asya; and this comes to be recognized by the grammarians as an independent sign, forming denominatives that express desire: thus, sumakhasyáte is merry; jīvanasya- (in -syā́ love of life); vṛṣasyati desires the male (the only quotable examples); madhuṣyati or madhvasyati longs for honey; kṣīrasyati craves milk.
a. Stems of anomalous formation are drāghaya from dīrgha, draḍhaya from dṛḍha, and perhaps mradaya from mṛdu.
b. Having still more that aspect, however, are a Vedic group of stems in āya, which in general have allied themselves to present-systems of the nā-class (732), and are found alongside the forms of that class: thus, gṛbhāyáti beside gṛbhṇāti. Of such, RV. has gṛbhāyá, mathāyá, pruṣāyá, muṣāyá, çrathāya, skabhāyá, stabhāyá. A few others have no nā-class companions: thus, damāyá, çamāyá, tudāyá (AV.); and panāya, naçāya, vṛṣāya (√vṛṣ rain), vasāyá (√vas clothe), and perhaps açāya (√āç attain).
c. Here may be mentioned also quasi-denominatives made from onomatopoetic combinations of sounds, generally with repetition: e. g. kiṭakiṭāya, thatathatarāya, miṣamiṣāya, çaraçarāya.
a. The accent of ánniya and hástaya (RV.) is wholly anomalous.
that system — except from the stems which are reckoned to the causative or cur-class, and which follow in all respects the rules for that class — are of the utmost rarity.
a. In RV. occurs no form not belonging to the present-system, except ūnayīs (with mā́ prohibitive), an iṣ-aorist 2d sing. (cf. 1048). Further examples of this aorist are āsūyīt (ÇB.), pāpayiṣṭa (TS.: pl., with mā́ prohibitive), and avṛṣāyiṣata (VS. etc.). The form ásaparyāit (AV. xiv. 2. 20), with āi for ī (555 c), might be aorist; but, as the metre shows, is probably a corrupt reading; amanasyāit, certainly imperfect, appears to occur in TB. (ii. 3. 83). Other forms begin to appear in the Brāhmaṇas: e. g. the futures gopāyiṣyati (ÇB.), meghāyiṣyánt, kaṇḍūyiṣyánt, çīkāyiṣyánt (TS.), the participles bhiṣajyitá (? JB. -jita) and iyasitá (ÇB.), kaṇḍūyitá, çīkitá, and meghitá (TS.), the gerund saṁçlákṣṇya (ÇB.), and so on. In the later language, also, forms outside the present-system (except the participle in ta) are only sporadic; and of tertiary conjugation forms there are hardly any: examples are the causatives dhūmāyaya and asūyaya (MBh.), and the desiderative abhiṣiṣenayiṣa (Çiç.).
b. Noun-derivatives from denominative stems follow the analogy of those from causative stems (1051 g). In the older language, those in u and ā (especially the former) are much the most numerous; later, that in ana prevails over all others.
By far the most important other formation of the class is —
a. It is made by prefixing the accusative of a derivative noun-stem in आ ā́ (accented) to the perfect tense of an auxiliary verb: namely, of √कृ kṛ make, more often of √अस् as be, and very rarely of √भू bhū be.
b. In the older language (see below, 1073d), kṛ is almost the only auxiliary used in making this tense, as occurring very few times, and bhū never. Later, also, bhū is quite rare (it is found nine times in MBh., six times in Rgh., and a few times elsewhere), but as gains very greatly in currency, having become the usual auxiliary, while kṛ is only exceptional.
c. Somewhat similar formations with yet other auxiliaries are not absolutely unknown in the later language: thus, varayām pracakramus (MBh.), pūrayām (etc.) vyadhus (Viracaritra), mṛgayām avāsit (ib.).
a. It is the accepted perfect of the derivative conjugations: intensive, desiderative, causative, and denominative; the noun in आ ā́ being made from the present-stem which is the general basis of each conjugation: thus, from √बुध् budh, intensive बोबुधाम् bobudhā́m, desiderative बुभुत्साम् bubhutsā́m, causative बोधयाम् bodhayā́m; denominative मन्त्रयाम् mantrayā́m.
b. The formation from causative stems (including those denominatives which have assumed the aspect of causatives: 1056) is by far the most frequent. Only a few desideratives are quotable (1034 a), and of intensives only jāgarām āsa (1020 a; beside jajāgāra).
c. Most roots beginning with a vowel in a heavy syllable (long by nature or long by position) make this perfect only, and not the simple one: thus, आसाम् āsā́m from √आस् ās sit, ईक्षाम् īkṣā́m from √ईक्ष īkṣ see; उज्झाम् ujjhām from √उझ् ujh forsake; एधाम् edhām from √एध् edh thrive (the only examples quotable).
d. Excepted are the roots āp and āñch, and those beginning with a before two consonants (and taking ān as reduplication: 788).
e. The roots (that is, stems reckoned by the grammarians as roots) of more than one syllable have their perfect of this formation: thus, cakāsā́m. But ūrṇu (713) is said to form ūrṇonāva only; while jāgṛ (1020) makes a perfect of either formation, and daridrā (1024 a) is said to do the same.
f. A few other roots make the periphrastic in addition to the usual reduplicated perfect. Thus, in the older language only are found the stems cāyām, tāyām, nilsyām, vāsām (√vas dwell), vidām (√vid know), vyayām, and the reduplicated stems bibhayām and juhavām; the later language adds ayām, jayām, dayām, nayām, smayām, hvayām, and the reduplicated bibharām; and the grammarians teach like formations from uṣ, kās, and the reduplicating hrī. The stem is made in every case from the present-stem, with guṇa of a final vowel.
a. One or two late examples of bhū with middle inflection have been pointed out, but none of as.
b. It is unnecessary to give a paradigm of this formation, as the inflection of the auxiliaries is the same as in their independent use: for that of √kṛ, see 800 k; of √bhū, see 800 d; of √as, see 800m.
c. The connection of the noun and auxiliary is not so close that other words are not occasionally allowed to come between them: thus, mīmāṅsā́m evá cakré (ÇB.) he merely speculated; vidāṁ vā idam ayaṁ cakāra (JB.) he verily knew this; prabhraṅçayāṁ yo naghuṣaṁ cakāra who made Naghusha fall headlong (Rgh.).
a. Of the periphrastic perfect occurs only a single example in the whole body of Vedic texts (metrical): namely, gamayā́ṁ cakāra (AV.). In the Brāhmaṇas examples from causative stems begin to appear more freely, but are everywhere few in number, except in ÇB. (which has them from twenty-four roots, and a few of these in several occurrences). From desiderative stems they are yet rarer (only seven occurrences, five of them in ÇB.: see 1034 a); and from intensives they are unknown. The periphrastic perfects of primary conjugation were noted above (1071 f: in ÇB.,
eight stems and about eighty occurrences, chiefly from īkṣ, bhī, and vid; that from vid is found in the greatest number of texts).
b. Forms with the aorist of the auxiliary are in the oldest Brāhmaṇas as numerous as those with the perfect. Thus, with akar occur ramayām (K.), janayā́m and sādayā́m and svadayā́m and sthāpayā́m (MS.); and with akran, vidā́m (TS. TB. MS.). With the aorist optative or precative has been found only pāvayā́ṁ kriyāt (MS.).
c. Like combinations with other tenses are not entirely unknown: thus, juhavāṁ karoti (ÇÇS.). So also in the later language, where have been found quotable half-a-dozen such cases as vidāṁ karoti (Pañc.), vidāṁ karotu and kurvantu (Pañc. etc.).
d. Only two or three cases of the use of as instead of kṛ as auxiliary are met with in the older language: they are mantrayām āsa (AB. GB.), janayām āsa (ÇvU.), and īkṣām āsa (ÇÇS.).
e. A single example of an accented auxiliary is met with in the accentuated texts: namely, atirecayā́ṁ cakrús (ÇB.). As was to be expected, from the nature of the combination, the noun also retains its accent (compare 945).
a. They occur even in the Veda, but are far more common and conspicuous in the Brāhmaṇas, and become again of minor account in the later language.
a. A (usually present) participle with the tenses of the verb i go. This is the combination, on the whole, of widest and most frequent occurrence. Thus: áyajvano vibhájann éti védaḥ (RV.) he ever gives away the wealth of the non-offerer; yathā sūcyā vāsaḥ saṁdadhad iyād evam evāi ’tābhir yajñasya chidraṁ saṁdadhad eti (AB.) just as one would mend [habitually] a garment with a needle, so with these one mends any defect of the sacrifice; agnir vā idaṁ vāiçvānaro dahann āit (PB.) Agni Vaiçvānara kept burning this creation; té ‘surāḥ párājitā yánto dyā́vāpṛthivī́ úpāçrayan (TB.) those Asuras, getting beaten, took refuge with heaven and earth; tè ‘sya gṛhā́ḥ paçáva upamūryámāṇā īyuḥ (ÇB.) the animals, his family, would be continually destroyed.
b. The same with the verb car go (continually or habitually), signifying still more distinctly than the preceding a continued or habitual action. Thus: agnā́v agníç carati práviṣṭaḥ (AV.) Agni is constantly present in the fire; adaṇdyaṁ daṇḍena ghnantaç caranti (PB.) they make a practice of beating with a rod what is undeserving of punishment.
c. The same with the verbs ās sit and sthā stand, with a like meaning. Thus, juhvata āsate (K.) they continue sacrificing; te ‘pakramya prativāvadato ‘tiṣṭhan (AB.) they, having gone off, kept vehemently refusing. In the later language, sthā is the verb oftenest used, with predicates of various kind, to make a verbal phrase of continuance.
d. A present or future or perfect participle with as and bhū be. The participle is oftenest a future one; as only is used in the optative, bhū usually in other forms. Thus: yaḥ pūrvam anījānaḥ syāt (AB.) whoever may not have made sacrifice before; samāvad eva yajñe kurvāṇā āsan (GB.) they did the same thing at the sacrifice; parikrī́ḍanta āsan (MS.) they were playing about; yátra suptvā́ púnar nā̀ ’vadrāsyán bhávati (ÇB.) when, after sleeping, he is not going to fall asleep again; havyaṁ hi vakṣyan bhavati (AB.) for he is intending to carry the sacrifice; dāsyant syāt (K.) may be going to give; yéna vā́hanena syantsyánt syā́t (ÇB.) with what vehicle he may be about to drive. True expressions for perfect and pluperfect and future perfect time are capable of being made by such means, and now and then are made, but in no regular and continued fashion.
a. Practically, in the later language, it is as if a compounded root were formed, out of root and prefix, from which then the whole conjugation (with derivatives: below, chap. XVII.) is made, just as from the simple root. Yet, even there (and still more in the older language: 1081 a–c), the combination is so loose, and the members retain so much of their independent value, that in most dictionaries (that of Sir Monier Williams is an exception) the conjugation of each root with prefixes is treated under the simple root, and not in the alphabetic order of the prefix. Derivative words, however,
are by universal agreement given in their independent alphabetic place, like simple words.
अति áti across, beyond, past, over, to excess;
अधि ádhi above, over, on, on to;
अनु ánu after, along, toward;
अन्तर् antár between, among, within;
अप ápa away, forth, off;
अपि ápi unto, close upon or on;
अभि abhi to, unto, against (often with implied violence);
अव áva down, of;
आ ā́ to, unto, at;
उद् úd up, up forth or out;
उप úpa to, unto, toward;
नि ní down; in, into;
निस् nís out, forth;
परा párā to a distance, away, forth;
परि pári round about, around;
प्र prá forward, onward, forth, fore;
प्रति práti in reversed direction, back to or against, against, in return;
वि ví apart, asunder, away, out;
सम् sám along, with, together.
a. Some of these, of course, are used much more widely and frequently than others. In order of frequency in the older language (as estimated by the number of roots with which they are found used in RV. and AV.), they stand as follows: pra, ā, vi, sam, abhi, ni, ud, pari, anu, upa, prati, ava, nis, ati, apa, parā, adhi, api, antar. Api is of very limited use as prefix in the later language, having become a conjunction, too, also.
b. The meanings given above are only the leading ones. In combinations of root and prefix they undergo much modification, both literal and figurative — yet seldom in such a way that the steps of transition from the fundamental sense are not easy to trace. Sometimes, indeed, the value of a
root is hardly perceptibly modified by the addition of the prefix. An intensive force is not infrequently given by pari, vi, and sam.
ácha (or áchā) to, unto: tolerably frequent in RV. (used with over twenty roots), but already unusual in AV. (only two roots), quite restricted in B., and entirely lost in the later language;
āvís forth to sight, in view: used only with the roots bhū, as, and kṛ;
tirás through, crossways; out of sight: hardly used except with kṛ, dhā, bhū (in RV., with three or four others);
purás in front, forward: used with only half-a-dozen roots, especially kṛ, dhā, i;
prādús forth to view: only with bhū, as, kṛ.
a. A few others, as bahis outside, vinā without, alam (with bhū and kṛ) sufficiently, properly, sākṣāt in view, are still less removed from ordinary adverbs.
çrad (or çrath?), only with dhā (in RV., once also with kṛ): çraddhā believe, credit;
hin̄, only with kṛ (and obsolete in the classical language): hin̄kṛ make the sound, hing low, murmur.
a. And beside these stand yet more fortuitous combinations: see below, 1091.
a. The very rare cases of apparent prefixion of ā to another prefix (as āvihanti MBh., āvitanvānāḥ BhP.) are perhaps best explained as having the ā used independently, as an adverb.
a. In the earlier language, however (especially in the Veda; in the Brāhmaṇa less often and more restrictedly), its position is quite
free: it may be separated from the verb by another word or words, and may even come after the form to which it belongs; it may also stand alone, qualifying a verb that is understood, or conjointly with another prefix one that is expressed.
b. Thus, sá devā́ṅ é ’há vakṣyati (RV.) he shall bring the gods hither; prá ṇa ā́yūṅṣi tāriṣat (AV.) may he lengthen out our lives; tā́v ā́ yātam úpa dravát (RV.) do ye two come hither quickly; gámad vā́jebhir ā́ sá naḥ (RV.) may he come with gifts hither to us; pári mā́m pári me prajā́m pári ṇaḥ pāhi yád dhánam (AV.) protect me, my progeny, and what wealth we own; yátaḥ sadyá ā́ ca párā ca yánti (AV.) from whence every day they advance and retire; vy àháṁ sárveṇa pāpmánā [avṛtam] ví yákṣmeṇa sám ā́yuṣā (AV.) I have separated from all evil, from disease, [I have joined myself] with life; vi hy enena paçyati (AB.) for by it he sees; ví vā́ eṣá prajáyā paçúbhir ṛdhyate (TB.) he is deprived of progeny and cattle.
c. Three or four instances have been cited from the later language of a prefix separated from, or following, a verb; perhaps the prefix in every such case admits of being regarded as an adverb.
b. If, however, the verb-form is accented, the prefix or prefixes lose their accent.
c. That is, in every case, the verb along with its normally situated prefix or prefixes so far constitutes a unity that the whole combination is allowed to take but a single accent.
d. Examples are: páre ’hi nāri púnar é ’hi kṣiprám (AV.) go away, woman; come again quickly; áthā́ ’staṁ vipáretana (RV.) then scatter ye away to your home; samā́cinuṣvā ’nusampráyāhi (AV.) gather together, go forth together after; yád gṛhā́n upodāíti (AV.) when he goes up to the house; evā́ ca tvám sarama ājagántha (RV.) now that you, Saramā, have thus come hither; yénā́ ”viṣṭitaḥ pravivéçithā ’páḥ (RV.) enveloped in which thou didst enter the waters.
a. There is in RV. a considerable number of cases (some thirty) in which the pada-text gives unnecessarily, and probably wrongly, an independent accent to a prefix before an accented verb (or other prefix): resolving, for example, ā́rūhat into ā́ áruhat, vyácet into ví ácet, abhyávarṣīt into abhí ávarṣīt, vyā́sarat into ví ā́ asarat (instead of ā-áruhat etc.).
a. with the passive participle in ta or na: thus, páreta gone forth; antárhita concealed; ávapanna fallen; sámpūrṇa complete (cf. 1284).
b. But some exceptions to this rule are met with: e. g., in RV., nicitá, niṣkṛtá, praçastá, niṣattá, etc.; in AV., apakrītá.
c. with the infinitive in tu (972), in all its cases: thus, sáṁhartum to collect; ápidhātave to cover up; ávagantos of descending. The doubly accented dative in tavāí retains its final accent, but throws the other back upon the prefix: thus, ánvetavāí for following; ápabhartavāí for carrying off.
a. In the later language, api, adhi, and ava, in connection with certain roots and their derivatives, sometimes lose the initial vowel: namely, api with nah and dhā, adhi with sthā, ava with gāh etc.: e. g. pinaddha, pihita, dhiṣṭhita, vagāhya, vataṅsa, vadānya, vaṣṭabhya, vamajjana, vekṣaṇa, valepana. In the Veda, on the other hand, iṣ is in a few cases found instead (apparently) of nis with √kṛ.
b. The final vowel of a prefix, especially an i, is (oftenest in the older language) sometimes lengthened, especially in derivative words: e. g. pratīkāra, nīvṛt, parīhāra, vīrúdh, adhīvāsá, ápīvṛta, abhīvartá; anūrúdh; avāyatī́, prāvṛ́ṣ, úpāvasu. In the Veda, the initial of anu is sometimes lengthened after negative an: e. g. anānudá, anānukṛtyá.
c. In combination with √i go, the prefixes parā, pari, and pra sometimes change their r to l. In this way is formed a kind of derivative stem palāy flee, inflected according to the a-class, in middle voice, which is not uncommon from the Brāhmaṇas down, and has so lost the consciousness of its origin that it sometimes takes the augment prefixed: thus, apalāyiṣṭhās (ÇÇS.), apalāyata (R.), apalāyanta (MBh.); it makes
the periphrastic perfect palāyāṁ cakre. The stem palyay, similarly inflected, occurs only in one or two texts (ÇB. JB. JUB.); and plāy has been found nowhere except in MS. Also the imperfect nílāyata (TS. TB.: not separated in the pada-text) and perfect nilayā́ṁ cakre (ÇB.) are doubtless a corresponding formation from √i with nis, though nearly akin in form and meaning with forms from √lī+ni. So also pari becomes pali in the combination palyan̄g (ÇB. ÇÇS.), whether viewed as a denominative formation or as √an̄g+pari. And MS. has once plā́kṣārayan (iii. 10. 2; in an etymology).
d. The root kṛ make sometimes assumes (or retains from a more original condition) an initial a after the prefixes sam, pari, nis, and upa: thus, saṁskurute, samaskurvan, saṁskṛta, etc.; pariṣkṛṇvanti, pariṣkṛta, etc.; nír askṛta; upaskṛta. And √kṛ scatter is said by the grammarians to add s in the same manner, under certain circumstances, after apa and prati (only apaskiramāṇa, praticaskare, both late, are quotable).
e. The passive participle of the roots dā give and dā cut has often the abbreviated form tta after a prefix — of which the final vowel, if i, is lengthened (compare 955 f, and the derivative in ti, below, 1157 c).
f. In a few sporadic cases, the augment is taken before a prefix, instead of between it and the root: thus, avaṣaṭkārṣīt (GB.); udaprapatat (AB.); anvasaṁcarat, pratyasaṁharat, pratyavyūhat, anvavīkṣetām, aprāiṣīt, asambhramat (MBh.); abhyanimantrayat (Har.); vyāvasthāpi (SDS.); compare also the forms from palāy, above, c. And AB. has once niniyoja (for niyuyoja, as read in the corresponding passage of ÇÇS.). Some of the apparent roots of the language have been suspected of being results of a similar unification of root and prefix: e. g. āp from ā+ap, vyac from vi+ac, tyaj from ati+aj.
g. The loss of the initial s of sthā and stambh after the prefix ud has been noticed above (233 c). Also (137 a, c), certain peculiarities of combination of a prefix with the initial vowel of a root.
with a derivative in ām to make a periphrastic conjugation. Such roots have also been, from the earliest period of the language, but with increasing frequency, used in somewhat analogous combinations with other elements, substantive and adjective as well as adverbial; and this has become, in part, developed finally into a regular and indefinitely extensible method of increasing the resources of verbal expression.
b. Further, combinations with √kṛ of utterances used at the sacrifice, and mostly ending in ā: thus, svā́hā, svadhā́, svagā́; also váṣaṭ. In these, too, the accentuation is generally that of a verb with prefix: e. g. svagākaróti (ÇB.; but svadhā́ karóti [?] TA.), vaṣaṭkuryā́t (MS.); and, with another prefix, anuváṣaṭkaroti (ÇB.).
c. An instance or two also occur of ordinary words in such combinations, put in corresponding form: thus, çūlā́ kuryāt (ÇB.) may roast on a spit (çū́la); anṛṇākartos (AB.) of getting clear of debt; āikyābhāvayant (AA.) uniting.
b. A solitary combination with √i go is shown by the accusative ástam home; which, appearing only in ordinary phrases in RV., is in AV. compounded with the participles — in astaṁyánt, astameṣyánt, ástamita (with accent like that of ordinary compounds with a prefix) — and in the Brāhmaṇas and the later language is treated quite like a prefix: thus, astaméti (ÇB.).
c. Other ordinary accusative forms of adjectives in combination with verbal derivatives of kṛ and bhū are found here and there in the older language: thus, çṛtaṁkṛ́tya and nagnaṁkṛ́tya (TS.); nagnambhā́vuka, pāmanambhā́vuka etc. (TS. et al.); ánaruṣkaroti (ÇB.).
a. There is no instance of this in RV., unless the ī of akkhalīkṛ́tya (above, 109l a) is to be so explained. In AV., besides the obscure
vātī́kṛta and vātīkārá, is found only phalīkáraṇa. In the Brāhmaṇa language, examples begin to occur more often: thus, in TS., çyetī́, mithunī́, muṣṭī; in TB., further, phalī́, krūrī́, udvāsī; in ÇB., besides some of these, also ekī́, kālvālī́, tīvrī, daridrī, brāhmaṇī, mithunī́, svī́; and açvābhidānī́, of which (as of muṣṭī) the ī might be that of an ordinary grammatical form; in K., dvī; in GB., pravaṇī; in ṢB., vajrī; in AB., matī (from matya). From Upanishad and Sūtra are to be added dvāitī (MU.), samī (KÇS.), navī and kuçalī (AGS.). The accent is in general like that of the similar combinations treated above (1091): e. g. krūrīkurvánti, svīkṛ́tya, brāhmaṇībhū́ya, mithunībhávantyāu, phalī́kartavāí, krūrī́kṛta; but sometimes a mere collocation takes place: thus, mithunī́ bhávantīs (TS.), phalī́ kriyámāṇānām (TB.), vajrī́ bhūtvā́ (TA.). The ī is variously treated: now as an uncombinable final, as in çyetī́ akuruta and mithunī́ abhavan (TS.); now as liable to the ordinary conversions, as in mithuny ènaya syām, mithuny ā̀bhiḥ syām, and svyàkurvata (ÇB.).
b. Out of such beginnings has grown in the later language the following rule:
a. Examples are: stambhībhavati becomes a post; ekacittībhūya becoming of one mind; upahārīkaroṣi thou makest an offering; , nakhaprahārajarjarīkṛta torn to pieces with blows of the claws; çithilībhavanti become loose; kuṇḍalīkṛta ring-shaped; surabhīkṛta made fragrant; ādhīkaraṇa pawning; ṛjūkṛtya straightening; hetūkaraṇa taking as cause. As in the case of the denominatives (1059 c), the combinations with a-stems are the immense majority, and occur abundantly (hardly less than a thousand are quotable) in the later language, but for the most part only once or twice each; those made with i- and u-stems are a very small number. In a few instances, stems in an and as, with those finals changed to ī, are met with: e. g. ātmī-kṛ, yuvī-bhū; unmanī-kṛ, amanī-bhū; final ya after a consonant is contracted to ī: e. g. kāṅsī-kṛ; and anomalous cases like kāṁdiçī-bhū occur. Final ṛ is said to become rī, but no examples are quotable. The combinations with kṛ are about twice as frequent as those with bhū, and examples with as do not appear to have been brought to light.
b. Similar combinations are occasionally made with elements of questionable or altogether obscure character: e. g. urarī-kṛ, urī-kṛ.
c. Examples are not altogether wanting in the later language of ā as
final of the compounded noun-stem (cf. 1091): thus, duḥkhā-kṛ, niṣkulā-kṛ, çambā-kṛ, and one or two others.
a. There is no ultimate difference between such suffixes and the case-endings in declension; and the adverbs of this division sometimes are used in the manner of cases.
a. From pronominal roots, in átas, itás, tátas, yátas, kútas, amútas, svatas (not found earlier); from the pronominal stems in t or
d (494) of the personal pronouns: thus, mattás (only example in V.), tvattas, asmattas, yuṣmattas; and from pronominal derivatives: thus, itarátas, katarátas.
b. From noun and adjective stems of every class, since the earliest period, but more freely later: e. g. mukhatás, agratás, ṛbhutás, ṛktás, hṛttás, çīrṣatás, janmatas, nastás, yajuṣṭas, pārátas, anyátas, anyatarátas, sarvátas, dakṣiṇatás, abhīpatás (once, in RV., from a case-form: patsutás).
c. From a few prepositions: thus, abhítas, parítas, ántitas.
d. Examples of ablative construction are: áto bhū́yaḥ (RV.) more than that; tátaḥ ṣaṣṭhā́t (AV.) from that sixth; áto ‘nyéna (ÇB.) with any other than this; sarvato bhayāt (AGS.) from all fear; kutaç cid deçād āgatya (H.) arriving from some region or other; purād itaḥ (R.) from this city; tasmāt pretakāyataḥ (KSS.) from that dead body.
e. But the distinctive ablative meaning is not infrequently effaced, and the adverb has a more general, especially a locative, value: thus, agratás in front; asmatsamīpatas in our presence; dharmatas in accordance with duty; chāgatas (H.) with reference to the goat; guṇato ‘dhikaḥ (M.) superior in virtue.
a. These adverbs are very few, compared with those in tas. They are formed chiefly from pronominal stems, and from other stems having a quasi-pronominal character: namely, in tra, átra, tátra, yátra, kútra, amútra, anyátra, viçvátra, sarvátra, ubhayátra, aparatra, uttaratra, itarátra, anyataratra, pūrvatra, paratra, samānátra, ekatra, anekatra, ekāikatra; in trā, asmatrā́, satrā́, purutrā́, bahutrā́, dakṣiṇatrā́. But a few in trā come from ordinary nouns: thus, devatrā́, martyatrā́, puruṣatrā́, manuṣyatrā́, pākatrā́, çayutrā́, kurupañcālatrā́. Those in trā are distinguished from the others by their accent.
b. Examples of locative construction are: hásta ā́ dakṣiṇatrā́ (RV.) in the right hand; yátrā́ ’dhi (RV.) in which; ekatra puruṣe (MBh.) in a single man; atra mārātmake (H.) in this murderous creature; prabhutvaṁ tatra yujyate (H.) sovereignty befits him. And, as the locative case is used also to express the goal of motion (304), so the adverbs in tra have sometimes an accusative as well as a locative value: thus, tatra gaccha go there or thither; pathó devatrā́ yā́nān (RV.) roads that go to the gods.
a. ha, in ihá here, kúha where? and the Vedic viçváha (also viçváhā, viçvā́hā) always (compare below, 1104b); and ihá (like átra etc.:
1099 b) is sometimes used with locative-case value: e. g. iha samaye (H.) at this conjuncture.
b. tāt, which is added to words having already a local or directive value: thus, to adverbial accusatives, prā́ktāt, údaktāt, tā́vattāt; to adverbial ablatives, ārā́ttāt, uttarā́ttāt, parākā́ttāt; and to prepositional adverbs, paçcā́tāt, adhā́stāt, avástāt, parástāt, purástāt, bahíṣṭāt. Apparently by analogy with these last, the suffix has the form stāt in upáriṣṭāt (and BhP. has udastāt).
c. hi, in uttarā́hi (ÇB.) and dakṣiṇāhi (not quotable).
a. Thus, táthā, yáthā; kathā́ and itthā́ (by the side of which stand kathám and itthám; and ÇB. has itthā́t); and the rare imáthā and amúthā. And átha (V. often áthā) so then doubtless belongs with them. Further, from a few adjective and noun stems, mostly of quasi-pronominal character: thus, viçváthā, sarváthā, anyáthā, ubhayáthā, aparathā, itaráthā, yataráthā, yatamáthā, katarathā, katamathā, pūrváthā, pratnáthā, ūrdhváthā, tiraçcáthā, ekathā (JB.), ṛtuthā́, nāmáthā (once, AV.); and eváthā.
b. Yáthā becomes usually toneless in V., when used in the sense of iva after a noun forming the subject of comparison: thus, tāyávo yathā (RV.) like thieves.
a. ti, in íti thus, very commonly used, from the earliest period, especially as particle of quotation, following the words quoted.
b. Examples are: brahmajāyé ’yám íti céd ávocan (RV.) if they have said "this is a Brahman's wife"; táṁ devā́ abruvan vrā́tya kíṁ nú tiṣṭasī́ ’ti (AV.) the gods said to him: "Vrātya, why do you stand?" Often, the iti is used more pregnantly: thus, yáḥ çraddádhāti sánti devā́ íti (AV.) whoever has faith that the gods exist; taṁ vyāghram munir mūṣiko ‘yam iti paçyati (H.) the sage looks upon that tiger as being really a mouse; yūyaṁ kim iti sīdatha (H.) why (lit. alleging what reason) do you sit?
c. But iti is sometimes used in a less specialized way, to mark an onomatopœia, or to indicate a gesture: e. g. bahíṣ ṭe astu bā́l íti (AV.) let it come out of you with a splash; íty ágre kṛṣáty áthé ’ti (ÇB.) he ploughs first this way, then this way; or it points forward to something to be said: e. g. yan nv ity āhur anyāni chandāṅsi varṣīyāṅsi kasmād bṛhaty ucyata iti (PB.) when now they say thus: "the other metres are greater; why is the bṛhatī spoken?" It also makes a number of derivatives and compounds: e. g. ititha the so-many-eth; itivat in this fashion; ityartham for this purpose; itihāsa a story or legend (lit. thus forsooth it was). As to the use of a nominative with iti as predicate to an accusative, see 268 b.
d. With the suffix of íti is to be compared that of táti etc. (519). The word is abbreviated to ti two or three times in ÇB.
e. va in iva (toneless) like, as, and evá (in V. often evā́), earlier thus, later a particle emphasizing the preceding word; for thus is used later the related evám, which hardly occurs in RV., and in AV. only with √vid: as, evám vidvā́n knowing thus.
f. In later Vedic (AV. etc., and the later parts of RV.) iva more often counts for only a single syllable, ’va.
b. Thus, tadā́, yadā́, kadā́ (in RV. also kádā), idā́ (only in V.); and sádā, beside which is found earlier sádam. Besides these, in the older language, only sarvadā́; later a few others, anyadā, ekadā, nityadā. A quasi-locative case use is seen occasionally in such phrases as kadācid divase (R.) on a certain day.
c. By the perhaps related dānīm are made idā́nīm, tadā́nīm, viçvadā́nīm, tvadānīm (toneless). Viçvadā́ni occurs as adjective in TB.
d. With rhi are made, from pronominal roots, tárhi, etárhi, yárhi, kárhi, amúrhi.
e. The suffix di, found only in yádi if, is perhaps related with dā, in form as in meaning. Sadadí (MS.) is of doubtful character.
a. Thus, ekadhā́, dvidhā́ (also dvídhā and dvedhā́), trídhā (in the older language usually tredhā́), ṣaḍḍhā́ (also ṣoḍhā́ and ṣaḍdhā), dvādaçadhā́, ekānnaviṅçatidhā́, sahasradhā́, and so on. Also, naturally, from words having a quasi-numeral character: thus, anekadhā, katidhā́, tatidhā́, bahudhā́, purudhā́, viçvádhā, çaçvadhā́, aparimitadhā, yāvaddhā́, etāvaddhā́, māsadhā. In a very few cases, also from general noun and adjective stems: thus, mitradhā́ (AV.), priyadhā́ (TS.; predhā́, MS.), ṛjudhā́ (TB.), urudhā and citradhā (BhP.); and from one adverb, bahirdhā́.
b. The particle ádha or ádhā, a Vedic equivalent of átha, probably belongs here (purudhá and viçvádha, with shortened final, occur a few times in RV.); also addhā́ in truth; and perhaps sahá with, which has an equivalent sadha- in several Vedic compounds. And the other adverbs in ha (1100 a) may be of like origin.
a. The corresponding word for once, sakṛ́t, is a compound rather than a derivative; and the same character belongs still more evidently to pañcakṛ́tvas, navakṛ́tvas, aparimitakṛ́tvas, etc., though kṛt and kṛtvas are regarded by the native grammarians as suffixes; the earlier
texts (AV. ÇB. MS.) have saptá kṛ́tvas, dáça kṛ́tvas, dvā́daça kṛ́tvas, aṣṭā́v evá kṛ́tvas, etc. AB. has the redundant combination triṣ kṛtvah.
b. The quasi-suffix dyus, from a case-form of div day, is in a similar manner added to various determining-words, generally made to end in e: e. g. anyedyús another day, ubhayedyus (AV. -yadyús) on either day, pūrvedyús the day before.
a. Examples are: ekaçás one by one, çataçás by hundreds, ṛtuçás season by season, pacchas foot by foot, akṣaraçás syllable by syllable, gaṇaçás in crowds, stambaçás by bunches, paruççás limb by limb, tāvacchás in such and such number or quantity: and, in a more general way, sarvaçás wholly, mukhyaças principally, kṛchraças stingily, manmaçás as minded.
a. Thus, an̄girasvát like Angiras, manuṣvát (RV.) as Manu did, jamadagnivát after the manner of Jamadagni; pūrvavát or pratnavát or purāṇavát, as of old, kākatālīyavat after the fashion of the crow and the palm-fruit.
b. This is really the adverbially used accusative (with adverbial shift of accent: below, 1111 g) of the suffix vant ( 1233 f), which in the Veda makes certain adjective compounds of a similar meaning: thus, tvā́vant like thee, mā́vant of my sort, etc.
a. Examples are: sarvakarmāṇi bhasmasāt kurute (MBh.) reduces all deeds to ashes; loko ‘yam dasyusād bhaved (MBh.) this world would become a prey to barbarians; yasya brāhmaṇasāt sarvaṁ vittam āsīt (MBh.) whose whole property was given to Brahmans; niyataṁ bhasmasād yāti (Har.) it is inevitably reduced to ashes; agnīn ātmasāt kṛtvā (Y.) having taken the fires to one's self.
example, in prātár early, and sanutár away; in dakṣiṇít with right hand, and cikitvít with consideration; in nūnám now, and nānānám variously. But the cases are in the main too rare and doubtful to be worth notice here.
b. In the epics begin to be found a small class (about a dozen are quotable) of adverbs having the form of a repeated noun-stem with its first occurrence ending in ā and its second in i: e. g. hastāhasti hand to hand, rathārathi chariot against chariot, karṇākarṇi ear to ear.
c. The adverbs thus far described are almost never used prepositionally. Those of the next division, however, are in many instances so used.
a. Of pronominal stems: as, yád if, when, that, etc.; tád then etc.; kím why, whether, etc.; idám now, here; adás yonder; and so on. Of like value, apparently, are the (mostly Vedic) particles kád, kám and kam (?), íd, cid (common at every period), smád and sumád, īm and sīm (by some regarded as still possessing pronoun-value), -kīm. Compounds with íd are céd if , néd lest, éd, svid, kuvíd; with cid, kū́cid; with -kīm, nákīm and mā́kīm and ā́kīm.
b. Of noun-stems: as, nā́ma by name; súkham happily; kā́mam at will, if you please; náktam by night; ráhas secretly; oṣám quickly (V.); and so on.
c. Of adjective stems, in unlimited numbers: as, satyám truly; cirám long; pū́rvam formerly; nítyam constantly; bhū́yas more, again; viçrabdham confidently; prakāçam openly; and so on.
d. The neuter singular is the case commonly employed in this way; and it is so used especially as made from great numbers of compound adjective stems, often from such as hardly occur, or are not at all found, in adjective use. Certain of these adverbial compounds, having an indeclinable as prior member, are made by the Hindu grammarians a special class of compounds, called avyayībhāva (1313).
e. But the feminine singular also is sometimes used, especially in the so-called adverbial endings of comparison, tarām and tamām, which are attached to particles (cf. 1119), and even (473 c) to verb-forms:
e. g. natarā́m, kathaṁtarām, uccaistarā́m, çanāistarām, jyoktamā́m. In the oldest language (RV. and AV.), the neuter instead of the feminine form of these suffixes is almost alone in use: see 1119.
f. Many adverbs of obscure form or connection are to be explained with probability as accusatives of obsolete noun or adjective stems: examples are tūṣṇī́m in silence; sāyám at evening; sākám together, with (prep.); áram or álam sufficient (in the later language used with √kṛ in the manner of a prefix: 1078 a); prāyas usually; īṣát somewhat; amnás unexpectedly; bahís outside; míthu and mithás, múhu and múhus, jā́tu, and so on. Madrík etc., and niṇík (in RV.), are perhaps contracted forms of adjectives having √ac or añc as their final (407 ff.). The presence of other roots as final members is also probable for uçádhak, ānuṣák and āyuṣák, anuṣṭhú and suṣṭhú, yugapát, etc. Compare also the forms in am beside those in ā, above, 1101 a, 1102 e, 1103 b.
g. In (Vedic) dravát quickly is to be seen a change of accent for the adverbial use (pple drávant running); and drahyát stoutly (RV., once) may be another example. The comparative and superlative suffixes (above, e) show a like change; and it is also to be recognized in the derivatives with vát (1107).
a. Of pronominal stems: as, enā́ and ayā́, káyā, anā́, amā́, amuyā́.
b. Of noun-stems: as, kṣaṇena instantly; açeṣeṇa completely; viçeṣeṇa especially; dívā by day; diṣṭyā fortunately; sáhasā suddenly; aktubhis by night; and so on.
c. Of adjectives, both neuter (not distinguishable from masculine) and feminine: as, akhilena wholly; prāyeṇa mostly; dákṣiṇena to the south; úttareṇa to the north; ántareṇa within; ciréṇa long; — çánāis and çánakāis slowly; uccāís on high; nīcāis below; parācāís afar; táviṣībhis mightily; and so on.
d. More doubtful cases, mostly from the older language, may be instanced as follows: tiraçcátā, devátā, bāhúta, and sasvártā (all RV.), homonymous instrumentals from nouns in tā; dvitā́, tādī́tnā, īrmā́, mṛṣā́, vṛ́thā, sácā, asthā́ (?), mudhā (not V.), adhunā́ (B. and later).
e. Adverbially used instrumentals are (in the older language), oftener than any other case, distinguished from normal instrumentals by differences of form: thus, especially, by an irregular accent: as, amā́ and dívā (given above); perhaps gúhā; apākā́, āsayā́, kuhayā́ (?); naktayā́, svapnayā́, samanā́; adatrayā́, ṛtayā́, ubhayā́, sumnayā́ (?); daksinā́, madhyā́; nīcā́, prācā́, uccā́, paçcā́, tiraçcā́; vasántā; — in a few u-stems, by a y inserted before the ending, which is accented: thus, amuyā́ (given above), āçuyā́, sādhuyā́, raghuyā́, dhṛṣṇuyā́, anuṣṭhuyā́
anuṣṭhuyā́, mithuyā́; — and urviyā́ (for urvyā́) and víçvyā (properly víçvayā) are more slightly irregular.
a. Examples are aparā́ya for the future (RV.; with changed accent); cirāya long; arthāya for the sake of; ahnāya presently.
a. Of pronominal stems: as, kásmāt why? akasmāt casually, unexpectedly; ā́t, tā́t, yā́t (V.: normal forms, instead of the pronominal asmāt etc.).
b. Of noun-stems: as, āsā́t near; ārā́t afar; balāt forcibly; kutūhalāt emulously; sakāçāt on the part of.
c. Oftenest, of adjective stems: as, dūrā́t afar; nīcā́t below; paçcā́t behind; sākṣā́t plainly, actually; samantāt completely; acirāt not long; pratyakṣatamāt (AB.) most obviously; pratyantāt (S.) to the end.
d. In a few instances, adverbially used ablatives likewise show a changed accent in the early language: thus, apākā́t from afar; amā́t from near by; sanā́t from of old (but instr. sánā); uttarā́t from the north; adharā́t below.
a. In the older language occur aktós by night, and vástos by day; later, cirasya long.
a. From noun and adjective stems: āké near; āré and dūré afar; abhisvaré behind; astamīké at home; ṛté without (prep.); ágre in front; sthāne suitably; sapadi immediately; -arthe and -kṛte (common in composition) for the sake of; aparī́ṣu in after time; ādāu first; rahasi in secret.
a. Their occasional looser connection with the verb has been noticed above (1084). In the value of general adverbs, however,
they only rarely occur (except as ápi has mainly changed its office from prefix to adverb or conjunction in the later language); but their prepositional uses are much more frequent and important: see below, 1125 b.
b. In composition with nouns, they (like other adverbial elements) not infrequently have an adjective value: see below, 1281 ff., 1305.
a. Besides those instanced, are found also nitaráṁ, apataráṁ, abhitaráṁ, avataráṁ, parātaráṁ, parastaráṁ. In the Brāhmaṇas and later (above, 1111 e), the feminine accusative is used instead: thus, atitarā́m and atitamām, abhitarā́m, anutamā́m, ātamā́m, pratitarā́m, nitarā́m, uttarā́m, pratarā́m and pratamā́m, vitarā́m, saṁtarā́m (also RV., once).
a. The negative prefix a or an — an before vowels, a before consonants.
b. It is combined especially with innumerable nouns and adjectives; much more rarely, with adverbs, as akútra and ápunar (RV.), áneva (AV.), ánadhas (TB.), akasmāt, asakṛt; in rare cases, also with pronouns (as atad, akiṁcit); and even, in the later language, now and then with verbs, as aspṛhayanti (BhP. Çiç.) they do not desire, alokayati (SD.) he does not view. Now and then it is prefixed to itself: e. g. anakāmamāra, anaviprayukta, anavadya (?).
c. In a very few cases, the negative a appears to be made long: thus, ā́sat non-existent, ā́deva godless, ā́rāti enemy, āçāuca impurity, ā́tura ill (?).
d. The independent negative adverbs, ná and mā́, are only in exceptional instances used in composition: see below, 1122e.
e. The comitative prefix sa, used instead of the preposition sám, and interchangeably with sahá, before nouns and adjectives.
f. The prefix of dispraise dus ill, badly (identical with √duṣ: 225 a).
g. It is combined in the same manner as a or an. Of combinations with a verbal form, at least a single example appears to be quotable: duçcaranti (R.) behave ill.
h. The corresponding laudatory prefix su well is in general so closely accordant in its use with the preceding that it is best mentioned here, though it occurs not rarely as an independent particle in the oldest language (in RV., more than two hundred times; in the peculiar parts of AV., only fourteen times), and even occasionally later.
i. The particle su sometimes appears in B. and later before a verb-form, and considering its rapid loss of independent use in V., and the analogy of a and dus (above, b, g) it is probably at least in part to be regarded as in composition with the verb. The pada-text of AV. xix. 49. 10 reads su-ápāyati, but its testimony is of little or no value. K. has na su vijñāyete and na vāi su viduḥ, and KeU. has su veda; TB. has susámbodháyati (?); MBh. and BhP. have sūpatasthe; R. has suçakyante.
j. The exclamatory and usually depreciative prefixed forms of the interrogative pronoun (506) are most analogous with the inseparable prefixes.
a. Asseverative particles (in part, only in the older language): thus, an̄gá, hánta, kíla, khálu, tú (rare in older language), vāí, vā́vá (in Brāhmaṇa language only), hi, hiná, u, áha, ha, gha, samaha, sma, bhala.
b. Of these, hánta is a word of assent and incitement; hí has won also an illative meaning, and accents the verb with which it stands in connection (595 e); sma sometimes appears to give a past meaning to a present tense (778 b); u is often combined with the final a of other particles: thus, átho, nó, mó, utó, úpo, pró; but also with that of verb-forms, as dattó, vidmó. The final o thus produced is pragṛhya or uncombinable (138c). Particles of kindred value, already mentioned above,
are íd, kám or kam, cid, jā́tu, evá. Some of the asseverative particles are much used in the later artificial poetry with a purely expletive value, as devices to help make out the metre (pādapūraṇa verse-fillers); so especially ha, hi, tu, sma.
c. Negative particles are: ná, signifying simple negation; mā́, signifying prohibition.
d. As to the construction of the verb with mā́, see above, 579. In the Veda, nú (or nū́: 248 a) has also sometimes a negative meaning. For the Vedic ná of comparison, see below, g, h.
e. In nahí, ná is combined with hí, both elements retaining their full meaning; also with íd in néd lest. It is perhaps present in nanú and caná, but not in hiná (RV., once). In general, neither ná nor mā́ is used in composition to make negative compounds, but, instead, the inseparable negative prefix a or an (1121 a): exceptions are the Vedic particles nákis and mā́kis, nákīm and mā́kīm; also naciram and mā́ciram, napuṅsaka, and, in the later language, a number of others.
f. Interrogative particles are only those already given: kád, kim, kuvíd, svid, nanú, of which the last introduces an objection or expostulation.
g. Of particles of comparison have been mentioned the toneless iva, and yathā (also toneless when used in the same way). Of frequent occurrence in the oldest language is also ná, having (without loss of accent) the same position and value as the preceding.
h. Examples of the ná of comparison are: ṛṣidvíṣa íṣuṁ ná sṛjata dvíṣam (RV.) let loose your enmity like an arrow at the enemy of the singer; váyo ná vṛkṣám (AV.) as birds to the tree; gāuró ná tṛṣitáḥ piba (RV.) drink like a thirsty buffalo. This use is generally explained as being a modification or adaptation of the negative one: thus, [although, to be sure] not [precisely] a thirsty buffalo; and so on.
i. Of particles of place, besides those already mentioned, may be noticed kvà where? (in V., always to be read kúa).
j. Particles of time are: nú now (also nū́: nūnám was mentioned above, 1109 a), adyá and sadyás and sadívas (RV., once) today, at once (all held to contain the element div or dyu), hyás yesterday, çvás tomorrow, jyók (also related with dyu) long; púnar again.
k. Of particles of manner, besides those already mentioned, may be noticed nā́nā variously (for nānānám, its derivative, see 1109 a); sasvár (RV.) secretly.
l. In the above classifications are included all the Vedic adverbial words, and most of those of the later language: for the rest, see the dictionaries.
a. If one and another of such words — as vinā, ṛte — occurs almost solely in prepositional use, this is merely fortuitous and unessential.
b. Most of the verbal prefixes (exceptions are ud, ni, parā, pra; and ava and vi are almost such) have their prepositional or quasi-prepositional uses with cases; but much more widely in the older time than in the later: in the classical language the usage is mainly restricted to prati, anu, and ā.
c. Most of the directive words akin with the more proper prefixes are used prepositionally: some of them — as saha, vinā, upari, antarā, purā — freely, earlier and later.
d. The case-forms used adverbially are in many instances used prepositionally also: oftenest, as was to be expected, with the genitive; but frequently, and from an early time, with the accusative; more rarely with other cases.
e. We will take up now the cases for a brief exposition, beginning with those that are least freely used.
in me; — ápi and úpa are much rarer: thus, yā́ apā́m ápi vraté [sánti] (RV.) who are in the domain of the waters; amū́r yā́ úpa sū́rye [sánti] (RV.) who are up yonder in the sun; — sácā along with is not rare in RV., but almost entirely unknown later: thus, pitróḥ sácā satī́ staying with her parents.
and upári above (oftener with genitive). Less accordant with ordinary accusative constructions is the use of this case with adhas, paras, paras, vinā, beside other cases which seem more suited to the meaning of those particles. And the same may be said of most of the adverbial case-forms with which the accusative is used. Thus, a number of instrumental of situation or direction: as yé ‘vareṇā ”dityám yé páreṇā ”dityám (TB.) those who are below the sun, those who are beyond the sun; ántareṇa yónim (ÇB.) within the womb; te hī ’dam antareṇa sarvam (AB.) for all this universe is between them; úttareṇa gā́rhapatyam (ÇB.) to the north of the householder's fire; dákṣiṇena védim (ÇB.) to the south of the sacrificial hearth; dakṣiṇena vṛkṣavāṭikām (Ç.) to the right of the orchard; nikaṣā́ yamunām (Har.) near the Yamunā. Similarly, ūrdhvam and pūrvam have an accusative object as well as an ablative; and the same is true later of ṛte. Abhimukham toward has a more natural right to construction with this case.
a. The combination of clauses is in Sanskrit in general of a very simple character; much of what in other Indo-European languages is effected by subordinating conjunctions is here managed by means of composition of words, by the use of the gerunds (994), of iti (1102), of abstract nouns in case-forms, and so on.
(1098 ff.), may properly be regarded as conjunctions; and a few other particles of kindred value, as céd and néd (1111 a).
a. Of copulative value, along with ca, is in the older language especially utá (later it becomes a particle of more indefinite use); and ápi, tátas, táthā, kíṁ ca, with other particles and combinations of particles, are used often as connective of clauses.
b. Adversative is tú but (rare in the older language); also, less strongly, u (toneless).
c. Of illative value is hí for (originally, and in great part at every period, asseverative only): compare above, 1122 b.
d. To ca (as well as to its compound céd) belongs occasionally the meaning if.
e. It is needless to enter into further detail with regard to those uses which may be not less properly, or more properly, called conjunctive than adverbial, of the particles already given, under the head of Adverbs.
b. Onomatopoetic or imitative utterances are, for example (in the older language): ciçcā́ whiz (of an arrow: RV.); kikirā́ (palpitation: RV.); bā́l and pháṭ (pháṣ?) or phál splash (AV.); bhúk bow-wow (AV.); çál pat (AV.); āṣ, hīṣ, as, and has (PB.); and see the words already quoted in composition with the roots kṛ and bhū, above, 1091.
c. Nouns and adjectives which have assumed an interjectional character are, for example: bhos (for the vocative bhavas, 456); are or re (voc. of ari enemy}; dhik alas! (may be mere voice-gesture, but perhaps related with √dih); kaṣṭam woe is me! diṣṭyā thank heaven! svasti hail! suṣṭhu, sādhu good, excellent! None of these are Vedic in interjectional use.
a. Of course, only a brief and compendious exhibition of the subject can be attempted within the here necessary limits: no exhaustive tracing out of the formative elements of every period; still less, a complete statement of the varied uses of each element; least of all, a discussion of origins; but enough to help the student in that analysis of words which must form a part of his labor from the outset, giving a general outline of the field, and preparing for more penetrating investigation.
b. The material from accented texts, and especially the Vedic material, will be had especially in view (nothing that is Vedic being intentionally left unconsidered); and the examples given will be, so far as is possible, words found in such texts with their accent marked. No word not thus vouched for will be accented unless the fact is specifically pointed out.
a. As to this use of verbal roots, see below, 1147.
b. The pronominal roots, so-called, are essentially declinable; and hence, in their further treatment in derivation, they are throughout in accordance with other declinable stems, and not with verbal roots.
A. Primary suffixes, or those which are added directly to roots;
B. Secondary suffixes, or those which are added to derivative stems (also to pronominal roots, as just pointed out, and sometimes to particles).
a. The division of primary suffixes nearly corresponds to the kṛt (more regular) and uṇādi (less regular) suffixes of the Hindu grammarians; the secondary, to their taddhita-suffixes.
a. Suffixes come to have the aspect and the use of primary which really contain a secondary element — that is to say, the earliest words exhibiting them were made by addition of secondary suffixes to words already derivative.
b. Sundry examples of this will he pointed out below: thus, the gerundival suffixes, tavya, anīya, etc., the suffixes uka and aka, tra, and others. This origin is probable for more cases than admit of demonstration; and it is assumable for others which show no distinct signs of composition.
c. Less often, a suffix of primary use passes over in part into secondary, through the medium of use with denominative "roots" or otherwise: examples are yu, iman, īyas and iṣṭha, ta.
a. The most conspicuous examples of this are the participles, present and future and perfect, which are made alike from tense and conjugation-stems of every form. The infinitives (968 ff.) attach themselves only in sporadic instances to tense-stems, and even from conjugation-stems are made but sparingly earlier; and the same is true of the gerundives.
b. General adjectives and nouns are somewhat widely made from conjugation-stems, especially from the base of causative conjugation: see below the suffixes a (1148 j, k), ā (1149 c, d), ana (1150 m), as (1151 f), ani (1159 b), u (1178 g–i), ti (1157 g), tṛ (1182 e), tnu (1196 b), snu (1194 b), uka (1180 d), āku (1181 d), ālu (1192 b), tu (1161 d).
c. From tense-stems the examples are far fewer, but not unknown: thus, from present-stems, occasional derivatives in a (1148 j), ā (1149 d, e), ana (1150 n), i (1155 d), u (1178 f), ta (1176 e), tu (1161 d), uka (1180 d), tra (1185 e), ti (1157 g), vin (or in: 1232 b, 1183 a); from stems in a s apparently of aoristic character (besides infinitives and gerundives), occasional derivatives in a (1148 j), ana (1150 j), ani (1159 b), an (1160 a), āna (1175), as (1151 c), ī (1156 b), iṣṭha (1184 a), u (1178 f), us (1154 a), tṛ (1182 e), in (1183 a).
a. Whatever, namely, may have been originally and strictly the mode of production of the derivatives with prefixes, it is throughout the recorded life of the language as if the root and its prefix or prefixes constituted a unity, from which a derivative is formed in the same manner as from the simple root, with that modification of the radical meaning which appears also in the proper verbal forms as compounded with the same prefixes.
b. Not derivatives of every kind are thus made; but, in the main, those classes which have most of the verbal force, or which are most akin in value with infinitives and participles.
c. The occurrence of such derivatives with prefixes, and their accent, will be noted under each suffix below. They are chiefly (in nearly the order of their comparative frequency), besides root-stems, those in a, in ana, in ti, in tar and tra, and in in, ya, van and man, i and u, as, and a few others.
Each of the two great classes will now be taken up by itself, for more particular consideration.
a. By far the most frequent is a strengthening change, by guṇa- or vṛddhi-increment. The former may occur under all circumstances (except, of course, where guṇa-change is in general forbidden: 235, 240): thus, véda from √vid, móda from √mud, várdha from √vṛdh;
áyana from √i, sávana from √su, sáraṇa from √sṛ; and so on. But the latter is only allowed under such circumstances as leave long ā as the resulting vowel: that is to say, with non-final a, and with a final i- or u-vowel and ṛ before a vowel: thus, nādá from √nad, grābhá from √gṛbh or grabh, vāhá from √vah, nāyá from √nī, bhāvá from √bhū, kārá from √kṛ; such strengthening as would make vāida and māuda does not accompany primary derivation.
b. Strengthening in derivation does not stand in any such evident connection with accent as strengthening in conjugation; nor can any general rules be laid down as to its occurrence; it has to he pointed out in detail for each suffix. So also with other vowel-changes, which are in general accordance with those found in inflection and in the formation of tense- and mode-stems.
c. The reversion of a final palatal or h to a guttural has been already noticed (216). A final n or m is occasionally lost, as in formations already considered.
d. After a short final vowel is sometimes added a t: namely, where a root is used as stem without suffix (1147 d), and before a following y or v of van (1169), vara and varī (1171), yu once (1165 a), and ya (1213 a). The presence of t before these suffixes appears to indicate an original secondary derivation from derivatives in ti and tu.
e. The root is sometimes reduplicated: rarely in the use without suffix (1147 c,e); oftenest before a (1148 k), i (1155 e), u (1178 d); but also before other suffixes, as ā (1149 e), ana (1150 m), vana (1170 a), van and varī (1169 d, 1171 a,b), vani (1170 b), vi (1193), vit (1193 b), ani (1159 b), in (1183 a), tnu (1196 a), ta (1176 a), ti (1157 d), tha (1163 a), tṛ (1182 b), tra (1185 f), ūka (1180 f), aka (1181 a), īka (1186 c), ma (1166 b).
a. In connection with a very few suffixes is to be recognized a certain degree of tendency to accent the root in case of a nomen actionis or infinitival derivative, and the ending in the case of a nomen agentis or participial derivative: see the suffixes a, ana, as, an, and man, below, where the examples are considered. Differences of accent in words made by the same suffix are also occasionally connected with differences of gender: see the suffixes as and man.
may in the main be viewed as modifications or specializations of these two.
a. Even the words indicating recipience of action, the passive participles, are, as their use also as neuter or reflexive shows, only notably modified words of agency. The gerundives are, as was pointed out above (961 ff.), secondary derivatives, originally indicating only concerned with the action.
a. To facilitate the finding of the different suffixes is given the following list of them, in their order as treated, with references to paragraphs:
| — | 1147 | yu | 1165 | in | 1183 |
| a | 1148 | ma | 1166 | īyas, iṣṭha | 1184 |
| ā | 1149 | mi | 1167 | tra | 1185 |
| ana | 1150 | man | 1168 | ka | 1186 |
| as | 1151 | van | 1169 | ya | 1187 |
| tas, nas, sas | 1152 | vana, -ni, -nu | 1170 | ra | 1188 |
| is | 1153 | vara | 1171 | la | 1189 |
| us | 1154 | ant | 1172 | va | 1190 |
| i | 1155 | vāṅs | 1173 | ri | 1191 |
| ī | 1156 | māna | 1174 | ru | 1192 |
| ti | 1157 | āna | 1175 | vi | 1193 |
| ni | 1158 | ta | 1176 | snu | 1194 |
| ani | 1159 | na, ina, una | 1177 | sna | 1195 |
| an | 1160 | u | 1178 | tnu | 1196 |
| tu | 1161 | ū | 1179 | sa | 1197 |
| nu | 1162 | uka | 1180 | asi | 1198 |
| tha | 1163 | aka | 1181 | abha | 1199 |
| thu | 1164 | tṛ or tar | 1182 | sundries | 1200–1 |
a. They are used especially (in the later language, almost solely) as finals of compounds, and have both fundamental values, as action-nouns (frequently as infinitives: 971), and as agent-nouns and adjectives (often governing an accusative: 271 e). As action-nouns, they are chiefly feminines (384; in many instances, however, they do not occur in situations that determine the gender).
b. In a small number of words, mostly of rare occurrence, the reduplicated root is used without suffix.
c. The Vedic cases are: with simple reduplication, sasyád, cikít, dadṛ́h, didyú and didyút, juhū́, and perhaps gán̄gā and çíçu; with intensive reduplication, -nenī́, malimluc, yavīyúdh, and jógū and vánīvan (with the intensive instead of the usual radical accent). In dáridra is seen a transfer to the a-declension. Asūsū́ is probably to be understood as a compound, asū-sū́.
d. If the root end in a short vowel, a t is regularly and usually added (383f–h).
e. Examples have been given at the place just quoted. In jágat the t is added to the mutilated form of √gam reduplicated, and ṛṇayā́t (TS., once) appears to put it after a long vowel. In a single instance, çrútkarṇa (RV.) of listening ears, a stem of this class occurs as prior member of a compound.
f. Words of this form in combination with verbal prefixes are very numerous. The accent rests (as in combination of the same with other preceding elements) on the root-stem.
g. A few exceptions in point of accent occur: thus, ávasā, úpastut; and, with other irregularities of form, párijri, upástha, uparístha.
In good part, they are classifiable under the two usual general heads; but in part they have been individualized into more special senses.
1. a. With guṇa-strengthening of the root (where that is possible: 235, 240). These are the great majority, being more than twice as numerous as all others together.
b. Many nomina actionis: as, çráma weariness, gráha seizure, áya movement, véda knowledge, háva call, kródha wrath, jóṣa enjoyment, tára crossing, sárga emission.
c. Many nomina agentis: as, kṣamá patient, svajá constrictor, jīvá living, meghá cloud, codá inciting, plavá boat, sará brook, sarpá serpent, bhojá generous, khādá devouring.
d. Of the examples here given, those under b accent the radical syllable, and those under c the ending. And this is in perhaps a majority of cases the fact as regards the two classes of derivatives; so that, taken in connection with kindred facts as to other suffixes, it hints at such a difference of accent as a general tendency of the language. A few sporadic
instances are met with of the same form having the one or the other value according to its accent: thus, éṣa haste, eṣá hasting; çā́sa order, çāsá orderer (other examples are coda, çāka, çoka: compare a similar difference with other derivatives in as, ana, an, man). But exceptions are numerous — thus, for example, jayá, javá, smará, action-nouns; çráva, mógha, stáva, agent-nouns — and the subject calls for a much wider and deeper investigation than it has yet received, before the accentuation referred to can be set up as a law of the language in derivation.
2. e. With vṛddhi-strengthening of the root — but only where ā is the resulting radical vowel: that is, of medial a, and of final ṛ (most often), u or ū, i or ī (rare).
f. Examples of action-nouns are: kā́ma love, bhāgá share, nādá noise, dāvá fire, tārá crossing. Very few forms of clear derivation and meaning are quotable with accent on the root-syllable.
g. Examples of agent-nouns are: grābhá seizing, vāhá carrying, nāyá leading, jārá lover.
3. h. With unstrengthened root, the examples are few: e. g. kṛçá lean, turá rapid, yugá yoke, sruvá spoon, priyá dear, vrá troop, çucá bright.
i. A number of words of this class, especially as occurring in composition, are doubtless results of the transfer of root-stems to the a-declension: e. g. -ghuṣa, -sphura, -tuda, -dṛça, -vida, -kira.
j. A few a-stems are made, especially in the older language, from conjugation-stems, mostly causative: thus, -āmaya, ilaya, -in̄khaya, -ejaya, -dhāraya, -pāraya, -mṛḍaya, -çamaya (compare the ā-stems, 1149 c,d); also desiderative, as bībhatsa (compare 1038). Occasional examples also occur from tense-stems: thus, from nu-stems, or secondary stems made from such, hinvá, -inva, -jinva, -pinva, -sinva, -sunva, -açnuva; from others, -pṛṇa, -mṛṇa, -stṛṇa, -puna, -jāna, -paçya, -manya, -dasya, -jurya, -kṣudhya, -sya, -tiṣṭha, -jighra, -piba; from future-stems, kariṣya (JB.), janiṣya, bhaviṣya, ruciṣya (?); apparently from aorist-stems, jeṣá, néṣa-, parṣá, pṛkṣá (?), -hoṣa.
4. k. Derivatives in a from a reduplicated root-form are a considerable class, mostly occurring in the older language. They are sometimes made with a simple reduplication: thus, cacará, cikita, dṛdhrá, dadhṛṣá, babhasa, -babhra, vavrá, çiçayá, çiçnátha (an action-noun), sasrá; but oftener with an intensive reduplication: thus, merely strengthened, cākṣmá, -cācala, jāgara, nānada, lālasa, vīvadhá (?), -memiṣa, rerihá and leliha, vevijá, nonuva, momughá, -roruda, lolupa; with consonant added, -can̄kaça-, -can̄krama, jan̄gama, cañcala, -jañjapa, dandhvana, -nannama, -jarjalpa, jarjara, -tartura, -dardira, múrmura, gadgada; dissyllabic, -karikra, kanikradá, carācará and calācalá, marīmṛçá, malimlucá, varīvṛtá, sarīsṛpá, paniṣpadá, saniṣyadá, sanisrasá, patāpata, madāmada, -vadāvada, ghanāghaná
. Many of these are to be regarded as from an intensive conjugation-stem; but some of them show a form not met with in intensive conjugation.
5. l. Derivatives with this suffix from roots as compounded with the verbal prefixes are quite common, in all the modes of formation (in each, in proportion to the frequency of independent words): constituting, in fact, considerably the largest body of derivative stems with prefixes. They are of both classes as to meaning. The accent is, with few exceptions, on the ending — and that, without any reference to the value of the stem as action-noun or agent-noun.
m. Examples are: saṁgamá assembly, nimeṣá wink, abhidrohá enmity, anukará assistance, udāná inspiration, pratyāçrāvá response; — paricará wandering, saṁjayá victorious, vibodhá wakeful, atiyājá over-pious, udārá inciting, elevated, uttudá rousing, saṁgirá swallowing, ādardirá crushing, adhican̄kramá climbing.
n. The only definite class of exceptions in regard to accent appears to be that of the adverbial gerunds in am (above, 995), which are accented on the root-syllable. A very few other stems have the same tone: for example, utpā́ta portent, āçréṣa plague. A few others, mostly agent-nouns, have the accent on the prefix: for example, vyòṣa (i. e. ví-oṣa) burning, prátiveça neighbor, ā́bhaga sharing; but also sáṁkāça appearance.
o. For the remaining compounds of these derivatives, with the inseparable prefixes and with other elements, see the next chapter. It may be merely mentioned here that such compounds are numerous, and that the a-derivative has often an active participial value, and is frequently preceded by a case-form, oftenest the accusative.
p. Many words in the language appear to end with a suffix a, while yet they are referable to no root which can be otherwise demonstrated as such.
a. There is further, however, a considerable body of feminine action-nouns made by adding ā to a root, and having an independent aspect; though they are doubtless in part transfers from the root-noun (1147). Usually they show an unstrengthened form of root, and (such as occur in accented texts) an accented suffix.
b. Examples are īçā́ lordship, krīdā́ play, dayā́ pity, nindā́ reproach, çan̄kā́ doubt, hiṅsā injury, kṣamā patience, kṣudhā hunger, bhāṣā speech, sevā service, spṛhā eagerness.
c. But especially, such nouns in ā are made in large numbers, and with perfect freedom, from secondary conjugation-stems.
d. Thus, especially from desiderative stems, as jigīṣā́, bhikṣā́, vīrtsā́, bībhatsā́, etc. (see 1038); in the formation of periphrastic perfects, especially from causative stems, but also from desiderative and intensive, and even from primary present-stems (1071 c–f); from denominative stems, in the older language, as açvayā́, sukratūyā́, apasyā́, uruṣyā́, asūyā́, açanayā́, jīvanasyā́, etc., and quite rarely in the later, as mṛgayā.
e. The only example from a reduplicated stem is the late paspaçā; for sūṣā́, ján̄ghā, and jihvā́, which have a reduplicated aspect, are of doubtful origin. From present-stems come icchā and probably -ṛcchā.
a. The normal and greatly prevalent accent is upon the root-syllable, without regard to the difference of meaning; but cases occur of accented final, and a few of accented penult. The action-nouns are in general of the neuter gender. The feminine of adjectives is made either in ā or in ī (for details, see below). And a few feminine action-nouns in anā and anī occur, which may be ranked as belonging to this suffix.
1. b. With strengthened and accented root-syllable. Under this head fall, as above indicated, the great mass of forms.
c. With guṇa-strengthening: examples of action-nouns are sádana seat, rákṣaṇa protection, danā́ giving, cáyana collection, védana property, hávana call, bhójana enjoyment, káraṇa deed, várdhana increase; — of agent-nouns, tápana burning, cétana visible, códana impelling.
d. With vṛddhi-strengthening (only in such circumstances that ā remains as vowel of the radical syllable): examples are -cā́tana, nā́çana, mā́dana, -vā́cana, -vā́sana, -vā́hana, sā́dana, -spā́çana, svā́dana, -ā́yana, -yā́vana, -srāvaṇa, -pā́raṇa.
e. From roots with prefixes, the derivatives of this formation are very numerous, being exceeded in frequency only by those made with the
suffix a (above, 1148 l, m). A few examples are: ākrámaṇa striding on, udyā́na upgoing, nidhā́na receptacle, prā́ṇana expiration, vimócana release and releasing, saṁgámana assembly and assembler, adhivikártana cutting off, avaprabhráṅçana falling away down. For other compounds of these derivatives, showing the same accent (and the same feminine stem), see the next chapter (below, 1271). A few exceptions occur: vicakṣaṇá, upariçayaná, and the feminines pramandanī́ and nirdahanī́.
f. The adjectives of this formation, simple or compound, make their feminine usually in ī: thus, códanī, pécanī, spáraṇī, jámbhanī; prajñā́nī, prókṣaṇī, saṁgráhaṇī, abhiṣávaṇī, vidháraṇī (cetanī́ is of doubtful meaning: below, i). An adjective compound, however, having a noun in ana as final member, makes its feminine in ā: thus, sūpasarpaṇā́ of easy approach, ṣáḍvidhānā of sextuple order, anapavācanā́ not to be ordered away.
2. The more irregular formations may be classed as follows:
g. With accent on the final: a number of agent-nouns and adjectives, as karaṇá active (against káraṇa act), kṛpaṇá miserable (against kṛpáṇa misery), tvaraṇá hasting, rocaná shining, kroçaná yelling, svapaná sleepy, kṣayaṇá habitable.
h. These, unlike the preceding class, make their feminine in ā: e. g. tvaraṇā́, spandanā́. A few feminine action-nouns in the older language have the same form: thus, açanā́, asanā́, mananā́, dyotanā́, rodhanā́, çvetanā́, hasanā́ (and compare kapanā́, raçanā́); those of the later language in anā (rather numerous) are doubtful as regards accent.
i. Beside these may be mentioned a few feminines in anī́, of more or less doubtful character: arṣaṇī́, cetanī́ (to cétana), tapanī́ (to tápana), pṛçanī́, vṛjanī́ (with vṛjána), rajanī, tedanī́.
j. With accent on the penult: a small number of adjectives: as turáṇa hasting, dohána milking, manána considerate, bhandánā and mandána rejoicing, sakṣáṇa overcoming, and perhaps vakṣáṇa carrying (the last two with aoristic s); and a still smaller number of neuter action-nouns: daṅsána great deed, vṛjána enclosure, town, veṣáṇa service, kṛpáṇa misery (against kṛpaṇá miserable), with the masculine kiráṇa dust.
k. The only noticed example of a feminine is in ā: turáṇā. And a few feminine nouns have the same form: arháṇā, jaráṇā, barháṇā, bhandánā, maṅhánā, mehánā, vadhánā, vanánā, vakṣáṇā. (And compare the anomalous masc. name uçánā: 355 a.)
l. Without strengthening of the root are made a small number of derivatives: thus (besides those already noted, kṛpáṇa and kṛpaṇá, vṛjána and vṛjanī́, kiráṇa, turáṇa), further accented examples are úraṇa, dhúvana, pṛ́çana, bhúvana, vṛ́jana, vṛ́ṣaṇa, -súvana; and later are found sphuraṇa, sphuṭana, spṛhaṇa, -hnuvana, likhana, rudana, etc. RV. makes denominatives from riṣaṇa-, ruvaṇa-, vipana-, huvana-.
m. Stems in ana are made also from secondary conjugation-stems: thus, from desideratives, as cikitsana (see 1038); from causatives, as hāpana, bhīṣaṇa (see 1051 g); from denominatives, with great freedom, in the later language, as ākarṇana, unmūlana, çlakṣṇana, cihnana; from intensives and other reduplicated stems, only can̄kramaṇa, jan̄gamana, jāgaraná, yoyupana.
n. A few isolated cases may be further mentioned: from tense-stems, -jighraṇa, -ūrṇavana, -paçyana, yacchana, -siñcana; from prepositions, antaraṇa and sámana; astamana from the quasi-prefix (1092 b) astam. Feminines in anā of doubtful connection are yóṣaṇā woman (beside yóṣan, yoṣā, etc.) and pṛ́tanā.
a. The accent in words of the first class is on the root, and in the second on the ending; and in a few instances words of the two classes having the same form are distinguished by their accent; the infinitives have for the most part the accent on the suffix.
1. b. Examples of the first and principal class are: ávas aid, favor, tápas warmth, práyas pleasure, téjas splendor, çrávas fame, dóhas milking, káras deed, práthas breadth, cétas and mánas mind, cákṣas eye, sáras pond, vácas speech.
c. A few words of this class are of irregular formation: thus, without strengthening of the root, júvas quickness (beside jávas), úras breast, mṛ́dhas contempt; and iras- (irasy-) and vipas-, and the adverbs tirás, mithás, huras-, also çíras head, are to be compared; — with vṛddhi-strengthening, -vā́cas, vā́sas, vā́has, -svādas, and, of doubtful connections, pā́jas, pā́thas, and -hāyas; — perhaps with an aoristic s, héṣas missile; — pī́vas contains a v apparently not radical.
d. After final ā of a root is usually inserted y before the suffix (258): thus, dhā́yas, -gā́yas. But there are in the oldest language apparent remains of a formation in which as was added directly to radical ā: thus, bhā́s and -dās (often to be pronounced as two syllables), jñā́s, mā́s; and -dhas and -das, from the roots dhā and dā.
2. e. The instances in which an agent-noun is differentiated by its accent from an action-noun are: ápas work, and apás active; yáças beauty, and yaçás beauteous; táras quickness, and tarás (VS., once) quick; távas strength, and tavás strong; dúvas worship, and duvás lively (?); máhas greatness, and mahás great; between rákṣas n. and
rakṣás m., both meaning demon, and between tyájas n. abandonment (?) and tyajás m. descendant (?), the antithesis is much less clear.
f. Adjectives in ás without corresponding abstracts are: toçás bestowing, yajás offering, vedhás pious, probably āhanás heady; and a few other words of isolated occurence, as veçás, dhvarás. From a denominative stem is made mṛgayás wild animal (RV., once).
g. But there are also a very few cases of abstract nouns, not neuter, accented on the ending: thus, jarás old age, bhiyás fear; and doubtless also havás call, and tveṣás impulse. The feminine uṣás dawn, and doṣás night, might belong either here or under the last preceding head.
h. Apparently containing a suffix as are the noun upás lap, and certain proper names: án̄giras, nodhás, bhalānás, arcanānás, naciketas. The feminine apsarás nymph is of doubtful derivation.
i. The irregular formation of some of the words of this division will be noticed, without special remark.
3. j. The infinitives made by the suffix as have been explained above (973): they show various treatment of the root, and various accent (which last may perhaps mark a difference of gender, like that between sáhas and jarás).
4. k. The formation of derivatives in as from roots compounded with prefixes is very restricted — if, indeed, it is to be admitted at all. No infinitive in as occurs with a prefix; nor any action-noun; and the adjective combinations are in some instances evidently, and in most others apparently, possessive compounds of the noun with the prefix used adjectively: the most probable exceptions are -nyókas and víṣpardhas. As in these examples, the accent is always on the prefix.
l. Certain Vedic stems in ar may be noticed here, as more or less exchanging with stems in as, and apparently related with such. They were reported above, at 169 a.
In connection with this, the most common and important suffix ending in s, may be best treated the others, kindred in office and possibly also in origin, which end in the same sibilant.
a. With tas are made rétas seed, and srótas stream.
b. With nas are made ápnas acquisition, árṇas wave, -bhárṇas offering, rékṇas riches; and in dráviṇas wealth, and párīṇas fulness is apparently to be seen the same suffix, with prefixed elements having the present value of union-vowels. Probably the same is true of dámūnas house-friend, and ṛ́jūnas (RV.) n. pr., uçánas (or -nā) n. pr.
c. With sas is perhaps made vápsas beauty; and tárūṣas may be mentioned with it (rather tarus-a?).
a. They are in part nouns of action, but most are used concretely. The radical syllable has the guṇa-strengthening, and the accent is on the suffix (except in jyótis light, vyáthis, and ā́mis, raw meat). Examples are: arcís, rocís, and çocís light, chadís or chardís cover, barhís straw, vartís track, sarpís butter, havís oblation, dyotis light, and kravís raw flesh. Avis-, pā́this, bhrājis-, and máhis- are isolated variants of stems in as; and túvis-, çucis-, and surabhis- appear inorganically for tuvi etc. in a few compounds or derivatives.
a. They are words signifying both action and agent. A few have both meanings, without difference of accent: thus, tápus heat and hot; árus wound and sore; cákṣus brightness and seeing, eye; vápus wonderful and wonder. The nouns are mostly neuter, and accented on the root-syllable: thus, ā́yus, tárus, púrus, múhus (? only adverbial), míthus (do.), yájus, çā́sus; exceptions are: in regard to accent, janús birth; in regard to gender, mánus man, and náhus, proper name. Of adjectives, are accented on the ending jayús, vanús, and dakṣús burning (which appears to attach itself to the aorist-stem).
1. a. The feminine action-nouns are of very various form: thus, with weak root-form, rúci brightness, tvíṣi sheen; kṛṣí ploughing, nṛtí dance; — with guṇa-strengthening (where possible), rópi pain, çocí heat, vaní and saní gain; — with vṛddhi-strengthening, grā́hi seizure, dhrā́ji course, ājí race; from √duṣ comes dū́ṣi (compare dūṣayati, 1042 b). The variety of accent, which seems reducible to no rule, is illustrated by the examples given. The few infinitively used words of this formation (above, 975 b) have a weak root-form, with accent on the ending.
2. b. The adjectives and masculine agent-nouns exhibit tho same variety. Thus:
c. With unstrengthened root: çúci bright, bhṛ́mi lively (√bhram), gṛ́bhi container.
d. With unstrengthened root (or root incapable of guṇa-change): arí enemy, máhi great, arcí beam, granthí knot, krīḍí playing; with vṛddhi-increment, kā́rṣi, jā́ni, -dhāri, çā́ri, sācí, sādi, -sāhi, and a few words of obscure connections: thus, drāpí mantle, rāçí heap, pāṇí hand, etc. The isolated -ānaçi appears to come from the perfect-stem (788) of √aç.
e. With reduplicated root. This is in the older language a considerable class, of quite various form. Thus: with weak or abbreviated root, cákri, jághri (√ghar), pápri, sásri, -amri, babhrí, vavrí, jágmi, -jájñi (√jan), -tatni, jághni, sásni, súṣvi, -çiçvi; and, with displacement of final ā (or its weakening to the semblance of the suffix), dadí, papí, yayí (with a case or two from yayī́), -jajñi, dádhi; — from the ur-form of roots in changeable ṛ, jáguri, táturi, pápuri (púpuri SV.); — with simple reduplication, cíkiti, yúyudhi, vívici; — with strengthened reduplication, -cācali, tā́tṛpi, dā́dhṛṣi, vā́vahi, sāsahí, tū́tuji and tūtují, yū́yuvi, yū́yudhi; and jarbhári and bámbhāri. And karkarí lute and dundubhí drum have the aspect of belonging to the same class, but are probably onomatopoetic. The accent, it will be noticed, is most often on the reduplication, but not seldom elsewhere (only once on the root). It was noticed above (271 f) that these reduplicated derivatives in i not seldom take an object in the accusative, like a present participle.
f. Formations in i from the root compounded with prefixes are not at all numerous. They are accented usually on the suffix. Examples arc: āyají, vyānaçí, nijaghní, parādadí, viṣāsahí; but also ājā́ni, āmúri, vívavri. As compounded with other preceding words, the adjectives or agent-nouns in i are not rare, and are regularly accented on the root: see the next chapter, 1276.
g. From √dhā comes a derivative -dhi, forming many masculine compounds, with the value both of an abstract and a concrete: thus, with prefixes, antardhí, uddhí, nidhí, paridhí, etc. From √dā is made in like manner ādi beginning, and from √sthā, pratiṣṭhí resistance. Opinions are at variance as to whether such forms are to be regarded as made with the suffix i, displacing the radical ā, or with weakening of ā to i.
3. h. Neuter nouns in i are few, and of obscure derivation: examples are ákṣi eye, ásthi bone, dádhi curds, etc.
a. Thus, feminines in ī are made from a-stems (332, 334: and see also the different suffixes), from i-stems (344, 346), from u-stems (344 b), from ṛ-stems (376 a), and from various consonant-stems (378 a).
b. But there are also a few stems in ī wearing the aspect of independent derivatives. Examples are dakṣī, dehī́, nadī́, nāndī́, péṣī,
vakṣī́ (apparently with aoristic a), veçī́, çā́kī, çácī, çámī, çímī, tarī, vāpī; they are either action-nouns or agent-nouns. In the later language (as noticed at 344 a) there is very frequent interchange of i- and ī-stems and the forms from them.
c. In the oldest language there are even a few masculines in ī. They were noticed, and their inflection illustrated, above, at 355 b, 356.
a. The accent ought, it would appear, in analogy with that of the participle, to rest always upon the suffix; but in the recorded condition of the language it does so only in a minority of cases: namely, about fifty, against sixty cases of accent an the radical syllable, and a hundred and forty of undetermined accent; a number of words — iti, ṛti, citti, tṛpti, pakti, puṣṭi, bhūti, bhṛti, vṛṣṭi, çakti, çruṣṭi, sṛṣṭi, sthiti — have both accentuations.
1. b. Examples of the normal formation are: rātí gift, ūtí aid, rītí flow, stutí praise, bhaktí division, viṣṭí service, stutí praise, kīrtí fame, pūrtí bestowal, matí thought, pītí drink (√pā; pple pīta), dhāutí stream (√dhāv; pple dhāuta); — and with accented root, gáti motion, çā́ṁti repose, díti division (√dā; pple ditá), dṛ́ṣṭi sight, íṣṭi offering (√yaj: pple iṣṭá), úkti speech (√vac: pple uktá), vṛ́ddhi increase.
c. The roots which form their participle in ita (956) do not have the i also before ti: thus, only gúpti, -dṛpti. A few roots having their participle in na instead of ta (957) form the abstract noun also in ni (below, 1158). And from the roots tan and ran occur tantí and ránti, beside the more regular tati and ráti; also áhanti (once; VS.) beside áhati. From roots having the form dā, the derivative in composition is sometimes -tti (for dāti, with loss of radical vowel: compare the participle-form -tta, above, 955 f): thus, niravatti (K.), samprátti (ÇB.), páritti (TB.), vásutti, bhágatti, maghátti (all RV.).
d. A few derivatives are made from reduplicated roots; their accent is various: thus, carkṛtí, dī́dhiti and -dī́diti, jígarti, and perhaps the proper name yayā́ti; also jágdhi from √jakṣ (233 f).
e. Derivatives from roots with prefixes are numerous, and have (as in the case of the participles in ta, and the action-nouns in tu) the accent on the prefix: examples are ánumati, abhī̀ti, ā́huti, nírṛti, vyā̀pti, sáṁgati. The only exceptions noticed are āsaktí and āsutí, and abhiṣṭí
(beside abhíṣṭi). In other combinations than with prefixes, the accentuation is in general the same: see the next chapter (1274).
2. f. The adjectives and agent-nouns — which, as masculines, are to be connected with these rather than with the feminine abstracts — are very few: thus, pū́ti putrid, váṣṭi eager, dhū́ti shaker, jñātí relative, pattí footman, páti master; and a few others, of more or less dubious character. The accent is various, as in the other class.
3. g. A few words show the suffix ti preceded by various vowels, union- or stem-vowels. The ordinary intermediate i of the ta-participle etc. is seen in sániti, ujhiti, -gṛhīti (ī, as usual with this root: 900 b), paṭhiti, bhaṇiti; and with them may be mentioned the adjective ṛ́jīti, the proper names turvī́ti and dabhī́ti, and snī́hitī and snéhitī, notwithstanding their long final. With ati are made a few derivatives, variously accented: thus, the action-nouns aṅhatí, dṛçatí, pakṣatí, mithatí, vasatí, ramáti, vratáti, amáti and ámati, -dhrajati; and the agent-words aratí, khalatí, vṛkáti, rámati, dahati. In some of these is to be seen with probability a stem-vowel, as also in jánayati and rasayati (and RV. has gopayátya). The grammarians' method of representing a root by its 3d sing. pres. indic., declining this as a ti-stem, begins in the older language: e. g. étivant (TB.), kṣetivant (AB.), yajati and juhoti and dadāti (S.), nandati (MBh.). The feminine yúvati young, maiden is of isolated character.
h. In some of the words instanced in the last paragraph, ti is perhaps applied as a secondary suffix. A kindred character belongs to it in the numeral derivatives from pronominal roots, káti, táti, yáti, and from numerals, as daçati, viṅçatí, ṣaṣṭí, etc., with pan̄ktí (from páñca); in padāti; and in addhātí, from the particle addhā́.
a. As was noticed above (1157 c), a few verbs (ending in vowels) making their passive participle in na instead of ta make their action-noun in ni instead of ti. From the older language are quotable jyāní injury, jūrní heat, hāni abandonment (and the masculines ghṛ́ṇi and jī́rṇi); later occur glāni, -mlāni, sanni-.
b. Words of the other class are: açni eating, -uṣṇi burning, váhni carrying, jū́rṇi singing, tū́rṇi hasty, bhū́rṇi excited, dharṇí sustaining, preṇí loving, vṛṣṇí and vṛ́ṣṇi virile; and with them may be mentioned pṛ́çni speckled.
c. In preṇí, yóni, mení, çréṇi, çróṇi is seen a strengthening of the radical syllable, such as does not appear among the derivatives in ti.
d. Derivatives in ni from roots with prefixes do not appear to occur.
e. In hrādúni and hlāduni we have a prefixed u. In the words ending in ani, the a has probably the same value with that of ati (above, 1157 g); but ani has gained a more independent status, and may be best treated as a separate suffix.
a. Feminine action-nouns, sometimes with concreted meaning: as, iṣáṇi impulse, çaráṇi injury, dyotaní brightness, kṣipaṇí blow, açáni missile, vartaní track; and -arçani, udani-, jaraṇi-.
b. Adjectives and other agent-words are: aráṇi fire-stick, caráṇi movable, cakṣáṇi enlightener, taráṇi quick, dhamáni pipe, dhvasáni scattering, vakṣáṇi strengthener, saraṇi track. Dharaṇi and one or two other late words are probably variants to stems in anī. From a reduplicated root-form comes -paptani. From desiderative stems are made rurukṣáṇi, siṣāsáni, and (with prefix) ā-çuçukṣáṇi. And a small number of words appear to attach themselves to an s-aorist stem: thus, parṣáṇi, sakṣáṇi, carṣaṇí.
c. It is questionable whether the infinitives in ṣaṇí (978) are to be put here, as accusatives of a formation in ani, or under the next suffix, as locatives of a formation in an, from roots and stems increased by an aoristic s.
a. The infinitives which admit of being referred to this suffix, as locative cases, are those in ṣáṇi, of which the sibilant may be the final of a tense-stem. They are all given above (978).
b. The other action-nouns in an are mahán greatness, rāján authority (RV., once: compare rā́jan; the accent-relation is the reverse of the usual one), and gámbhan depth (VS., once); and PB. has kṣepṇā once.
c. Agent-nouns (in part of doubtful connection) are: ukṣán ox, cákṣan eye, tákṣan carpenter, dhvasán proper name, pūṣán name of a god, majján marrow, rā́jan king, vṛ́ṣan virile, bull, sághan, snīhán (snūhan Āpast.); also -gman, jmán, -bhvan, -çvan, with çván, yúvan, yóṣan, and the stems áhan, ū́dhan, etc. (430–4), filling up the inflection of other defective stems.
d. With prefixes occur pratidī́van and átidīvan, vibhván, níkāman.
a. The infinitive words are accented on the radical syllable when simple, and most of the others have the same accent; but a few have the tone on the ending.
b. Examples are: of the regular formation, masc. dā́tu share, jātu- birth, dhā́tu element, tántu thread, mántu counsel, ótu weft, sātu receptacle, sétu tie, sótu pressure, also krátu capacity, and sáktugrits; fem. vástu morning; neut, vastu thing, vā́stu abode; — with accent on the ending, aktú ray, jantúbeing, gātú way and song, yātú (?) demon, hetú cause, ketú banner (all masc.); — with unstrengthened root, ṛtú season, pitú drink, sū́tu birth, and apparently kṛ́tu (in kṛ́tvas times): with vṛddhi-strerigthening, vā́stu (above). Agent-nouns appear to be dhā́tu drinkable and kroṣṭu jackal.
c. The infinitives in tu have (968) often the union-vowel i before the suffix, and this in a few cases is lengthened to ī. In other use occur also -stárītu and -dhárītu (both with dus), -hávītu (with su); turphárītu seems of the same formation, but is obscure.
d. In a few instances, the suffix tu appears to be added to a tense- or conjugation-stem in a; thus, edhatú and vahatú; tamyatú and tapyatú; and siṣāsátu. The accent of the last is paralleled only by that of jīvā́tu life, which is further exceptional in showing a long ā; it is used sometimes in the manner of an infinitive.
a. The accent is usually on the ending, and the root unstrengthened.
b. Thus: kṣepnú jerk, bhānú light (later sun), vagnú sound, sūnú son, dā́nu (with irregular accent) m. f. demon, n. drop, dew; — dhenú f. cow; — gṛdhnú hasty, tapnú burning, trasnu fearful, dhṛṣṇú bold; — and víṣṇu Vishnu, and perhaps sthāṇú pillar. Compare also suffix tnu, 1196 a.
c. This also (like tu) appears sometimes with a prefixed a: thus, kṣipaṇú missile, krandanú and nadanú roaring, nabhanú (and -nū́, f.) fountain, vibhañjanú (only instance with prefix) breaking to pieces; and perhaps the proper names dāsanu and kṛçā́nu belong here.
a. Thus: masc., -itha going, ártha goal, -kṛtha making, gāthá song, pakthá n. pr., bhṛthá offering, -yātha road, -çītha lying down, çotha swelling, sīktha sediment; and, of less clear connections, yūthá herd, rátha chariot; — neut., ukthá saying, tīrthá ford, nīthá song, rikthá heritage, and apparently pṛṣṭhá back; — fem. (with ā), gā́thā song, nī́thā way. Radical ā is weakened to ī in gī́tha song and -pītha drink and -pītha protection; a final nasal is lost in -gatha going and hathá slaying. In vijigīthá (ÇB.; but BAU. -īta) is apparently seen a formation from a reduplication of √jī, victorious.
b. A few examples of combination with prefixes occur, with accent on the final: thus, nirṛthá destruction, saṁgathá union, etc.
c. Still more common in the older language is a form of this suffix to which has become prefixed an á, which is probably of thematic origin, though become a union-vowel. Thus: -anátha breathing, ayátha foot, carátha mobility, tveṣátha vehemence, and so prothátha, yajátha, ravátha, vakṣátha, ucátha, vidátha, çaṅsatha, çapátha, çayátha, çvayátha, çvasátha, sacátha, stanátha, stavátha, sravátha, and, with weak root-form, ruvátha; the later language adds karatha, taratha, çamatha, savatha. With a prefix, the accent is thrown forward upon the final: thus, āvasathá abode, pravasathá absence; but prāṇátha breath is treated as if prān were an integral root.
d. Isolated combinations of tha with other preceding vowels occur: thus, várūtha protection, járūtha wasting (?); and matútha (√man?).
a. The only Vedic examples are ejáthu quaking, vepáthu trembling, stanáthu roaring. Later cases are nandáthu (TS.), nadathu (U.), kṣavathu (S.), davathu, bhraṅçathu, majjathu, vamathu, çvayathu, sphūrjathu.
both of agent and of action, with unstrengthened root and various accent. Thus:
a. Abstracts (masc.) are manyú wrath, mṛtyú death (with t added to the short final of the root).
b. Adjectives etc. are druhyú n. pr., bhujyú pliable, mucyu (GB. i. 1.7), çundhyú pure; yájyu pious, sáhyu strong, dásyu enemy; and, with vṛddhi-strengthening, jāyú victorious.
c. For other derivatives ending in yu, see the suffix u, below, 1178 h, i.
a. Examples of action-nouns are: ajmá course, gharmá heat; éma progress, bhā́ma brightness, sárna flow, stóma song of praise.
b. Examples of agent-nouns etc. are: tigmá sharp, bhīmá terrible, çagmá mighty, idhmá fuel, yudhmá warrior. A single instance from a reduplicated root is tūtumá powerful. Sarámā f., with a before the suffix, is of doubtful connection.
c. A number of stems in ma have stems in man beside them, and appear, at least in part, to be transfers from the an- to the a-declension. Such are ajma, oma, ema, arma, tókma, darmá, dhárma, narmá, yā́ma, yugma, vema, çuṣma, sóma, sárma, hóma.
Thus, from ṛ-roots, ūrmí wave, -kūrmi action, sūrmī́ f. tube; from others, jāmí relation, bhū́mi or bhū́mī f. earth, lakṣmī́ sign; also probably raçmí line, ray; and the adjective krúdhmi (? RV., once).
1. a. Examples of regularly formed neuters are: kárman action, jánman birth, nā́man name, vártman track, véçman dwelling, hóman sacrifice, -dyótman splendor.
b. Examples of masculine abstracts are: omán favor, ojmán strength, jemán conquest, svādmán sweetness, hemán impulse.
c. Corresponding neuter action-nouns and masculine agent-nouns are: bráhman worship and brahmán priest; dā́man gift and dāmán giver; dhárman rule and dharmán orderer; sádman seat and sadmán sitter. But óman friend stands in the contrary relation to omán m. favor. Very few other agent-nouns occur; and all, except brahmán, are of rare occurrence.
d. On the other hand, jeman and varṣman and svādman (and variman) have the difference of gender and accent without a corresponding difference of meaning.
e. The noun áçman stone, though masculine, is accented on the radical syllable; and two or three other questionable cases of the same kind occur.
f. The derivatives in man used as infinitives (974) have for the most part the accent of neuters: the only exception is vidmáne.
g. A few words, of either class, have an irregular root-form: thus, údman, ūṣmán or uṣman, bhū́man earth, bhūmán abundance, syū́man, sīmán, bhujmán, vidmán, çíkman, çuṣman, sidhman; and kā́rṣman, bhā́rman, çā́kman.
h. Derivatives in man from roots with prefixes are not numerous. They are usually accented on the prefix, whether action-nouns or adjectives: thus, prábharman forthbringing, práyáman departure; ánuvartman following after: the exceptions, vijā́man, prativartmán, visarmán, are perhaps of possessive formation.
2. i. The same suffix, though only with its abstract-making value, has in a number of cases before it a union-vowel, i or ī; and imán comes to be used as a secondary suffix, forming abstract nouns (masculine) from a considerable number of adjectives.
j. The neuters in iman and īman are primary formations, belonging almost only to the older language: thus, jániman, dhariman (M.), váriman (beside varimán, as noticed above); and dárīman, dhárīman, párīman (and páreman SV., once), bhárīman, várīman, sárīman, stárīman, sávīman, and hávīman. Those in īman are hardly met with outside the Rig-Veda.
k. The masculines in imán are in the oldest language less frequent than the neuters just described: they are tániman (?), jarimán, prathimán, mahimán, varimán (beside the equivalent váriman and várīman), varṣimán (beside the equivalent várṣman and varṣmán), harimán, and drāghimán (VS.) beside drāghmán (V.B.). Some of these, as well as of the derivatives in simple man, attach themselves in meaning, or in form also, to adjectives, to which they seem the accompanying abstracts: compare the similar treatment of the primary comparatives and superlatives (above, 468): such are pāpmán (to pāpá, pā́pīyas etc.); drāghmán etc. (to dīrghá, drā́ghīyas, etc.); váriman etc. (to urú,
várīyas, etc.); práthiman (to pṛthú, práthiṣṭha); harimán (to hári or hárita); várṣman etc. (to várṣīyas etc.); svā́dman etc. (to svādú, svā́dīyas, etc.). Then in the Brāhmaṇa language are found further examples: thus, dhūmrimán (TS. K.), draḍhimán (MS. K.: to dṛdhá, dráḍhīyas, etc.), aṇimán (ÇB.; and áṇiman n. bit), sthemán, stháviman (n. big piece), taruṇiman (K.), paruṣiman (AB.), abaliman (ChU.), lohitiman (KB.); and still later such as laghiman, kṛṣṇiman, pūrṇiman, madhuriman, çoṇiman, etc., etc.
a. The insertion of t is an intimation that the words of this form are originally made by the addition of an to derivatives in u and tu; yet van has the present value of an integral suffix in the language, and must be treated as such.
b. Examples of the usual formation are: masc. yájvan offering, drúhvan harming, çákvan capable, -ríkvan leaving, -jítvan conquering, sútvan pressing, kṛ́tvan active, -gátvan (like -gat, -gatya) going, sátvan (√san) warrior; neut. párvan joint, dhánvan bow. Irregular, with strengthened root, are árvan courser, -yāvan (? AV.) driving off; and, with accent on the suffix, dṛván (? VS.) and vidván (? AV.).
c. Examples from roots with prefixes (which are not rare) are: atītvan excelling, upahásvan reviler, sambhṛ́tvan collecting; and perhaps vivásvan shining: abhísatvan is a compound with governing preposition (1310). For the compounds with other elements, which, except in special cases, have the same accent, see below, 1277.
d. The stems muṣīván robber and sanítvan (each RV., once) are the only ones with a union-vowel, and are perhaps better regarded as secondary derivatives — of which a few are made with this suffix: see below, 1234. From a reduplicated root are made rárāvan and cikitván (and possibly vivásvan).
e. Action-nouns made with the suffix van are only the infinitival words mentioned at 974 — unless bhurváṇi (RV., once) is to be added, as locative of bhurván.
f. The feminines corresponding to adjectives in van are not made (apparently) directly from this suffix, but from vara, and end in varī; see below, 1171 b.
made with these suffixes may best be noticed here, in connection with वन् van (of which the others are probably secondary extensions).
a. With vana are made vagvaná talkative, satvaná warrior (beside sátvan, above); and, from a reduplicated root, çuçukvaná shining.
b. With vani are made from simple roots turváṇi excelling, and bhurváṇi restless, and, from reduplicated roots, çuçukváni shining, dadhṛṣváṇi daring, tuturváṇi striving after, and jugurváṇi praising; arhariṣváṇi is obscure.
c. With vanu is made only vagvanú tone, noise.
a. A few masculine adjectives in vará occur, formally accordant (except in accent) with the feminines: thus, itvará going, -advara eating; and so, further, in the older language, īçvará, -jāvara, phárvara, bhārvará, bhāsvará, vyadhvará (?), -sadvara, sthāvará, and doubtless with them belongs vidvalá; later, -kasvara, gatvara, ghasvara (also ghasmara), -jitvara, naçvara, pīvara, madvara, -sṛtvara; from a reduplicated root, yāyāvará (B. and later). Many of these have feminines in ā.
b. The feminines in varī accord in treatment of the root and in accent with the masculines in van to which they correspond: thus, yájvarī, -jítvarī, sṛ́tvarī, -çī́varī, -yāvarī, and so on (about twenty-five such formations in RV.); from a reduplicated root, -çiçvarī.
c. A very small number of neuters occur, with accent on the root: thus, kárvara deed, gáhvara (later also gabhvara) thicket; and a feminine or two, with accent on the penult: urvárā field, and urvárī tow (both of doubtful etymology).
We take up now the suffixes by which are made only stems having the value of agent-nouns and adjectives; beginning with a brief mention of the participial endings, which in general have been already sufficiently treated.
with which alone it is employed (not directly with the root, unless this is also used as tense-stem).
a. A few words of like origin, but used as independent adjectives, were given at 450. With the same or a formally identical suffix are made from pronominal roots íyant and kíyant (451, 517 a). And ádvayant not double-tongued (RV., once), appears to contain a similar formation from the numeral dvi — unless we are to assume a denominative verb-stem as intermediate.
a. A few words of irregular and questionable formation were noticed at 462, above. Also, apparent transfers to a form us or uṣa. RV. vocalizes the v once, in jujuruā́n.
b. The oldest language (RV.) has a very few words in vas, of doubtful relations: ṛ́bhvas and çíkvas skilful (beside words in va and van), and perhaps khidvas (√khād). The neuter abstract várivas breadth, room (belonging to urú broad, in the same manner with várīyas and varimán), is quite isolated. MBh. makes a nominative pīvān, as if from pīvāṅs instead of pīvan.
a. A few other words ending in the same manner in the old language may be mentioned here. The RV. has the adjectives tákavāna, bhṛ́gavāṇa, vásavāna, ūrdhvasāná, apparently made on the model of participial stems. Also the proper names ápnavāna, pṛ́thavāna, and cyávāna and cyávatāna. Párçāna abyss is doubtful; rujā́nā (RV., once) is probably a false reading; ā́pnāna is of doubtful character.
in value (like those made by the two preceding suffixes, but in much larger measure, and more decidedly).
a. A few general adjectives, or nouns with concrete meaning, are adaptations of this participle. Examples are: tṛṣṭá rough, çītá cold, dṛḍhá (for dṝḍhá: 224 a) firm; dūtá messenger, sūtá charioteer; ṛtá right, gḥṛtá ghee, jātá kind, dyūtá gambling, nṛttá dance, jīvitá life, caritá behavior, smita smile. The adjective tigitá (RV.) sharp shows anomalous reversion of palatal to guttural before the i (216 d). Vāvā́ta dear is a single example from a reduplicated root.
b. Doubtless after the example and model of participles from denominative stems (of which, however, no instances are quotable from the Veda — unless bhāmita RV.), derivatives in ita are in the later language made directly from noun and adjective-stems, having the meaning of endowed with, affected by, made to be, and the like (compare the similar English formation in ed, as horned, barefooted, bluecoated). Examples are rathita furnished with a chariot, duḥkhita pained, kusumita flowered, durbalita weakened, niḥsaṁçayita indubitable, etc. etc.
c. A few words ending in ta are accented on the radical syllable, and their relation to the participial derivatives is very doubtful: such are ásta home, márta mortal, vā́ta wind; and with them may be mentioned gárta high seat, nákta night, hásta hand. Vratá is commonly viewed as containing a suffix ta, but it doubtless comes from √vṛt (vrat-á, like tradá, vrajá) and means originally course.
d. Several adjectives denoting color end in ita, but are hardly connectible with roots of kindred meaning: thus, palitá gray, ásita black, róhita and lóhita red, hárita green; akin with them are éta variegated, çyetá white. The feminines of these stems are in part irregular: thus, énī and çyénī; róhiṇī and lóhinī, and háriṇī (but the corresponding masc. háriṇa also occurs); and ásiknī, páliknī, and háriknī.
e. A small number of adjectives in the older language ending in ata are not to be separated from the participial words in ta, although their specific meaning is in part gerundive. They are: pacatá cooked, darçatá and paçyata seen, to be seen, worth seeing; and so yajatá, haryatá, bharatá. The y of paçyata and haryatá indicates pretty plainly that the a also is that of a present tense-stem. Rajatá silvery is of more obscure relation to √raj color; párvata mountain must be secondary.
a. With the same suffix are made a number of general adjectives, and of nouns of various gender (fem. in nā). The accent is on the suffix
or on the root. A few examples are: uṣṇá hot, çuná fortunate, áçna ravenous, çvítna white; masc., praçná question, yajñá offering, ghṛṇá heat, várṇa color, svápna sleep; neut., parṇá wing, rátna jewel (?); fem. tṛ́ṣṇa thirst, yācn̄ā́ supplication. But many of the stems ending in na are not readily connectible with roots. An antithesis of accent is seen in kárṇa ear and karṇá eared.
b. The few words ending in ina are of doubtful connection, but may be mentioned here: thus, aminá violent, vṛjiná crooked, dákṣiṇa right, dráviṇa property, druhiṇa, çreṣiṇa, hariṇá; and kanī́na may be added.
c. The words ending in una are of various meaning and accent, like those in ana: they are árjuna, karúṇa, -cetúna, táruṇa, dāruṇá, dharúṇa, narúṇa, píçuna, mithuná, yatúna, vayúna, varuṇa, çalúna, and the feminine yamúnā; and bhrūṇá may be added.
d. These are all the proper participial endings of the language. The gerundives, later and earlier, are in the main evident secondary formations, and will be treated under the head of secondary derivation.
We take up now the other suffixes forming agent-nouns and adjectives, beginning with those which have more or less a participial value.
a. The root has oftenest a weak (or weakened) form; but it is sometimes vriddhied; least often (when capable of guṇa), it has the guṇa-strengthening — all without any apparent connection with either accent or meaning or gender. After final radical ā is usually added y (258) before the suffix. A few derivatives are made from the reduplicated root. But many words ending in u are not readily, or not at all, connectible with roots; examples will be given especially of those that have an obvious etymology.
b. Examples of ordinary adjectives are: urú wide, ṛjú straight, pṛthú broad, mṛdú soft, sādhú good, svādú sweet, tápu hot, vásu good; jāyú conquering, dārú bursting; çayú lying, réku empty; dhāyú thirsty, pāyú protecting. Final ā appears to be lost before the suffix in -sthu (suṣṭhú, anuṣṭhú), and perhaps in yú, -gu (agregú), and -khu (ākhú).
c. Examples of nouns are: masc., aṅçú ray, ripú deceiver, vāyú
wind-god, ásu life, mánu man, Manu; fem., íṣu (also masc.) arrow, síndhu (also masc.) river, tanū́ or tanú body; neut., kṣú food.
d. Derivatives from reduplicated roots are: cikitú, jágmu, jigyú, jijñu, siṣṇu, -tatnu (unless this is made with nu or tnu), didyu (?), dadru, yáyu or yayú and yíyu (with final ā lost), pípru (proper name), -dīdhayu; and títaü, babhrú, -raru (aráru), malimlú (?) have the aspect of being similar formations.
e. A few derivatives are made from roots with prefixes, with various accentuation: for example, upāyú on-coming, pramayú going to destruction, viklíndu a certain disease, abhī́çu rein (director), sáṁvasu dwelling together.
f. From tense-stems, apparently, are made tanyú thundering, bhindú splitting, -vindu finding, and (with aoristic s) dákṣu and dhákṣu (all RV.).
g. Participial adjectives in ú from desiderative "roots" (stems with loss of their final a) are sufficiently numerous in the ancient language (RV. has more than a dozen of them, AV. not quite so many) to show that the formation was already a regular one, extensible at will; and later such adjectives may be made from every desiderative. Examples (older) are: ditsú, dipsú, cikitsú, titikṣú, pipīṣu, mumukṣú, iyakṣú, çiçlikṣú; with prefix, abhidipsú; with anomalous accent, didṛ́kṣu. These adjectives, both earlier and later, may take an object in the accusative (271 a).
h. A few similar adjectives are made in the older language from causatives: thus, dhārayú (persistent), bhājayú, bhāvayú, maṅhayú, mandayú, çramayú; and mṛgayú from the caus.-denom. mṛgáya.
i. Much more numerous, however, are such formations from the more proper denominatives, especially in the oldest language (RV. has toward eighty of them; AV. only a quarter as many, including six or eight which are not found in RV.; and they are still rarer in the Brāhmaṇas, and hardly met with later). In a majority of cases, personal verbal forms from the same denominative stem are in use: thus, for example, to aghāyú, arātīyú, ṛjūyú, caraṇyú, manasyú, saniṣyú, uruṣyú, saparyú; in others, only the present participle in yánt, or the abstract noun in yā́ (1149 d), or nothing at all. A few are made upon denominative stems from pronouns: thus, tvāyú (beside tvāyánt and tvāyā́), yuvayú or yuvāyú, asmayú, svayú, and the more anomalous ahaṁyú and kiṁyú. Especially where no other denominative forms accompany the adjective, this has often the aspect of being made directly from the noun with the suffix yu, either with a meaning of seeking or desiring, or with a more general adjective sense: thus, yavayú seeking grain, varāhayú boar-hunting, stanasyú desiring the breast; ūrṇāyú woolen, yuvanyú youthful, bhīmayú terrible. And so the "secondary suffix yu" wins a degree of standing and application as one forming derivative adjectives (as in ahaṁyú and kiṁyú, above, and doubtless some others, even of the RV. words). In three RV. cases, the final as of a noun-stem is even changed to o before it: namely, aṅhoyú, duvoyú (and duvoyā́; beside duvasyú), áskṛdhoyu.
j. The words in yu do not show in the Veda resolution into iu (except dhāsiús AV., once).
a. To those already mentioned above are to be added karṣū́ pit, -calū (in puṁçcalū́), -janū (in prajanū́), çumbhū́.
a. The derivatives in uka are hardly known in the Veda; but they become frequent in the Brāhmaṇas, of whose language they are a marked characteristic (about sixty different stems occur there); and they are found occasionally in the older language. In all probability, they are originally and properly obtained by adding the secondary suffix ka (1222) to a derivative in u; but they have gained fully the character of primary formations, and in only an instance or two is there found in actual use an u-word from which they should be made.
b. The root is only so far strengthened that the radical syllable is a heavy (79) one; and it has the accent, whether the derivative is made from a simple root or from one with prefix.
c. Examples, from the Brāhmaṇa language, are: vā́duka, nā́çuka, upakrā́muka, prapā́duka, upasthāyuka (258), vyāyuka, véduka, bhā́vuka, kṣódhuka, hā́ruka, várṣuka, samárdhuka, dáṅçuka, ālambuka, çikṣuka (GB.: RV. has çikṣú), pramā́yuka (ṢB. has pramāyu).
d. Exceptions as regards root-form are: nirmā́rguka (with vṛddhi-strengthening, as is usual with this root: 627), -kasuka, ṛdhnuka (from a tense-stem; beside árdhuka). AV. accents sáṁkasuka (ÇB. has saṁkásuka) and víkasuka; RV. has sānuká (which is its only example of the formation, if it be one; AV. has also ghā́tuka from √han, and ápramāyuka); vasuká (TS. et al.) is probably of another character. Açanāyuka (PB. et al.) is the only example noticed from a conjugation-stem.
e. Of later occurrence are a few words whose relation to the others is more or less doubtful: kārmuka and dhārmuka, tsāruka, tarkuka, nānduka, pādukā, pecuka, bhikṣuka, lāṣuka, seduka, hiṇḍuka, hreṣuka. Of these, only lāṣuka appears like a true continuer of the formation; several are pretty clearly secondary derivatives.
f. A formation in ūka (a suffix of like origin, perhaps, with uka) may be mentioned here: namely, indhūka, majjūka, and, from redu
roots, jāgarū́ka wakeful, jañjapūka (later) muttering, dandaçū́ka biting, yāyajū́ka sacrificing much, vāvadūka (later) talkative; salalū́ka is questionable.
a. In RV. is found (besides pāvaká, which has a different accent, and which, as the metre shows, is really pavāka) only sā́yaka missile; AV. adds pī́yaka and vádhaka, and VS. abhikróçaka. But in the later language, such derivatives are common, more usually with raising of the root-syllable by strengthening to heavy quantity: thus, nāyaka, dāyaka (258), pācaka, grāhaka, bodhaka, jāgaraka; but also janaka, khanaka. They are declared by the grammarians to have the accent on the radical syllable. They often occur in copulative composition with gerundives of the same root: thus, bhakṣyabhakṣaka eatable and eater, vācyavācaka designated and designation, and so on.
b. That the derivatives in aka sometimes take an accusative object was pointed out above (271 c).
c. The corresponding feminine is made sometimes in akā or in akī, but more usually in ikā: thus, nāyikā (with nāyakā), pācikā, bodhikā; compare secondary aka, below, 1222.
d. Derivatives in āka are made from a few roots: thus, jalpāka, bhikṣāka; but very few occur in the older language: thus, pavāka (above, a), nabhāka, smayā́ka, jáhāka (?), -calāka, patākā. With āku is made in RV. mṛḍayā́ku, from the causative stem: pṛ́dāku and the proper name íkṣvāku are of obscure connection.
e. Derivatives in ika and īka will be treated below, in connection with those in ka (1186 c).
meaning, make a periphrastic future tense (942). Their corresponding feminine is in trī.
a. The root has regularly the guṇa-strengthening. A union-vowel i (very rarely, one of another character) is often taken: as regards its presence or absence in the periphrastic future forms, see above (943 a).
b. Without guṇa-change is only úṣṭṛ plough-ox (no proper agent-noun: apparently úkṣ-tṛ: compare the nouns of relationship further on). The root grah has, as usual, ī — thus, grahītṛ́; and the same appears in -tarītṛ́, -pavītṛ́, -marītṛ́, -varītṛ, -savītṛ. An u-vowel is taken instead by tárutṛ and tarutṛ́, dhánutṛ, and sánutṛ; long in varūtṛ́; strengthened to o in manótṛ and manotṛ́. From a reduplicated root comes vāvā́tṛ.
c. The accent, in the older language, is sometimes on the suffix and sometimes on the root; or, from roots combined with prefixes, sometimes on the suffix and sometimes on the prefix.
d. In general, the accent on the root or prefix accompanies the participial use of the word; but there are exceptions to this: in a very few instances (four), a word with accented suffix has an accusative object; very much more often, accent on the root appears along with ordinary noun value. The accent, as well as the form, of manótṛ is an isolated irregularity. Examples are: jétā dhánāni winning treasures; yūyám mártaṁ çrótāraḥ ye listen to a mortal; but, on the other hand, yaṁtā́ vásūni vidhaté bestowing good things on the pious; and jétā jánānām conqueror of peoples.
e. The formation of these nouns in tṛ from conjugation-stems, regular and frequent in the later language, and not very rare in the Brāhmaṇas, is met with but once or twice in the Veda (bodhayitṛ́ and codayitrī́, RV.). In néṣṭṛ a certain priest (RV. and later), is apparently seen the aoristic s.
f. The words of relationship which, in whatever way, have gained the aspect of derivatives in tṛ, are pitṛ́, mātṛ́, bhrā́tṛ, yā́tṛ, duhitṛ́, náptṛ, jā́mātṛ. Of these, only mātṛ́ and yā́tṛ are in accordance with the ordinary rules of the formation in tṛ.
g. Instead of tṛ is found tur in one or two RV. examples: yaṁtúr, sthātúr.
h. Apparently formed by a suffix ṛ (or ar) are usṛ́, savyaṣṭhṛ, nánāndṛ, devṛ́, the last two being words of relationship. For other words ending in ṛ, see 369.
a. How far it had gained a primary value in the early language is not easy to determine. Most of the words in in occurring in RV. and AV. are explainable as possessives; in many the other value is possible, and in a few it is distinctly suggested: thus, kevalādín, bhadravādín, nitodín, āçārāiṣín, ánāmin, vivyādhín; from a tense-stem, -açnuvin, -paçyin (late); with aoristic s, -sakṣín; and, with reduplication, niyayín, vadāvadin. As the examples indicate, composition, both with prefixes and with other elements, is frequent; and, in all cases alike, the accent is on the suffix.
b. Later, the primary employment is unquestionable, and examples of it, chiefly in composition, are frequent. The radical syllable is usually strengthened, a medial a being sometimes lengthened and sometimes remaining unchanged. Thus, satyavādin truth-speaking, abhibhāṣin addressing, manohārin soul-winning. In bhāvin has established itself a prevailingly future meaning, about to be.
c. The use of an accusative object with words in in was noticed above (271 b).
a. It may be further noticed that jyéṣṭha has in the older language (only two or three times in RV.) the accent also on the final, jyeṣṭhá, and that its correlative also is kaniṣṭhá in the oldest language; párṣiṣṭha is made from a secondary form of root, with aoristic s added.
b. When the comparative suffix has the abbreviated form yas (470 a), its y is never to be read in the Veda as i.
c. No other suffixes make derivatives having participial value otherwise than in rare and sporadic cases; those that remain, therefore, will be taken up mainly in the order of their frequency and importance.
a. Here, as in certain other cases above, we have doubtless a suffix
originally secondary, made by adding a to the primary tṛ or tar (1182); but its use is in great part that of a primary suffix.
b. Examples of neuter nouns are: gā́tra limb, páttra wing, pā́tra cup, yóktra bond, vástra garment, çrótra ear; astrá missile, stotrá song of praise, potrá vesel; of more general meaning, dáttra gift, kṣétra field, mū́tra urine, hotrá sacrifice. The words accented on the final have often an abstract meaning: thus, kṣatrá authority, rāṣṭrá kingdom, çāstrá doctrine, sattrá sacrificial session (also jñā́tra knowledge).
c. Masculines are: dáṅṣṭra tusk, mántra prayer, attrá (or atrá: 232) devourer, úṣṭra buffalo, camel, and a few of questionable etymology, as mitrá friend, putrá son, vṛtrá foe. Mitrá and vṛtrá are sometimes neuters even in the Veda, and mitra comes later to be regularly of that gender.
d. Feminines (in trā) are: áṣṭrā goad, mā́trā measure, hótrā sacrifice (beside hotrá), daṅṣṭrā (later, for dáṅṣṭra); nāṣṭrā́ destroyer.
e. Not seldom, a "union-vowel" appears before the suffix; but this is not usually the equivalent of the union-vowel used with tṛ (above, 1182 a). For the words in itra have the accent on i: thus, arítra (áritra AV., once) impelling, oar, khanítra shovel, pavítra sieve, janítra birth-place, sanítra gift; and so -avitra, açítra, carítra, -taritra, dhamitra, dhavítra, bhavítra, bharítra, vāditra (with causative root-strengthening), vahitra: the combination ítra has almost won the character of an independent suffix. The preceding vowel is also in a few cases a (sometimes apparently of the present-stem): thus, yájatra venerable, kṛntátra shred, gāyatrá (f. -trī́) song, -damatra, pátatra wing; but also ámatra violent, vádhatra deadly weapon; and varatrā́ f. strap. Tárutra overcoming corresponds to tarutṛ́. Nákṣatra asterism is of very doubtful etymology. Saṁskṛtatrá (RV., once) seems of secondary formation.
f. The words still used as adjectives in tra are mostly such as have union-vowels before the suffix. A single example from a reduplicated root is johū́tra crying out.
g. A word or two in tri and tru may be added here, as perhaps of kindred formation with those in tra: thus, áttri devouring, arcátri beaming, rā́tri or rā́trī night; çátru (çáttru: 232) enemy.
a. The words which have most distinctly the aspect of being made from roots are puṣka-, -meka (√mi fix), yaska n. pr., çúṣka dry, çlóka (√çru hear} noise, report, etc., and -sphāka teeming; and stúkā flake and stoká drop seem to belong together to a root stu; rākā́ f., n. pr., may be added.
b. But ka enters, in its value as secondary, into the composition of certain suffixes reckoned as primary: see aka and uka (above, 1180, 1181).
c. A few words in which ika and īka seem added to a root, though they are really of a kindred formation with the preceding, may be most conveniently noticed here: thus, vṛ́çcika (√vraçc) scorpion; ánīka (?) face, dṛ́çīka aspect, dṛ́bhīka n. pr., mṛḍīká grace, vṛdhīká increaser, ā́çarīka and víçarīka gripes, -ṛjīka beaming, ṛṣīka; ṛkṣī́kā; and, from reduplicated root, parpharī́ka scattering (?). Compare secondary suffix ka (below, 1222).
a. Examples of adjectives in ra are: kṣiprá quick, chidrá split, turá strong, bhadrá pleasing, çakrá mighty, çukrá bright, hiṅsrá injurious; with accent on the root, only gṛ́dhra greedy, túmra stout, dhī́ra wise (secondary?), vípra inspired, túgra n. pr.
b. From roots with prefixes come only an example or two: thus, nicirá attentive, nímṛgra joining on.
c. Nouns in ra are: masc., ájra field, vīrá man, vájra thunderbolt, çū́ra hero; neut., ágra point, kṣīrá milk, rándhra hollow, riprá defilement; fem., dhā́rā stream, çíprā jaw, súrā intoxicating drink.
The forms of this suffix with preceding vowel may best be considered here, although some of them have nearly or quite gained the value of independent endings. Thus:
d. With ara are made a few rare words: the adjectives dravará running, patará flying, (with prefix) nyocará suiting; and the nouns gambhára depth, tásara and trasara shuttle, sánara gain, -ṛkṣara thorn; bhārvará and vāsará are doubtless of secondary formation; and the same thing may be plausibly conjectured of others. As made with āra may be mentioned mandāra a tree, mārjāra cat.
e. With ira are made a few words, some of which are in common use: thus, ajirá quick, khadirá a tree, timira dark, dhvasirá stirring up, madirá pleasing, mudira cloud, badhirá deaf, rucira bright, iṣirá
lively, ásira missile, sthávira firm; and sthira hard, and sphirá fat, with displacement of final radical ā; also sarirá wave (usually salilá). With īra are made gabhīrá or gambhīrá profound and çávīra mighty, and perhaps çárīra body.
f. With ura are made a few words, of some of which the secondary character is probable: thus, aṅhurá (aṅhu-ra?) narrow, ásura (ásu-ra?) living, chidura tearing, bhan̄gurá breaking, bhāsura shining, bhidura splitting, medura fat, yādura uniting, vithura tottering, vidura knowing, vidhura lacking. With ūra, apparently, are made sthūrá stout (compare sthávira), kharjū́ra a tree, mayū́ra peacock (or imitative?).
a. Conspicuous examples of the interchange are çuklá, sthūlá, -miçla, çithilá, salilá.
b. Examples of the more independent use are: pālá protecting, ánila (or aníla) wind, tṛpála joyous; later capala and tarala (said to be accented on the final), and harṣula (the same). Many words ending in la are of obscure etymology.
a. Thus: ṛkvá praising, ṛṣvá lofty, takvá quick, dhruvá fixed, pakvá ripe, padva going, yahvá quick (?), çarvá n. pr., hrasvá short, çikvá artful, raṇvá joyful, ūrdhvá lofty, vákva twisting, ūrvá stall; éva quick, course, áçva horse, srákva or sṛkva corner; and perhaps úlba caul; a feminine is prúṣvā (TS. pṛ́ṣvā, AV. pruṣvā́); with union-vowel are made saciva companion, ámīva disease, and vidhávā widov.
b. The words in va exhibit only in sporadic cases resolution of the ending into ua.
a. Thus: án̄ghri or aṅhri foot, áçri edge, úsri dawn, tandri or -drī́ weariness, bhū́ri abundant, ván̄kri rib, sūrí patron, -takri quick, vádhri eunuch, çubhrí beautiful, sthúri single (team); and, with uri, jásuri exhausted, dā́çuri pious, bhāguri n. pr., sáhuri mighty; an̄gúri (or an̄gúli) finger.
a. Thus: áçru 'tear, cā́ru dear, dhārú sucking, bhīrú timid; — with preceding a-vowel: aráru inimical, patáru flying, vandā́ru praising, píyāru scoffing, çarā́ru harming; — with preceding e, tameru relaxed, maderú rejoicing, sanéru obtaining, himerú chilly, the evidently secondary mitréru ally, and péru (of doubtful meaning).
b. The secondary suffix lu (see 1227 b) is apparently added to certain nouns in ā from conjugation-stems, making derivatives that hare a primary aspect: thus, patayālú flying, spṛhayālu desiring.
a. Two or three derivatives from reduplicated roots: jā́gṛvi awake, dā́dhṛvi sustaining, dī́divi shining; and a very few other words; ghṛ́ṣvi lively, dhruví firm, jírvi worn out (AV.; elsewhere jívri); -pharvī is doubtful.
b. Here may be mentioned cikitvít (RV., once), apparently made with a suffix vit from a reduplicated root-form.
a. From simple roots: direct, kṣeṣṇú perishable, -glāsnu sick, jiṣṇú victorious, dan̄kṣṇú biting, bhūṣṇu thriving, ni-ṣatsnú sitting down, sthāsnu fixed; with union-vowel i, kariṣṇu, kāçiṣṇu, kṣayiṣṇu, gamiṣṇú, grasiṣṇu, grahiṣṇu, cariṣṇú, -janiṣṇu, jayiṣṇu, tapiṣṇu, -trapiṣṇu, -patiṣṇu, -bhaviṣṇu, bhrājiṣṇu, madíṣṇu, -maviṣṇu, yajiṣṇu, yāciṣṇu, -vadiṣṇu, vardhiṣṇu, -sahiṣṇu.
b. From secondary conjugation-stems: kopayiṣṇu, kṣapayiṣṇu, cyāvayiṣṇú, janayiṣṇu, tāpayiṣṇu, namayiṣṇu, patayiṣṇu, poṣayiṣṇú, pārayiṣṇú, bodhayiṣṇu, mādayiṣṇú, yamayiṣṇú, ropayiṣṇu, -vārayiṣṇu, -çocayiṣṇú; and jāgariṣṇu. An anomalous formation is ulbaniṣṇu.
c. These derivatives are freely compounded with prefixes: e. g. niṣatsnú, prajaniṣṇú, abhiçocayiṣṇú, saṁvārayisṇu.
d. It is not unlikely that the s of this suffix is originally that of a stem, to which nu was added. Such a character is still apparent in kraviṣṇú craving raw flesh (kravis); and also in vadhasnú, vṛdhasnú (?), and prathasnu (?).
a. It is seen in tīkṣṇá sharp, and perhaps in çlakṣṇá, -rūkṣṇá, mārtsna; and in geṣṇa and deṣṇá (usually trisyllabic: daīṣṇa) gift. Unless in the last, it is not found preceded by i; but it has (like snu, above) a before it in vadhasná deadly weapon, karásna fore-arm; nadīṣṇa skilled seems to be secondary. Feminines are mṛtsnā loam, jyotsnā moonlight.
a. As used with simple roots, the t is generally capable of being considered the adscititious t after a short root-final, to which nu is then added: thus, kṛtnú active, gatnú (? RV.), hatnú deadly, -tatnu (?) stretching; and, from reduplicated roots, jigatnú hasting, and jighatnú harming; but also dartnú bursting. Also, with union-vowel, dravitnú running, dayitnu (? LÇS.).
b. With causative stems: for example, drāvayitnú hasting, poṣayitnú nourishing, mādayitnú intoxicating, tanayitnú and stanayitnú thunder, sūdayitnú flowing, -āmayitnú sickening.
c. With preceding a, in pīyatnú scoffing, mehatnú a river, ā-rujatnú breaking into; and kavatnú miserly (obscure derivation).
a. With sa simply: gṛtsa clever, jeṣá winning (rather, aoristic s? 1148j), -dṛkṣa looking, rukṣá shining, rūkṣá rough; útsa n. fountain; bhīṣā́ f. fear (or from the secondary root bhīṣ).
b. With preceding i-vowel: taviṣá (f. táviṣī) strong, mahiṣá (f. máhiṣī) mighty, bhariṣá (?) seeking booty; ṛjīṣá rushing, púrīṣa rubbish, manīṣā́ f. devotion; and compare rayīṣín (? SV.).
c. With preceding u-vowel: aruṣá (f. áruṣī) red, açúṣa ravenous, táruṣa overcomer, púruṣa and mánuṣa (-us-a?) man; pīyū́ṣa biestings.
a. Thus, atasí vagabond, dharnasí firm, sānasí winning; and dhāsí m. drink, f. station, sarasí (?) pool.
a. Thus, vṛṣabhá and ṛṣabhá bull, çarabhá a certain fabulous animal, çerabha a certain snake, gardabhá and rā́sabha ass; further, kanabha, karabha and kalabha, laṭabha, çalabha; and, with other union-vowels, tuṇḍibha, nuṇḍibha, and kukkubha. The feminine, if occurring, is in ī; and kaṭabhī is found without corresponding masculine. AV. has the adjective sthūlabhá, equivalent to sthūlá.
the grammarians and supported with examples of questionable value, or are doubtfully deducible from isolated words traceable to known roots, or from words of obscure connection.
a. A few such may be mentioned here: aṇḍa in karaṇḍa and váraṇḍa and certain unquotable words (prakritized a-forms from the present participle); era and ora in unquotable words, and elima (above, 966 d: perhaps a further derivative with secondary ima from era); mara (ma or man with secondary ra added) in ghasmara, sṛmará, etc.; — sara in matsará, kara in púṣkara and other obscure words, pa in púṣpa, stupá, stū́pa, and a number of other obscure words; and so on.
a. But also, as pointed out above (1137 b), to pronominal roots.
b. Further, in exceptional cases, to indeclinables, to case-forms, and to phrases: e. g. antarvant, apitvá, paratastva, sahatva, sārvatrika, āikadhya, mā́maka, āmuṣmika, āmuṣyāyaṇá, apsumánt, apsavyà, kiṁcanya, kiṁkartavyatā, kvācitka, nāstika, akiṁcinmaya.
a. Before a suffix beginning with a vowel or with y (which in this respect is treated as if it were i), final a- and i-vowels are regularly lost altogether, while a final u-vowel has the guṇa-strengthening and becomes av; ṛ and o and āu (all of rare occurrence) are treated in accordance with usual euphonic rule.
b. An u-vowel also sometimes remains unstrengthened: see 1208 e.
c. A final n is variously treated, being sometimes retained, and sometimes lost, even along with a preceding a; and sometimes an a is lost, while the n remains: thus, vṛṣaṇvant, vṛṣaṇa, vṛṣa, vrṛṣatva, vṛṣṇya, from vṛṣan. Of a stem ending in ant, the weak form, in at, is regularly taken: thus, vāivasvata (vivasvant).
d. In general, the masculine form of a primitive stem is that from which a further secondary derivative is made. But there are not very rare cases in which the feminine is taken instead; examples are satītva, bhāryātva, pranītātvá, bhāratīvant, rakṣāvant, priyāvant. On the other hand, a final long vowel — ī, much more rarely ā — generally of a feminine stem, is sometimes shortened in derivation: thus, yājyàvant, praçākhavant, goṣátama, vaçátamā, sadhanitvá, jaratikā, annādítamā
(cf. 471 b), rohinitvá (TB.; -nītvá ÇB.), pṛhivitvá, pratipatnivat, sárasvativant.
e. As was pointed out above (111 c, d), the combination of a secondary suffix with a stem is sometimes made according to the rules of external combination. Such cases are pointed out under the suffixes īya (1215 e), ka (1222 m), maya (1225 a), min (1231 b), vin (1232 c), vant (1233 i), van (1234 c), mant (1235 f), tva (1239 c), taya (1245 a), tya (1245 c), tana (1245 i).
a. The strengthened syllable may be of any character: radical, of a prefix, or of the first member of a compound: thus, āçviná (açvín), sāumyá (sóma), pā́rthiva (pṛthivī́), āmitrá (amítra), sā́mrājya (samrā́j), sāúkṛtya (sukṛtá), māitrāvaruṇá (mitrā́váruṇā), āuccāiḥçravasá (uccāíḥçravas). As to the accompanying accent, see the next paragraph.
b. If a stem begins with a consonant followed by y or v, the semivowel is sometimes vriddhied, as if it were i or u, and the resulting āi or āu has y or v further added before the succeeding vowel.
c. This is most frequent where the y or v belongs to a prefix — as ni, vi, su — altered before a following initial vowel: thus, nāiyāyika from nyāya (as if niyāya), vāiyaçvá from vyàçva (as if viyaçva), sāúvaçvya from sváçva (as if suvaçva); but it occurs also in other cases, as sāuvará from svára, çāuva from çvan, against svāyambhuva (svayambhū), and so on. AV. has irregularly kāveraká from kúvera (as if from kvéra, without the euphonic y inserted).
d. This strengthening takes place especially, and very often, before the suffixes a and ya; also regularly before i, āyana, eya (with ineya), and later īya; before the compound aka and ika, and later aki; and, in single sporadic examples before, na, ena, ra, and tva (?): see these various suffixes below.
e. Sometimes an unstrengthened word is prefixed to one thus strengthened, as if the composition were made after instead of before the strengthening: e. g. indradāivatya having Indra as divinity (instead of āindradevatya), caramaçāirṣika with head to the west, jīvalāukika belonging to the world of the living, antarbhāuma within the earth, somārāudra, gurulāghava (cf. tāmasaṁ guṇalakṣaṇam M. xii. 35). But especially when the first word is of numeral value: as çatáçārada of a hundred years, pañcaçāradī́ya, trisāṁvatsara, bahuvārṣika, aṣṭavārṣika, anekavarṣasāhasra, daçasāhasra, trisāhasrī, tripāuruṣa, caturādhyāyī or -yikā of four chapters, etc. etc.
f. More often, both members of a compound word have the initial strengthening: e. g. sāumapāuṣṇá, kāúrupāñcāla, cāturvāidya, āihalāukika, āikabhāutika, trāisṭubjāgata, yājurvāidika. Such cases are not rare.
g. The guṇa-strengthening (except of a final u-vowel: 1203 a) is only in the rarest cases an accompaniment of secondary derivation. Exceptions are dvayá and trayá and náva (1200 i), bheṣajá and devá (1209 j), dróna (1223 g), çekhara (1226 a).
b. No other general rules as to accent can be given. Usually the suffix takes the tone, or else this remains where it was in the primitive; quite rarely, it is thrown back to the initial syllable (as in derivation with initial vṛddhi); and in a single case (tā: 1237) it is drawn down to the syllable preceding the suffix.
b. A few suffixes make no change in the part of speech of the primitive, but either change its degree (diminution and comparison), or make other modifications, or leave its meaning not sensibly altered.
a. For convenience of reference, a list of them in their order as treated is here added:
| a | 1206–9 |
| ya | 1210–13 |
| iya | 1214 |
| īya | 1215 |
| eya, eyya | 1216 |
| enya | 1217 |
| āyya | 1218 |
| āyana | 1219 |
| āyī | 1220 |
| i, aki | 1221 |
| ka, aka, ika | 1222 |
| na, āna, īna, ina, ena | 1223 |
| ma, ima, mna | 1224 |
| maya | 1225 |
| ra, ira, etc. | 1226 |
| la, lu | 1227 |
| va, vala, vaya, vya | 1226 |
| ça | 1229 |
| in | 1230 |
| min | 1231 |
| vin | 1232 |
| vant | 1233 |
| van | 1234 |
| mant | 1235 |
| tā | 1237 |
| tāti, tāt | 1238 |
| tva, tvatā | 1239 |
| tvana | 1240 |
| tara, tama | 1242 |
| ra, ma | " |
| tha | " |
| titha | " |
| taya | 1245 |
| tya | " |
| ta | " |
| na | " |
| tana, tna | " |
| vat | " |
| kaṭa | " |
| vana, ā | " |
a. The regular and greatly prevailing formation is that which is accompanied with vṛddhi-strengthening of the first syllable of the primitive word, simple or compound. Examples of this formation are:
b. From primitives ending in consonants: with the usual shift of accent, āyasá of metal (áyas), mānasá relating to the mind (mánas), sāumanasá friendliness (sumánas), brāhmaṇá priest (bráhman), hāimavatá from the Himalaya (himávant), ān̄girasá of the Angiras family (án̄giras); hā́stina elephantine (hastín), mā́ruta pertaining to the Maruts (marút); — with accent thrown forward from the final upon the suffix, çāradá autumnal, vāirājá relating to the virā́j, pāuṣṇá belonging to Pūshán; gāirikṣitá son of Girikshít; — with accent unchanged, mā́nuṣa descendant of Mánus.
c. The suffix is added (as above instanced) to the middle stem-form of stems in vant; it is added to the weakest in mā́ghona and vā́rtraghna; the ending in remains unchanged; an usually does the same, but sometimes
loses its a, as in pāuṣṇá, trāivṛṣṇá, dāçarājñá; and sometimes its n, as in brāhmá, āukṣá, bārhatsāma.
d. From primitives in ṛ: jāítra victorious (jetṛ́ or jétṛ conqueror), tvāṣṭrá relating to Tváshtar, sāvitrá descendant of the sun (savitṛ́), āúdbhetra, pāitra.
e. From primitives in u: usually with guṇa-strengthening of the u, as vāsavá relating to the Vásus, ārtavá concerning the seasons (ṛtú), dānavá child of Dānu (dā́nu), sāindhavá from the Indus (síndhu); — but sometimes without, as mā́dhva full of sweets (mádhu), pārçva side (párçu rib), pāidvá belonging to Pedú, tā́nva of the body (tanū́), yā́dva of Yádu.
f. From primitives in i and ī, which vowels are supplanted by the added suffix: pā́rthiva earthly (pṛthivī́), sārasvatá of the Sárasvatī, āindrāgná belonging to Indra and Agni (indrāgnī́); pā́n̄kta five-fold (pan̄ktí), nāirṛtá belonging to Nírṛti, pārthuraçmá of Pṛthuraçmi, pāçupatá of Paçupáti.
g. From primitives in ā, which in like manner disappears: yāmuná of the Yamúnā, sāraghá honey etc. (sarághā bee), kānīná natural child (kanī́nā girl).
h. A large number (more than all the rest together) from primitives in a, of which the final is replaced by the suffix: for example, with the usual shift of accent, āmitrá inimical (amítra enemy), vāruṇá of Váruṇa, vāiçvadevá belonging to all the gods (viçvádeva), nāirhastá handlessness (nírhasta), vāiçvadevá descendant of Vyàçva; gā́rdabha asinine (gardabhá), dāíva divine (devá), mā́dhyaṁdina meridional (madhyáṁdina), pāútra grandchild (putrá son), sāúbhaga good fortune (subhága), vā́dhryaçva of Vadhryaçvá's race; with unchanged accent (comparatively few), vāsantá vernal (vasantá spring), māitrá Mitrá's, ātithigvá of Atithigvá's race, dāívodāsa Dívodāsa's. In a few instances, ya is replaced by the suffix: thus, sāura, pāuṣá, yājñavalka.
i. The derivatives of this last form are sometimes regarded as made by internal change, without added suffix. Considering, however, that other final vowels are supplanted by this suffix, that a disappears as stem-final also before various other suffixes of secondary derivation, and that no examples of derivation without suffix are quotable from primitives of any other final than a, it seems far too violent to assume here a deviation from the whole course of Indo-European word-making.
j. Adjectives of this formation make their feminines in ī (see 332 a).
a. A number of examples of stems in a made by transfer were noticed above (399). The cases of such transition occur most frequently in composition (1315): thus, further, apa- (for ap or āp water), -ṛca, -nara, etc.; from stems in an, -aha, -vṛṣa, etc., but also -ahna and -vṛṣṇa and vṛ́ṣaṇa; from stems in i, -an̄gula, -rātra, etc.; from the weakest forms of añc-stems (407) uccá, nīcá, parācá, etc.
b. Also occurring especially in composition, yet likewise as simple words often enough to have an independent aspect, are derivatives in a from nouns in as (rarely is, us): thus, for example, tamasá, rajasá, payasá, brahmavarcasá, sarvavedasá, devāinasá, paruṣá, tryāyuṣá, and probably mánuṣa.
c. Similar derivatives from adjectives in in are reckoned by the grammarians as made with the suffix ina: thus, malina polluted, parameṣṭhína etc. (see 441 b).
d. A number of words formed with the so-called suffix anta are evident transfers from stems in ant. A few of them are found even from the earliest period: thus, pā́nta draught, çvāntá (?), vasantá spring, hemantá winter, veçantá etc. tank, jīvantī́ a certain healing plant; and others occur later, as jayanta, taranta, madhumanta, etc. They are said to be accented on the final.
e. From añc-stems (407) are made a few nouns ending in k-a: thus, ánūka, ápāka, upā́ka, prátīka, parāká, etc.
f. From stems in ṛ, hotrá, netrá, neṣṭrá, potrá, praçāstrá, etc., from titles of priests; also dhātrá, bhrātrá, etc.
g. Other scattering cases are: savidyutá, āvyuṣá, vī́rudha, kákuda, kakubhá, açúṣa, bhūmyá, sakhyá, ádhipatya, jāspatyá, araṭvá, pānḍvá.
h. The Vedic gerundives in tva (tua), made by addition of a to abstract noun-stems in tu, have been already (966 a) fully given.
i. Trayá and dvayá come with guna-strengthening from numeral stems; náva new in like manner from nú now; and ántara apparently from antár.
j. Bheṣajá medicine is from bhiṣáj healer, with guṇa-change; and probably devá heavenly, divine, god, in like manner from div sky, heaven (there is no "root div shine" in the language).
a. The derivatives in ya exhibit a great and perplexing variety of form, connection, and application; and the relations of the suffix to others containing a ya-element — iya, īya, eya, āyya, eyya, enya — are also in part obscure and difficult. In the great majority of instances in the oldest language, the ya when it follows a consonant is dissyllabic in
metrical value, or is to be read as ia. Thus, in RV., 266 words (excluding compounds) have ia, and only 75 have ya always; 46 are to be read now with ia and now with ya, but many of these have ya only in isolated cases. As might be expected, the value ia is more frequent after a heavy syllable: thus, in RV., there are 188 examples of ia and 27 of ya after such a syllable, and 78 of ia and 96 of ya after a light syllable (the circumflexed yà — that is to say, ía — being, as is pointed out below, 1212 l, more liable to the resolution than ya or yá). It must be left for further researches to decide whether in the ya are not included more than one suffix, with different accent, and different quantity of the i-element; or with an a added to a final i of the primitive. It is also matter for question whether there is a primary as well as a secondary suffix ya; the suffix at least comes to be used as if primary, in the formation of gerundives and in that of action-nouns: but it is quite impossible to separate the derivatives into two such classes, and it has seemed preferable therefore to treat them ail together here.
b. The derivatives made with ya may be first divided into those which do and those which do not show an accompanying vṛddhi-increment of the initial syllable.
c. Adjectives in ya, of both these divisions, make their feminines regularly in yā. But in a number of cases, a feminine in ī is made, either alone or beside one in yā: e. g. cāturmāsī, āgniveçī, çāṇḍilī, ā́rī (and ā́ryā), dāívī (and dāívyā), sāumī (and sāumyā); dhīrī́, çīrṣaṇī, svarī, etc.
a. Examples are : with the usual shift of accent, dāívya divine (devá), pā́litya grayness (palitá), grāívya cervical (grīvā́), ā́rtvijya priestly office (ṛtvíj), gā́rhapatya householder's (gṛhápati), jā́narājya kingship (janarā́j), sā́ṁgrāmajitya victory in battle (saṁgrāmajít), sāúvaçvya wealth in houses (sváçva), āúpadraṣṭrya witness (upadraṣṭṛ́); ādityá Aditya (áditi), sāumyá relating to sóma, ātithyá hospitality (átithi), prājāpatyá belonging to Prajā́pati, vāimanasyá mindlessness (vímanas), sā́hadevya descendant of Sahádeva; — with accent thrown forward from the final upon the ending, lāukyá of the world (loká), kāvyá of the Kaví-race, ārtvyá descendant of Ritú, vāyavyá belonging to the wind (vāyú), rāivatyá wealth (revánt); with unchanged accent (very few), ā́dhipatya lordship (ádhipati), çrāíṣṭhya excellence (çréṣṭha), vāíçya belonging to the third class (víç people), pāúṁsya manliness (púṁs).
b. The AV. has once nāirbādhyà, with circumflexed final; if not an error, it is doubtless made through nāirbādha; vāiṣṇavyāú (VS. i. 12) appears to be dual fem. of vāiṣṇavī́.
a. The general mass of these words may be best divided according to their accent, into: 1. Words retaining the accent of the primitive; 2. Words with retracted accent; 3. Words with acute yá (iá); 4. Words with circumflexed yà (ía). Finally may be considered the words, gerundives and action-nouns, which have the aspect of primary derivatives.
1. b. Examples of derivatives in ya retaining the accent of their primitives are: áçvya equine (áçva), án̄gya of the limbs (án̄ga), múkhya foremost (múkha mouth), ávya ovine (ávi), gávya bovine (gó), víçya of the people (víç), dúrya of the door (dúr), nárya manly (nṛ́), vṛ́ṣṇya virile (vṛ́ṣan), svarā́jya autocracy (svarā́j), suvī́rya wealth in retainers (suvī́ra), viçvájanya of all men, viçvádevya of all the gods (viçvádeva), mayū́raçepya peacock-tailed.
c. In the last words, and in a few others, the ya appears to be used (like ka, 1222 h: cf. 1212 m) as a suffix simply helping to make a possessive compound: and so further suhástya (beside the equivalent suhásta), mádhuhastya, dáçamāsya, miçrádhānya, anyódarya, samānodarya.
2. d. Examples with retraction of the accent to the first syllable (as in derivation with vṛddhi-increment) are: káṇṭhya guttural (kaṇṭhá), skándhya humeral (skandhá), vrátya of a ceremony (vratá), méghya in the clouds (meghá), pítrya of the Fathers (pitṛ́), prátijanya adverse (pratijaná). Hiraṇyáya of gold (híraṇya), is anomalous both in drawing the accent forward and in retaining the final a of the primitive; and gavyáya and avyáya (also ávyaya) are to be compared with it as to formation.
3. e. Examples with acute accent on the suffix are: divyá heavenly (dív), satyá true (sánt), vyāghryá tigrine (vyāghrá), kavyá wise (kaví), grāmyá of the village (grā́ma), somyá relating to the sóma, anenasyá sinlessness (anenás), adakṣiṇyá not fit for dákṣiṇā.
4. f. Of derivatives ending in circumflexed yà (which in the Veda are considerably more numerous than all the three preceding classes together), examples are as follows:
g. From consonant-stems: viçyà of the clan (RV.: víç), hṛdyá of the heart (hṛ́d), vidyutyà of the lightning (vidyút), rājanyà of the royal class (rā́jan), doṣaṇyà of the arm (doṣán), çīrṣaṇyà of the head (çīrṣán), karmaṇyà active (kárman), dhanvanyà of the plain (dhánvan), namasyà reverend (námas), tvacasyà cuticular (tvácas), barhiṣyà of barhís, āyuṣyà giving life (ā́yus), bhasadyà of the buttocks (bhasád), prācyà eastern (prā́ñc), etc. Of exceptional formation is aryamyà intimate (aryamán), with which doubtless belong sātmya (sātman) and sākṣya (sākṣin).
h. From u-stems: hanavyà of the jaws (hánu), vāyavya belonging to Vāyú, paçavyà relating to rattle (paçú), iṣavyà relating to arrows (íṣu), madhavyà of the sweet (mádhu), apsavyà of the waters (apsú lo.), rajjavyà of rope (rájju); çaravyā̀ f. arrow (çáru, do.); and there may be added nāvyà navigable (especially in fem., nāvyā̀ navigable stream: nāú boat). The RV. has prāçavyà to be partaken of (pra+√aç), without any corresponding noun prāçu; and also ūrjavyà rich in nourishment (ūrj), without any intermediate ūrju.
i. Under this head belong, as was pointed out above (964), the so-called gerundives in tavyà, as made by the addition of yà to the infinitive noun in tu. They are wholly wanting in the oldest language, and hardly found in later Vedic, although still later tavya wins the value of a primary suffix, and makes numerous verbal derivatives.
j. From i- and ī-stems hardly any examples are to be quoted. VS. has dundubhyà from dundubhí.
k. From a-stems: svargyà heavenly (svargá), devatyà relating to a deity (devátā), prapathyà guiding (prapathá), budhnyà fundamental (budhná), jaghanyà hindmost (jaghána), varuṇyà Váruna's, vīryà might (vīrá), udaryà abdominal (udára), utsyà of the fountain (útsa); and from ā-stems, urvaryà of cultivated land (urvárā), svāhyà relating to the exclamation svā́hā.
l. The circumflexed yà is more generally resolved (into ía) than the other forms of the suffix: thus, in RV. it is never to be read as ya after a heavy syllable ending with a consonant; and even after a light one it becomes ía in more than three quarters of the examples.
m. There are a few cases in which yà appears to be used to help make a compound with governing preposition (next chapter, 1310: of. 1212 c): thus, apikakṣyà about the arm-pit, upapakṣyà upon the sides, udāpyà up-stream; and perhaps upatṛṇyà lying in the grass (occurs only in voc.). But, with other accent, ánvāntrya through the entrails, úpamāsya in each month, abhinabhyá up to the clouds, antaḥparçavyá between the ribs, ádhigartya on the chariot sent; of unknown accent, adhihastya, anupṛṣṭhya, anunāsikya, anuvaṅçya.
questioned whether they are not, a least in part, primary derivatives from the beginning, are especially the gerundives, together with action-nouns coincident with these in form; in the later language, the gerundive-formation (above, 963) comes to be practically a primary one.
a. In RV. occur about forty instances of gerundives in ya, of tolerably accordant form: the root usually unstrengthened (but cétya, bhávya, -hávya, márjya, yódhya; also -mā́dya, -vā́cya, bhāvyá); the accent on the radical syllable when the word is simple, or compounded with prepositions: thus, praçásya, upasádya, vihávya (but usually on the final after the negative prefix: thus, anāpyá, anapavṛjyá) — exceptions are only bhāvyá and the doubtful ākāyyà; the ya resolved into ia in the very great majority of occurrences; a final short vowel followed by t (in -ítya, -kṛtya, -çrútya, -stútya, and the reduplicated carkṛ́tya, beside carkṛ́ti: not in návya and -hávya), and ā changed to e (in -deya only). If regarded as secondary, they might be made with ya, in accordance with other formations by this suffix, in part from the root-noun, as anukṛ́t-ya, in part from derivatives in a, as bhāvyá (from bhāva).
b. The AV. has a somewhat smaller number (about twenty-five) of words of a like formation; but also a considerable group (fifteen) of derivatives in yà with the same value: thus, for example, ādyà eatable, kāryà to be done, samāpyà to be obtained, atitāryà to be overpassed, nīvibhāryà to be carried in the apron, prathamavāsyà to be first worn, These seem more markedly of secondary origin: and especially such forms as parivargyà to be avoided, avimokyá not to be gotten rid of, where the guttural reversion clearly indicates primitives in ga and ka (216 h).
c. Throughout the older language are of common occurrence neuter abstract nouns of the same make with the former of these classes. They are rarely found except in composition (in AV., only cítya and stéya as simple), and are often used in the dative, after the manner of a dative infinitive. Examples are: brahmajyéya, vasudéya, bhāgadhéya, pūrvapéya, çataséya, abhibhū́ya, devahū́ya, mantraçrútya, karmakṛ́tya, vṛtratū́rya, hotṛvū́rya, ahihátya, sattrasádya, çirṣabhídya, brahmacárya, nṛṣáhya. Of exceptional form are ṛtódya (√vad) and sahaçéyya (√çī); of exceptional accent, sadhástutya. And AV. has one example, raṇyà, with circumflexed final.
d. Closely akin with these, in meaning and use, is a smaller class of feminines in yā́: thus, kṛtyā́, vidyā́, ityā́, agnicityā́, vājajityā́, muṣṭihatyā́, devayajyā́, etc.
e. There remain, of course, a considerable number of less classifiable words, both nouns and adjectives, of which a few from the older language may be mentioned, without discussion of their relations: thus, sū́rya (with
fem. sūryā́), ā́jya, púṣya, nábhya; yújya, gṛ́dhya, írya, aryá and ā́rya, márya, mádhya.
The suffixes apparently most nearly akin with ya may best be next taken up.
a. With accent íya (= ía or yà): for example, abhríya (also abhriyá) from the clouds (abhrá), kṣatríya having authority (kṣatrá), yajñíya reverend (yajñá), hotríya libational (hótrā), amitríya inimical (amítra).
b. With accent iyá (= ía or yà): for example, agriyá (also agríya) foremost (ágra), indriyá Indra's (later, sense: índra), kṣetriyá of the field (kṣétra).
c. With accent on the primitive: çrótriya learned (çrótra), ṛ́tviya (also ṛtvíya) in season (ṛtú).
a. In RV. occur, of general adjectives, only ārjikī́ya and gṛhamedhī́ya, and examples in the later Vedic are very few: e. g. parvatī́ya mountainous (AV., beside RV. parvatyà). In the Brāhmaṇas are found a number of adjectives, some of them from phrases (first words of verses and the like): thus, anyarāṣṭrī́ya, pan̄cavātī́ya, mārjālī́ya, kayāçubhīya, svāduṣkilīya, apohiṣṭhīya, etc.
b. It was pointed out above (965) that derivative adjectives in īya from action-nouns in ana begin in later Veda and in Brāhmaṇa to be used gerundivally, and are a recognized formation as gerundives in the classical language. But adjectives in anīlya without gerundive character are also common.
c. Derivatives in īya with initial vṛddhi are sometimes made in the later language: e. g. pārvatīya, pāitāputrīya, āparapaksīya, vāirakīya.
d. The pronominal possessives madīya etc. (516 a) do not occur either in Veda or in Brāhmaṇa; but the ordinals dvitī́ya etc. (487 b, c: with fractional tṛ́tīya and túrīya: 488 a) are found from the earliest period.
e. The possessives bhagavadīya and bhavadīya, with the final of the primitive made sonant, have probably had their form determined by the pronominal possessives in -dīya.
a. Examples are: ārṣeyá descendant of a sage (ṛ́ṣi), jānaçruteyá son of Jānacruti, sārameyá of Sarámā's race, çātavaneyá Çatavani's descendant, rāthajiteyá son of Rathajít; ā́sneya of the blood (asán), vā́steya of the bladder (vastí), pāúruṣeya coming from man (púruṣa), pāitṛsvaseya of a paternal aunt (pitṛsvasṛ), etc.
b. A more than usual proportion of derivatives in eya come from primitives in i or ī; and probably the suffix first gained its form by addition of ya to a gunated i, though afterward used independently.
c. The gerundive etc. derivatives in ya (above, 1213) from ā-roots end in éya; and, besides such, RV. etc. have sabhéya from sabhā́, and didṛkṣéya worth seeing, apparently from the desiderative noun didṛkṣā́, after their analogy. M. has once adhyeya as gerund of √i.
d. Derivatives in the so-called suffix ineyá — as bhāgineyá, jyāiṣṭhineya, kāniṣṭhineya — are doubtless made upon proximate derivatives in -inī (fem.).
e. In eyya (i. e. eyia) end, besides the neuter abstract sahaçéyya (above, 1213 c), the adjective of gerundival meaning stuṣéyya (with aoristic s added to the root), and çapatheyyà curse-bringing (or accursed), from çapátha.
a. The y of this suffix is almost always to be read as vowel, and the accent is (except in váreṇya) on the e: thus -énia.
b. The gerundives have been all given above, under the different conjugations to which they attach themselves (966 b, 1019 b, 1038). The RV. has also two non-gerundival adjectives, vīréṇya manly (vīrá), and kīrténya famous (kīrtí), and TS. has anabhiçastenyá (abhíçasti); vijenyà (RV.) is a word of doubtful connections; çikṣeṇya instructive is found in a Sūtra; prāvṛṣeṇya of the rainy season occurs later.
a. A few adjectives without gerundival value, and neuter abstracts, also occur: thus, bahupā́yya protecting many, nṛpā́yya men-guarding; kuṇḍapā́yya, and purumā́yya, proper names; pūrvapā́yya first drink, mahayā́yya enjoyment; — and rasā́yya nervous, and uttamā́yya summit, contain no verbal root. Alā́yya is doubtful; also ākāyyà, which its accent refers to a different formation, along with prahāyyà (AV.: √hi) messenger, and pravāyyà (AV.), of doubtful value.
a. In RV., the only example of this formation is kāṇvāyana (voc.: káṇva); AV. has in metrical parts dākṣāyaṇá and the fem. rāmāyaṇī́; and āmuṣyāyaṇá son of so-and-so (516) in its prose; ÇB. has rājastambā́yana beside -bāyaná. The RV. name ukṣaṇyā́yana is of a different make, elsewhere unknown.
a. They seem to be feminines of a derivative in a made with vṛddhi-increment of the final i of the primitive.
a. In RV. are found half-a-dozen patronymics in i: for example, ā́gniveçi, pāúrukutsi, prā́tardani, sā́ṁvaraṇi; AV. has but one, prā́hrādi; in the Brāhmaṇas they are more common: thus, in AB., sāuyavasi, jānaṁtapi, āruṇi, jānaki, etc. A single word of other value — sā́rathi charioteer (sarátham) — is found from RV. down.
b. The words made with the so-called suffix aki — as vāiyāsaki descendant of Vyāsa — are doubtless properly derivatives in i from others in ka or aka. That the secondary suffix ika is probably made by addition of ka to a derivative in i is pointed out below (1222 j).
c. RV. has tápuṣi, apparently from tápus with a secondary i added, and the n. pr. çucantī́; bhuvantí is found in B., and jīvanti later.
that value it still has in actual use; yet only in a small minority of occurrences. It has been, on the one hand, specialized into an element forming diminutives; and, on the other hand, and much more widely, attenuated into an element without definable value, added to a great many nouns and adjectives to make others of the same meaning — this last is, even in the Veda, and still more in the later language, its chief office.
a. Hence, ka easily associates itself with the finals of derivatives to which it is attached, and comes to seem along with them an integral suffix, and is further used as such. Of this origin are doubtless, as was seen above (1180, 1181), the so-called primary suffixes uka and aka; and likewise the secondary suffix ika (below; j).
b. The accent of derivatives in ka varies — apparently without rule, save that the words most plainly of diminutive character have the tone usually on the suffix.
c. Examples (from the older language) of words in which the suffix has an adjective-making value are: ántaka (ánta) end-making, bálhīka (bálhi) of Balkh, āṇḍī́ka (āṇḍá) egg-bearing, sūcī́ka (sūcī́) stinging, urvāruká fruit of the gourd (urvārú), paryāyiká (paryāyá) strophic; from numerals, ekaká, dvaká, triká, áṣṭaka; tṛ́tīyaka of the third day; from pronoun-stems, asmā́ka ours, yuṣmā́ka yours, mámaka mine (516 d); from prepositions, ántika near, ánuka following, ávakā a plant (later adhika, utka); and, with accent retracted to the initial syllable (besides áṣṭaka and tṛ́tīyaka, already given), rū́paka (rūpá) with form, bábhruka (babhrú brown) a certain lizard. Bhāvatka your worship's has an anomalous initial vṛddhi.
d. Of words in which a diminutive meaning is more or less probable: açvaká nag, kanī́naka and kumāraká boy, kanīnakā́ or kanī́nikā girl, pādaká little foot, putraká little son, rājaká princeling, çakuntaká birdling. Sometimes a contemptuous meaning is conveyed by such a diminutive: for formations with this value from pronominal stems, see above, 521; other examples are anyaká (RV.), álakam (RV.: from álam), and even the verb-form yāmaki (for yāmi: KB.).
e. The derivatives in ka with unchanged meaning are made from primitives of every variety of form, simple and compound, and have the same variety of accent as the adjective derivatives (with which they are at bottom identical). Thus:
f. From simple nouns and adjectives: ástaka home, nā́sikā nostril, mákṣikā fly, avikā́ ewe, iṣukā́ arrow, dūraká distant, sarvaká all, dhénukā (dhenú) cow, nágnaka (nagná) naked, báddhaka (baddhá) captive, abhinnataraka by no means different, anastamitaké before sunset
, vamraká ant, arbhaká small, çiçuká young, aṇīyaska finer, ejatká trembling, abhimādyatká intoxicated, patayiṣṇuká flying. Such derivatives in the later language are innumerable; from almost any given noun or adjective may be made an equivalent, ending in ka or kā (according to the gender).
g. From compound primitives: svalpaká very small, vímanyuka removing wrath, vikṣiṇatká destroying, pravartamānaká moving forward, viksīṇaká destroyed.
h. In the Brāhmaṇas and later, ka is often added to a possessive adjective compound (1307), sometimes redundantly, but usually in order to obtain a more manageable stem for inflection: thus, anakṣíka eyeless, atvakká skinless, aretáska without seed, vyasthaka boneless, saçiraska along with the head, ekagāyatrīka containing a single gāyatrī-verse, gṛhītávasatīvarīka one who has taken yesterday's water, sapatnīka with his spouse, bahuhastíka having many elephants, sadīkṣopasátka with dīkṣā and upasad, āhitasamitka with his fuel laid on, abhinavavayaska of youthful age, an̄guṣṭhamātraka of thumb size.
i. The vowel by which the ka is preceded has often an irregular character; and especially, a feminine in ikā is so common beside a masculine in aka as to be its regular correspondent (as is the case with the so-called primary aka: above, 1181). In RV. are found beside one another only iyattaká and iyattikā́; but AV. has several examples.
j. Two suffixes made up of ka and a preceding vowel — namely, aka and ika — are given by the grammarians as independent secondary suffixes, requiring initial vṛddhi-strengthening of the primitive. Both of them are doubtless originally made by addition of ka to a final i or a, though coming to be used independently.
k. Of vṛddhi-derivatives in aka no examples have been noted from the older language (unless māmaká mine is to be so regarded); and they are not common in the later: thus, āvaçyaka necessary, vārddhaka old age, rāmaṇīyaka delightfulness.
l. Of vṛddhi-derivatives in ika, the Veda furnishes a very few cases: vā́santika vernal, vā́rṣika of the rainy season, hāímantika wintry (none of them in RV.); AV. has kāirātikā́ of the Kirātas, apparent fem. to a masc. kāirātaka, which is not found till later. Examples from a more recent period (when they become abundant) are: vāidika relating to the Vedas, dhārmika religious, āhnika daily, vāinayika well-behaved, dāuvārika doorkeeper, nāiyāyika versed in the Nyāya.
m. Before the suffix ka, some finals show a form which is characteristic of external rather than internal combination. A final sonant mute, of course, becomes surd, and an aspirate loses its aspiration (117 a, 114): cf. -upasatka, -samitka, above, h. So also a palatal becomes guttural (as before t etc.: 217): e. g. -srukka, -rukka, -tvakka, anṛkka. A s remains after ā˘, and becomes ṣ after an alterant vowel (180): e. g. sadyaska, jyotiṣka, dirghāyuṣka. But the other sibilants take the form
they would have in composition: thus, adíkka (diç), ṣaṭka, -viṭka, -tviṭka (ṣaṣ etc.). Anāçīrka (TS.: āçis) is anomalous; and so is parutka (Āpast.), if it comes from parus.
a. A few derivatives in āna in RV. were given above (1175 a).
b. With ānī (which is perhaps the corresponding feminine) are made a small number of words, chiefly wife-names: thus, indrāṇī́, varuṇānī́ (these, with uçīnárāṇī, purukútsānī, mudgā́lanī, ūrjā́nī, are found in RV.), rudrāṇī, mātulānī maternal uncle's wife, çarvāṇī, bhavānī, içānānī, çakrāṇī, upādhyāyānī, mṛḍānī, brahmāṇī; and yavānī.
c. The feminines in nī and knī from masculine stems in ta have been already noticed above (1176 d). From páti master, husband the feminine is pátnī, both as independent word, spouse, and as final of an adjective compound: thus, devápatnī having a god for husband, síndhupatnī having the Indus as master. And the feminine of paruṣá rough is in the older language sometimes páruṣṇī.
d. With īna are made a full series of adjective derivatives from the words with final añc (407 ff.); they are accented usually upon the penult, but sometimes on the final; and the same word has sometimes both accents: for example, apācī́na, nīcī́na, prācī́na, arvācī́na and arvācīná, pratīcī́na and pratīcīná, samīcīná. Besides these, a number of other adjectives, earlier and later: examples are saṁvatsarī́na yearly, prāvṛṣī́ṇa of the rainy season, viçvajanī́na of all people, jñātakulī́na of known family, adhvanīna traveller (ádhvan way), āçvīna day's journey on horseback (áçva horse). RV. has once mā́kīna mine.
e. With ena is made sāmidhená (f. -nī́), from samídh, with initial strengthening.
f. As to a few words in ina, compare 1209 c.
g. The adjectives made with simple na fall partly under another head (below, 1245 f); here may be noted çū́raṇa heroic (?), phálguna, çmaçruṇá, dadruṇa, and, with vṛddhi-strengthening, strāíṇa woman's (its correlative, pāuṁsna, occurs late) and cyāutná inciting. If dróṇa comes from dru wood, it has the anomaly of a guṇa-strengthening.
a. With ima are made a small number of adjectives from nouns in tra: thus, khanítrima made by digging, kṛtríma artificial, dattrima, paktrima, pūtríma; in other finals, kuṭṭima, gaṇima, talima, tulima, pākima, udgārima, vyāyogima, saṁvyūhima, nirvedhima, āsan̄gima, all late. In agrima (RV.) foremost the ma has perhaps the ordinal value.
b. The uses of simple ma in forming superlatives (474) and ordinals (487 d, e) have been already noticed, and the words thus made specified.
c. A few neuter abstracts end in mna: thus, dyumná brightness, nṛmṇá manliness; and, from particles, nimná depth and sumná welfare. The suffix comes perhaps from man with an added a.
d. For the words showing a final min, see below, 1231.
a. The accent is always on the má, and the feminine is regularly and usually in máyī. In the oldest language (V.), final as remains unchanged before the suffix: thus, manasmáya, nabhasmáya, ayasmáya; but d is treated as in external combination: thus, mṛnmáya; and in the Brāhmaṇas and later, finals in general have the latter treatment: e. g. tejomáya, adomáya, āpomáya, jyotirmaya, yajurmáya, etanmáya, asṝn̄maya, vān̄máya, ammaya, prāvṛṇmaya. RV. has açmanmáya (later açmamaya). In hiraṇmáya (B. and later) the primitive (hiraṇya) is peculiarly mutilated. RV. has sūmáya of good make, and kimmáya made of what?
b. A very few examples of a feminine in yā occur in the later language.
a. With simple addition of ra are made, for example: pāṅsurá dusty, -çrīra (also -çlīla) in açrīrá ugly, dhūmrá dusky (dhūmá smoke), madhura (late) sweet. In an example or two, there appears to be accompanying initial strengthening: thus, ā́gnīdhra of the fire-kindler (agnī́dh), çān̄kura stake-like (çan̄kú); and in çekhara (also çikhara), a guṇa-strengthening.
b. With an inorganic vowel before the ending are made, for example, médhira wise, rathirá in a chariot; karmā́ra smith; dantura (late) tusked; acchéra (? MS.), çrāmaṇera, saṁgamanera.
c. The use of ra in forming a few words of comparative meaning was noticed above (474), and the words so made were given.
a. Examples are: bahulá abundant, madhulá (later madhura) and madhūla sweet, bhīmala fearful, jīvalá lively, açlīlá (and açrīrá) wretched; with ā, vācāla talkative (late); with i, phenila foamy (late:
phéna); with u, vātula and vātūla windy (late: vā́ta); and mātula maternal uncle is a somewhat irregular formation from mātṛ́ mother.
b. In the later language are found a few adjectives in lu, always preceded by ā; examples are: kṛpālu and dayālu compassionate, īrṣyālu jealous, uṣṇālu heated, çayālu and svapnālu sleepy, lajjālu modest, lālālu drooling, çraddhālu trusting, krodhālu passionate. One or two such derivatives having a primary aspect were noticed at 1192 b.
a. Examples are: arṇavá billowy, keçavá hairy; rāsnāvá girded; añjivá slippery, çantivá tranquillizing, çraddhivá credible, amaṇiva jewelless, rājīva striped.
b. There are a very few adjectives in vala and vaya which may be noticed here: thus, kṛṣīvalá peasant (kṛṣi ploughing), ūrṇāvalá wooly, rajasvala, ūrjasvala, payasvala, çādvala, naḍvala, çikhāvala, dantāvala; druváya wooden dish, caturvaya fourfold.
c. With vya are made two or three words from names of relationship: thus, pítṛvya paternal uncle, bhrā́tṛvya nephew, enemy.
a. Thus, romaçá or lomaçá hairy, étaça (also etaçá) variegated, arvaçá or árvaça hasting, babhluçá or babhruçá and kapiça brownish, kṛṣṇaça blackish, yuvaçá youthful, bāliça childish, karkaça harsh, karmaça (?) n. pr.; and giriça, vāriça (?), vṛkṣaça are doubtless of the same character (not containing the root çī). The character of harīmaçá, káçmaça, kaláça is doubtful.
b. Many of the adjective derivatives already treated have sometimes a possessive value, the general meaning of being concerned with, having relation to being specialized into that of being in possession of. But there are also a few distinctively possessive suffixes; and some of these, on account of the unlimited freedom of using them and the frequency of their occurrence, are very conspicuous parts of the general system of derivation. These will be next considered.
a. A final vowel disappears before the suffix. The accent is on the suffix. As to the inflection of these adjectives, see above, 438 ff. They are to be counted by hundreds in the older language, and are equally or more numerous in the later.
b. Examples from a-stems are: açvín possessing horses, dhanín wealthy, pakṣín winged, balín strong, bhagín fortunate, vajrín wielding the thunderbolt, çikhaṇḍín crested, hastín possessing hands, ṣoḍaçín of sixteen, gardabhanādín having an ass's voice, brahmavarcasín of eminent sanctity, sādhudevín having luck at play, kūcidarthín having errands everywhither; — from ā-stems, manīṣín wise, çikhín crested, ṛtāyín pious.
c. Derivatives from other stems are very few in comparison: thus, from i-stems, atithin (?), abhimātín, arcín, açanin, ūrmin, kālanemin, khādín, -pāṇin, marīcin, mauñjin, māulin, -yonin, venin, saṁdhin, samṛddhin, surabhin (of those found only at the end of a possessive compound the character is doubtful, since case-forms of i- and in-stems are not seldom exchanged); from u-stems, gurvin, çatagvín (?), veṇavin (with guna of the u); — from stems in an, varmín, karmin, carmin, -chadmin, janmin, dhanvin, -dharmin, nāmin, brahmin, yakṣmin, çarmin, and çvanin; — in as, retín rich in seed, and probably varcin n. pr.; also (perhaps through stems in -sa) çavasín and sahasin, manasín, -vayasín; — isolated are parisrajín garlanded, and hiranín (hiránya).
d. It was pointed out above (1183) that derivatives in in have assumed on a large scale the aspect and value of primary derivatives, with the significance of present participles, especially at the end of compounds. The properly secondary character of the whole formation is shown, on the one hand, by the frequent use in the same manner of words bearing an unmistakably secondary form, as praçnín, garbhín, jūrṇín, dhūmín, snānin, homin, matsarín, paripanthín, pravepanín, saṁgatin; and, on the other hand, by the occurrence of reverted palatals (216) before the in, which could only be as in replaced a: thus, arkín, -bhan̄gín, -san̄gín, -rokín.
e. In a few cases, there appears before the in a y preceded by an ā of inorganic character: thus, dhanvāyín, tantrāyín, çvetāyín, sṛkāyín, ātatāyín, pratihitāyín, marāyín, ṛtāyín, svadhāyín (VS.: TB. -vín). The y in all such words is evidently the inserted y after ā (258 a), and to assume for them a suffix yin is quite needless.
f. The accentuation pravrā́jin, prasyándin, in the concluding part of ÇB., is doubtless false; and the same is to be suspected for çā́kī, sárī, írī (RV., each once).
g. A very few words in in have not suffered the possessive specialization. Such are vanín tree, hermit, kapotín dovelike, aṇḍin scrotum-like (cf. 1233 f).
a. In the old language, the words in min have the aspect of derivatives in in from nouns in ma, although in two or three cases — iṣmín
and ṛgmín in RV., vāgmín in ÇB. — no such nouns are found in actual use beside them. In the later language, min is used as independent element in a very few words: thus, gomin possessing cattle, svāmin (Sūtras and later) master, lord (sva own), kakudmin humped.
b. The two words ṛgmín and vāgmín show not only reversion but also sonantizing of an original palatal.
a. The RV. has ten adjectives in vin; they become rather more common later. Though for them may be suspected a similar origin to those in yin and min (above), signs of it are much less clearly traceable.
b. The great majority have vin added after as: e. g. namasvín reverential, tapasvín heated, tejasvín brilliant, yaçasvín beautiful, and so retasvín, enasvín, harasvín, etc.; and çatasvín, çrotrasvín, rūpasvin have an inserted s, by analogy with them. Most others have ā (sometimes, by lengthening): thus, glāvín, medhāvín, māyāvín, sabhāvín, aṣṭrāvín obedient to the goad, dvayāvín double-minded, ubhayāvín possessing of both kinds, dhanvāvin, tandrāvin, āmayāvín, ātatāvín. More rarely, vin is added after another consonant than s: thus, vāgvín, dhṛṣadvín, ātmanvín, kumudvin, sragvin, yajvin, ajvin. The doubtful word vyaçnuvín (VS., once: TB. vyáçniya) appears to add the ending (or in, with euphonic v) to a present tense-stem.
c. An external form of combination is seen only in vāgvín and dhṛṣadvín (both Vedic), with the common reversion of a palatal in sragvin.
a. The accent generally remains upon the primitive, without change; but an accent resting on a stem-final, if this be anything but á or ā́, is in the majority of cases thrown forward upon the suffix. As to inflection, formation of feminine, etc., see 452 ff.
b. A final vowel — oftenest a, very rarely u — is in many words lengthened in the older language (247) before this ending, as in composition. Nouns in an more often retain the n.
c. Examples of the normal formation are: with unchanged accent, kéçavant hairy, putrávant having a son, prajánanavant procreative, puṇḍárīkavant rich in lotuses, híraṇyavant rich in gold, apūpávant having cakes, rājanyàvant allied with a kshatriya; prajā́vant having progeny, ū́rṇāvant wooly, dákṣiṇāvant rich in sacrificial gifts; sákhivant having friends, saptarṣívant accompanied by the seven sages; çácīvant powerful, táviṣīvant vehement, pátnīvant with spouse, dhī́vant devoted,
dyā́vāpṛthivī́vant (94 b) with heaven and earth; víṣṇuvant accompanied by Vishnu; háritvant golden, āvṛ́tvant hither turned, āçī́rvant mixed with milk, svàrvant splendid, çarádvant full of years, púṁsvant having a male, páyasvant rich, támasvant dark, bráhmaṇvant accompanied with worship, rómaṇvant hairy (but also romavant, lómavant, vṛtrahavant, etc.), kakúbhvant containing a kakúbh; — with accent on the suffix, agnivánt having fire, rayivánt wealthy, nṛvánt manly, padvánt having feet, nasvánt with nose, āsanvánt having a mouth, çīrṣaṇvánt headed (also çīrṣavant).
d. With final stem-vowel lengthened: for example, áçvāvant (beside áçvavant) possessing horses, sutā́vant having soma expressed, vṛ́ṣṇyāvant of virile force (about thirty such cases occur in V.); çáktīvant mighty, svádhitīvant having axes, ghṛ́ṇīvant hot; viṣūvánt dividing (víṣu apart).
e. Certain special irregularities are as follows: an inserted s in índrasvant, máhiṣvant; inserted n in vánanvant, búdhanvant, vádhanvant, gartanvánt, māṅsanvánt; shortening of a final of the primitive in māyávant, yājyàvant, puronuvākyàvant, āmíkṣavant, sarasvativant; abbreviation in hiraṇvant; inserted ā in çavasāvant, sahasāvant, and the odd mahimāvant; anomalous accent in kṛçanā́vant (if from kṛ́çana pearl); derivation from particles in antárvant pregnant, viṣūvánt (above, d).
f. Instead of the specialized meaning of possessing, the more general one of like to, resembling is seen in a number of words, especially in the derivatives from pronominal stems, mā́vant like me etc. (517: add ī́vant, kī́vant). Other examples are índrasvant like Indra, nīḍávant nestlike, nī́lavant blackish, nṛvánt manly, pṛ́ṣadvant speckled, kṣāítavant princely; compare the later paravant dependent. It was pointed out above (1107) that the adverb of comparison in vát is the accusative neuter of a derivative of this class.
g. In a few words, vant has the aspect of forming primary derivatives: thus, vivásvant (or vívasvant) shining, also n. pr., ánupadasvant, árvant, pípiṣvant (?), yahvánt.
h. For the derivatives in vat from prepositions, which appear to have nothing to do with this suffix, see 1245 j.
i. While this suffix is generally added to a primitive according to the rules of internal combination (see examples above, c), treatment also as in external combination begins already in RV., in pṛ́ṣadvant (pṛ́ṣat), and becomes more common later: thus, tapovant, tejovant, an̄girovant (beside tápasvant etc.); vidyúdvant (beside vidyutvant), bṛhadvant, jagadvant, sadvant, etc.; triṣṭubvant (against kakúbhvant), samidvant, vimṛdvant; vāgvant (against ṛkvant); svarāḍvant; havyavāḍvant; āçīrvant.
j. None of the suffixes beginning with v show in the Veda resolution of v to u.
a. They have the aspect of being produced under the joint influence of primary van and secondary vant. A final short vowel is usually lengthened before the suffix. The accent is various, but oftenest on the penult of the stem. The feminine (like that of the derivatives in primary van: 1169 f) is in varī.
b. The Vedic examples are: from a-stems, ṛṇāván or ṛṇaván, ṛtā́van (and f. -varī), ṛ́ghāvan, dhitā́van, satyā́van, sumnāvarī, and maghávan; from ā-stems, sūnṛ́tāvarī, svadhā́van (and f. -varī); from i-stems, amatīván, arātīván, çruṣṭīván, muṣīván, and kṛṣīvan (only in the further derivative kā́rṣīvaṇa); dhī́van; from consonant-stems, átharvan, samádvan, sáhovan (bad AV. variant to RV. sahā́van); hā́rdvan (TA. also hārdivan). Somewhat anomalous are sahā́van, índhanvan (for índhanavan?), and sanítvan (for sánitivan?). The only words of more than sporadic occurrence are ṛtā́van, maghávan, átharvan.
c. Sáhovan (see b) is the only example of external combination with this suffix.
a. If the accent of the primitive word is on the final, it is in the great majority of instances (three quarters) thrown forward upon the added suffix; otherwise, it maintains its place unchanged. A final vowel before the suffix is in only a few cases made long. Examples are:
b. With the accent of the primitive unchanged: káṇvamant, yávamant rich in barley, and vibhavamant n. pr. (these alone from a-stems, and the first only occurring once); ávimant possessing sheep, açánimant bearing the thunderbolt, óṣadhīmant rich in herbs, vā́çīmant carrying an axe, vásumant possessing good things, mádhumant rich in sweets, tváṣṭṛmant accompanied by Tvashtar, hótṛmant provided with priests, ā́yuṣmant long-lived, jyótiṣmant full of brightness; — ulkuṣī́mant accompanied with meteors, pīlúmant (?), prasū́mant having young shoots, gómant rich in kine, garútmant winged, vihútmant with libation, kakúdmant humped, vidyúnmant (with irregular assimilation of t: VS. has also kakúnmant) gleaming, virúkmant shining, havíṣmant with libations, vipruṣmant with drops.
c. With the accent thrown forward upon the ending: asimánt with knives, agnimánt having fire, iṣudhimánt with a quiver, paçumánt possessing cattle, vāyumánt with wind, pitṛmánt (AV. pitṛ́mant) accompanied by the Fathers, mātṛmánt having a mother; no long final vowels are found before the suffix in this division, and only once a consonant, in dasmát (RV., once).
d. Protraction of a final vowel is seen in tvíṣīmant, dhrájīmant, hírīmant; in jyótiṣīmant is irregularly inserted an ī (after the analogy of táviṣīmant); in çuciṣmant, mahiṣmant, an s; suṣumánt (RV., once) appears to be primary.
e. The adverb āçumát appears to be related to adverbs in vát as the suffix mant to vant.
f. By the side of derivatives made with internal combination appears vidyúnmant even in RV.; and other like cases occur later: thus, parisrúnmant, kakunmant, kṣunmant, puronún̄mant, vān̄mant, kakummant, gudaliṇmant, yaçomant.
a. For derivatives of the same value made with the suffix iman, see above, 1168 i–k.
a. The form of the primitive is unchanged, and the accent is uniformly on the syllable preceding the suffix.
b. Examples (from the older language) are: devátā divinity, vīrátā manliness, puruṣátā human nature, agnítā firehood, apaçútā cattle-lessness, bandhútā relationship, vasútā wealth; nagnátā nakedness, suvīrátā wealth in retainers, anapatyátā lack of descendants, agótā poverty in cattle, abrahmátā lack of devotion, aprajástā absence of progeny; also doubtless sūnṛ́tā (from sūnára), although the word is a few times used as an adjective (like çaṁtāti and satyatāti: see next paragraph).
c. Of special formation are mamátā selfishness, trétā triplicity, astitā actuality. RV. has avī́ratā, with exceptional accent. In ekapatnitā is seen a shortened final vowel of the primitive. Janátā has acquired a concrete meaning, people, folk; also grāmatā (once) villages collectively.
evident, but opinions are at variance as to its nature. The accent is as in the derivatives with tā.
a. The quotable examples in tāti are: ariṣṭátāti uninjuredness, ayakṣmátāti freedom from disease, gṛbhītátāti the being seized, jyeṣṭhátāti supremacy, devátāti divinity, vasútāti wealth, çáṁtāti good-fortune, sarvátāti completeness; and, with exceptional accent, ástatāti home, and dákṣatāti cleverness; çivatāti and çubhatāti occur (once each) in the later language. Two words in tāti are used adjectively (inorganically, by apposition?): çáṁtāti (RV., twice; and AV. xix. 44. 1, in manuscripts), and satyatāti (RV., once: voc.).
b. The words in tāt (apparently made by abbreviation from tāti) occur in only one or two cases-forms; they were all mentioned above (383 k. 2).
a. The neuter abstracts in tva are in the older language considerably more common than the feminines in tā, although themselves also not very numerous. The accent is without exception on the suffix.
b. Examples (from the older language) are: amṛtatvá immortality, devatvá divinity, subhagatvá good-fortune, ahamuttaratvá struggle for precedency, çucitvá purity, patitvá husbandship, taraṇitvá energy, dīrghāyutvá long life, çatrutvá enmity, bhrātṛtvá brotherhood, vṛṣatvá virility, sātmatvá soulfulness, maghavattvá liberality, rakṣastvá sorcery. In anāgāstvá and -prajāstvá there is a lengthening of the final syllable of the primitive; and in sāuprajāstvá (AV., once) this appears to be accompanied by initial vṛddhi (sāubhagatvá is doubtless from sāúbhaga, not subhága); and in these and pratyanastvá there is an apparent insertion of s. In sadhanitvá (RV.), vasatīvaritvá (TS.), rohiṇitvá (TB.), there is shortening of final feminine ī before the suffix. Of peculiar formation are astitva actuality and sahatva union. The apparent feminine datives yūthatvāyāi and gaṇatvāyāi (KS.) are doubtless false forms.
c. Besides the usual guttural reversions in samyaktva, sayuktva, we have external combination in samittva (-idh-) and pūrvavāṭtva (-vah-).
d. In iṣitatvátā (RV., once) incitedness, and puruṣatvátā (RV., twice) human quality, appears to be a combination of the two equivalent suffixes tva and tā.
e. The v of tva is to be read in Veda as u only once (rakṣastuá).
a. The words are: kavitvaná, janitvaná, patitvaná (also JB.), martyatvaná, mahitvaná, vasutvaná, vṛṣatvaná, sakhitvaná.
a. तर tara and तम tama are the usual secondary suffixes of adjective comparison: respecting their use as such, see above, 471–473; respecting the use of tama as ordinal etc. suffix, see 487–8; respecting that of their accusatives as adverbial suffixes to prepositions etc., see 1111 e.
b. In vṛtratára and purutáma (RV.) the, accent is anomalous; in mṛdayáttama, it is drawn forward to the final of the participle, as often in composition (1309); çaçvattamá (RV.) has the ordinal accent; saṁvatsaratamá (ÇB.) is an ordinal; dívātara (RV., once: an error?) is an ordinary adjective, of the day; surabhíṣṭama and tuvíṣṭama insert a s; kārotará and kāulitará are probably vṛddhi-derivatives in a. In vatsatará (f. -rī́) weanling, açvatará mule, and dhenuṣṭarī́ cow losing her milk, the application of the suffix is peculiar and obscure; so also in rathaṁtará, name of a certain sāman.
c. र ra and म ma, like tara and tama, have a comparative and superlative value; and the latter of them forms ordinals: see above, 474, 487.
d. थ tha, like tama and ma, forms ordinals from a few numerals: see 487 c; also (with fem. in -thī́) from tati, kati, yati, iti: thus, tatithá so-many-eth etc.
e. Apparently by false analogy with tatithá etc. (above, d), the quasi-ordinals tāvatitha, yāvatitha, bahutitha are made, as if with a suffix titha (also katititha, late, for katithá); and, it is said, from other words meaning a number or collection, as gaṇa, pūga, saṁgha; but none such are quotable.
a. तय taya makes a few adjectives, meaning of so many divisions or kinds (used in the neuter as collectives), from numerals: thus, ékataya (MS.), dvitaya, tritaya, cátuṣṭaya (AV.), ṣaṭtaya (KB.: with external combination), saptátaya (ÇB.), aṣṭātaya (AB.), dáçataya (RV.), bahútaya (TS.). Their fem. is in -yī.
b. त्य tya makes a class of adjectives from particles: e. g. nítya own, níṣṭya foreign, amā́tya companion, etc. As the examples show, the accent of the primitive is retained. The fem. is in -tyā.
c. The other quotable examples are ápatya, āvíṣṭya, sánutya, antastya, anyatastya-, tatastya, kutastya, atratya, tatratya, yatratya, kutratya, ihatya, upatya, adhitya, prātastya, dakṣiṇātya (instead of which, the regular form, is generally found dākṣiṇātya, apparently a further vṛddhi-derivative from it: as if belonging to the southerners), and pāçcāttya and pāurastya (of a similar character: these three last are said by the grammarians to be accented on the final, as is proper for vṛddhi-derivatives); aptyá and āptyá perhaps contain the same suffix. In antastya and prātastya is seen external combination.
d. The y of tya is in RV. always to be read as i after a heavy syllable.
e. त ta forms ekatá, dvitá, and tritá, also muhūrtá moment, and apparently avatá well (for water).
f. With न na are made purāṇá ancient, víṣuṇa various, and perhaps samāná like.
g. With तन tana or (in a few cases) त्न tna are made adjectives from adverbs, nearly always of time: e. g. pratná ancient, nū́tana or nū́tna present, sanātána or sanátna lasting, divātana of the day, çvástana of tomorrow, hyastana of yesterday. The accent is various. The feminine is in nī́.
h. The other quotable examples are: agretana, adyatana, adhunātána, idaṁtana, idānīṁtana, etarhitana, ciraṁtana, tadānīṁtana, doṣātana, purātana, prāktana, prātastána, sadātana, sāyaṁtána; from adverbs of place, adhastana, arvāktana, uparitana, kutastana; — with tna, parastāttna, purastāttna. A further vṛddhi-derivative, with equivalent meaning, nāutana (cf. above, c), occurs late. In PB. is once found tvattana belonging to thee.
i. Besides the obvious cases of an assimilated final m before this suffix, we have external combination in prātastána.
j. वत् vat makes from particles of direction the feminine nouns mentioned above (383 k. 1).
k. कट kaṭa, properly a noun in composition, is reckoned by the
grammarians as a suffix, in utkaṭa, nikaṭa, prakaṭa, vikaṭa (RV., once, voc.), and saṁkaṭa (all said to be accented on the final).
l. A suffix vana is perhaps to be seen in nivaná, pravaṇa; — and āla in antarāla.
m. Occasional derivatives made with the ordinary suffixes of primary and secondary derivation from numerals and particles have been noted above: thus, see ana (1150 n), ti (1157 h), ant (1172 a), u (1178 i), a (1209 i), ka (1222 c), mna (1224 c), maya (1225 a), vant (1233 e).
a. There is, however, a marked difference between the earlier and the later language as regards the length and intricacy of the combinations allowed. In Veda and Brāhmaṇa, it is quite rare that more than two stems are compounded together — except that to some much used and familiar compound, as to an integral word, a further element is sometimes added. But the later the period, and, especially, the more elaborate the style, the more a cumbrous and difficult aggregate of elements, abnegating the advantages of an inflective language, takes the place of the due syntactical union of formed words into sentences.
I. a. Copulative or aggregative compounds, of which the members are syntactically coördinate: a joining together into one of words which in an uncompounded condition would be connected by the conjunction and (rarely or).
b. Examples are: índrāváruṇāu Indra and Varuna, satyānṛté truth and falsehood, kṛtākṛtám done and undone, devagandharvamānuṣoragarakṣasās gods and Gandharvas and men and serpents and demons.
c. The members of such a compound may obviously be of any number, two or more than two. No compound of any other class can contain more than two members — of which, however, either or both may be compound, or decompound (below, 1248).
II. d. Determinative compounds, of which the former member is syntactically dependent on the latter, as its determining or qualifying adjunct: being either, 1. a noun (or pronoun) limiting it in a case-relation, or, 2. an adjective or adverb describing it. And, according as it is the one or the other, are to be distinguished the two sub-classes: A. Dependent compounds; and B. Descriptive compounds. Their difference is not an absolute one.
e. Examples are: of dependent compounds, amitrasenā́ army of enemies, pādodaka water for the feet, āyurdā́ life-giving, hástakṛta made with the hands; of descriptive compounds, maharṣí great sage, priyasakhi dear friend, amítra enemy, súkṛta well done.
f. These two classes are of primary value; they have undergone no unifying modification in the process of composition; their character as parts of speech is determined by their final member, and they are capable of being resolved into equivalent phrases by giving the proper independent form and formal means of connection to each member. That is not the case with the remaining class, which accordingly is more fundamentally distinct from them than they are from one another.
III. g. Secondary adjective compounds, the value of which is not given by a simple resolution into their component parts, but which, though having as final member a noun, are themselves adjectives. These, again, are of two sub-classes: A. Possessive compounds, which are noun-compounds of the preceding class, with the idea of possessing added, turning them from nouns into adjectives; B. Compounds in which the second member is a noun syntactically dependent on the first: namely, 1. Prepositional compounds, of a governing preposition and following noun;
2. Participial compounds (only Vedic), of a present participle and its following object.
h. The sub-class B. is comparatively small, and its second division (participial compounds) is hardly met with even in the later Vedic.
i. Examples are: vīrasena possessing a hero-army, prajākāma having desire of progeny, tigmáçṛn̄ga sharphorned, háritasraj wearing green garlands; atimātrá excessive; yāvayáddveṣas driving away enemies.
j. The adjective compounds are, like simple adjectives, liable to be used, especially in the neuter, as abstract and collective nouns, and in the accusative as adverbs; and out of these uses have grown apparent special classes of compounds, reckoned and named as such by the Hindu grammarians. The relation of the classification given above to that presented in the native grammar, and widely adopted from the latter by the European grammars, will be made clear as we go on to treat the classes in detail.
a. Thus, the dependent compound pūrvajanmakṛta done in a previous existence is first divisible into kṛta and the descriptive pūrvajanman, then this into its elements; the dependent sakalanītiçāstratattvajña knowing the essence of all books of behavior has first the root-stem jña (for √jñā) knowing separated from the rest, which is again dependent; then this is divided into tattva essence and the remainder, which is descriptive; this, again, divides into sakala all and nītiçāstra books of behavior, of which the latter is a dependent compound and the former a possessive (sa and kalā having its parts together).
b. If a stem has a distinction of strong and weak forms, it regularly enters into composition as prior member in its weak form; or, if it has a triple distinction (311), in its middle form.
c. That is, especially, stems in ṛ or ar, at or ant, ac or añc, etc., show in composition the forms in ṛ, at, ac, etc.; while those in an and in usually (exceptions sometimes occur, as vṛṣaṇaçvá, vṛṣaṇvasú) lose their final n, and are combined as if a and i were their proper finals.
d. As in secondary derivation (1203 d), so also as prior member of a compound, a stem sometimes shortens its final long vowel (usually ī, rarely ā): thus, in V., rodasiprā́, pṛthiviṣṭhā́, pṛthiviṣád, dhā́rapūta, dhāravāká; in B., pṛthivi-dā, -bhāga, -loká, sarasvatikṛta, senānigrāmaṇyāù; in S., garbhiniprāyaçcitta, sāmidheniprāiṣtya, vasatīvaripariharaṇa, ekādaçinilin̄ga, prapharvidā, devatalakṣaṇa, devatapradhānatva; later, devakinandana, lakṣmivardhana, kumāridatta, muhūrtaja, iṣṭakacita, etc.
e. Occasionally, a stem is used as prior member of a compound which does not appear, or not in that form, as an independent word: examples are mahā great (apparently used independently in V. in accusative), tuvi mighty (V.), dvi two.
f. Not infrequently, the final member of a compound assumes a special form: see below, 1315.
a. Quite often, an accusative, especially before a root-stem, or a derivative in a of equivalent meaning: for example, pataṁgá going by flight, dhanaṁjayá winning wealth, abhayaṁkará causing absence of danger, puṣṭimbhará bringing prosperity, vācamīn̄khayá inciting the voice; but also sometimes before words of other form, as áçvamiṣṭi horse-desiring, çubhaṁyā́van going in splendor, subhāgaṁkáraṇa making happy, bhayaṁkartṛ causer of fear. In a few cases, by analogy with these, a word receives an accusative form to which it has no right: thus, hṛdaṁsáni, makṣúṁgama, vasuṁdhara, ātmambhari.
b. Much more rarely, an instrumental: for example, girāvṛ́dh increasing by praise, vācā́stena stealing by incantation, krátvāmagha gladly bestowing, bhāsā́ketu bright with light, vidmanā́pas active with wisdom.
C. In a very few instances, a dative: thus, nareṣṭhā́ serving a man, asméhiti errand to us, and perhaps kiyedhā́ and mahevṛ́dh.
d. Not seldom, a locative; and this also especially with a root-stem or a-derivative: for example, agregá going at the head, divikṣít dwelling in the sky, vaneṣáh prevailing in the wood, an̄geṣṭhā́ existing in the limbs, proṣṭheçayá lying on a couch, sutékara active with the soma, divícara moving in the sky; āréçatru having enemies far removed, sumnáāpi near in favor, máderaghu hasting in excitement, yudhiṣṭhira firm in battle, antevāsin dwelling near; apsujá born in the waters, hṛtsvás hurling at hearts.
e. Least often, a genitive: thus, rāyáskāma desirous of wealth,
akasyavíd knowing no one. But the older language has a few examples of the putting together of a genitive with its governing noun, each member of the combination keeping its own accent: see below, 1267 d.
f. Ablative forms are to be seen in balātkāra violence and balātkṛta, and perhaps in parātpriya. And a stem in ṛ sometimes appears in a copulative compound in its nominative form: thus, pitāputrāu father and son, hotāpotārāu the invoker and purifier. Anyonya one another is a fused phrase, of nominative and oblique case.
g. In a very few words, plural meaning is signified by plural form: thus, apsujā́ etc. (in derivation, also, apsu is used as a stem), hṛtsvás, nṝ́ṅḥpraṇetra conducting men, rujaskara causing pains, (and dual) hanūkampa trembling of the two jaws.
h. Much more often, of words having gender-forms, the feminine is used in composition, when the distinctive feminine sense is to be conveyed: e. g. gopīnātha master of the shepherdesses, dāsīputra son of a female slave, mṛgīdṛç gaselle-eyed, praṇītāpraṇáyana vessel for consecrated water.
a. Each member of the compound retains its own separate accent. This is the most anomalous and infrequent method. It appears in certain Vedic copulative compounds chiefly composed of the names of divinities (so-called devatā-dvandvas: 1255 ff.), and in a small number of aggregations partly containing a genitive case-form as prior member (1267 d).
b. The accent of the compound is that of its prior member. This is especially the case in the great class of possessive compounds; but also in determinatives having the participle in ta or na as final member, in those beginning with the negative a or an, and in other less numerous and important classes.
c. The accent of the compound is that of the final member. This is not on so large a scale the case as the preceding; but it is nevertheless quite common, being found in many compounds having a verbal noun or adjective as final member, in compounds beginning with the numerals dvi and tri or the prefixes su and dus, and elsewhere in not infrequent exceptions.
d. The compound takes an accent of its own, independent of that of either of its constituents, on its final syllable (not always, of course, to be distinguished from the preceding case). This method is largely followed: especially, by the regular copulatives, and by the great mass of dependent and descriptive noun-compounds, by most possessives beginning with the negative prefix; and by others.
e. The compound has an accent which is altered from that of one of its members. This is everywhere an exceptional and sporadically occurring
case, and the instances of it, noted below under each formation, do not require to be assembled here. Examples are: medhásāti (médha), tilámiçra (tíla), khā́dihasta (khādí), yāvayáddveṣas (yāváyant); çakadhū́ma (dhūmá), amṛ́ta (mṛtá), suvī́ra (vīrá), tuvigrī́va (grīvā́). A few words — as víçva, pū́rva, and sometimes sárva — take usually a changed accent as prior members of compounds.
a. This is the class to which the Hindu grammarians give the name of dvandva pair, couple; a dvandva of adjectives, however, is not recognized by them.
b. Compounds in which the relation of the two members is alternative instead of copulative, though only exceptional, are not very rare: examples are nyūnādhika defective or redundant, jayaparājaya victory or defeat, krītotpanna purchased or on hand, kāṣṭhaloṣṭasama like a log or clod, pakṣimṛgatā the condition of being bird or beast, triṅçadviṅça numbering twenty or thirty, catuṣpan̄cakṛtvas four or five times, dvyekāntara different by one or two. A less marked modification of the copulative idea is seen in such instances as priyasatya agreeable though true, prārthitadurlabha sought after but hard to obtain; or in çrāntāgata arrived weary.
1. a. The compound has the gender and declension of its final member, and is in number a dual or a plural, according to its logical value, as denoting two or more than two individual things.
b. Examples are: prāṇāpānāú inspiration and expiration, vrīhiyavāú rice and barley, ṛksāmé verse and chant, kapotolukāú dove and owl, candrādityāu moon and sun, hastyaçvāu the elephant and horse, ajāváyas goats and sheep, devāsurā́s the gods and demons, atharvān̄girásas the Atharvans and Angirases, sambādhatandryàs anxieties and fatigues, vidyākarmáṇī knowledge and action, hastyaçvās elephants and horses; of more than two members (no examples quotable from the older language), çayyāsanabhogās lying, sitting, and eating, brāhmaṇakṣatriyaviṭçūdrās a Brahman, Kshatriya, Vaiçya, and Çūdra,
rogaçokaparītāpabandhanavyasanāni disease, pain, grief, captivity, and misfortune.
2. c. The compound, without regard to the number denoted, or to the gender of its constituents, becomes a neuter singular collective.
d. Examples are: iṣṭāpūrtám what is offered and bestowed, ahorātrám a day and night, kṛtākṛtám the done and undone, bhūtabhavyám past and future, keçaçmaçrú hair and beard, oṣadhivanaspatí plants and trees, candratārakám moon and stars, ahinakulam snake and ichneumon, çirogrīvam head and neck, yūkāmakṣīkamatkuṇam lice, flies, and bugs.
b. A stem as final member is sometimes changed to an a-form to make a neuter collective: thus, chattropānaham an umbrella and a shoe.
c. The grammarians give rules as to the order of the elements composing a copulative compound: thus, that a more important, a briefer, a vowel-initial member should stand first; and that one ending in a should be placed last. Violations of them all, however, are not infrequent.
a. In these combinations, each name has regularly and usually the dual form, and its own accent; but, in the very rare instances (only three occurrences out of more than three hundred) in which other cases than the nom.-acc.-voc. are formed, the final member only is inflected.
b. Examples are: índrāsómā, índrāvíṣṇū, índrābṛ́haspátī, agnī́ṣómāu, turváçāyádū, dyā́vāpṛthivī́, uṣā́sānáktā (and, with intervening words, náktā...uṣā́sā), sū́ryāmā́sā. The only plural is indrāmarutas (voc.). The cases of other than nominative form are mitrā́váruṇābhyām and mitrā́váruṇayos (also mitráyor váruṇayoḥ), and índrāváruṇayos (each once only).
c. From dyā́vapṛthivī́ is made the very peculiar genitive diváspṛthivyós (4 times: AV. has dyā́vāpṛthivī́bhyām and dyā́vāpṛthivyós).
d. In one compound, parjányavā́tā, the first member (RV., once) does not have the dual ending along with the double accent (indranāsatyā, voc., is doubtful as to accent). In several, the double accent is wanting, while yet the double designation of number is present: thus, indrāpūṣṇós (beside índrāpūṣáṇā), somāpūṣábhyām (somāpūṣaṇā occurs only as voc.), vātāparjanyā́, sūryācandramásā, and indrāgnī́ (with indrāgníbhyām and indrāgnyós): somārudrāú is accented only
in ÇB. And in one, indravāyū́, form and accent are both accordant with the usages of the later language.
e. Of other copulatives, like those made later, the RV. has the plural ajāváyas, the duals ṛksāmé, satyānṛté, sāçanānaçané; also the neuter collective iṣṭāpūrtám, and the substantively used neuter of a copulative adjective, nīlalohitám. Further, the neuter plurals ahorātrā́ṇi nycthemera, and ukthārkā́ praises and songs, of which the final members as independent words are not neuter. No one of these words has more than a single occurrence.
a. The words with double dual form are only a small minority (a quarter, instead of three quarters, as in RV.); and half of them have only a single accent, on the final: thus, besides those in RV., bhavārudrāú, bhavāçarvāú; agnāviṣṇū, voc., is of anomalous form. The whole number of copulatives is more than double that in RV.
b. The only proper neuter collectives, composed of two nouns, are keçaçmaçrú hair and heard, āñjanābhyañjanám salve and ointment, and kaçipūpabarhaṇám mat and pillow, unified because of the virtual unity of the two objects specified. Neuter singulars, used in a similar collective way, of adjective compounds, are (besides those in RV.): kṛtākṛtám what is done and undone (instead of what is done and what is undone), cittākūtám thought and desire, bhadrapāpám good and evil, bhūtabhavyám past and future.
a. Examples are çuklakṛṣṇa light and dark, sthalajāudaka terrestrial and aquatic, dāntarājatasāuvarṇa of ivory and silver and gold, used distributively; and vṛttapīna round and plump, çāntānukūla tranquil and propitious, hṛṣitasragrajohīna wearing fresh garlands and free from dust, niṣekādiçmaçānānta beginning with conception and ending with burial, used cumulatively; nā ’tiçītoṣṇa not over cold or hot, used alternatively; kṣaṇadṛṣṭanaṣṭa seen for a moment and then lost, cintitopasthita at hand as soon as thought of, in more pregnant sense.
b. In the Veda, the only examples noted are the cumulative nīlalohitá and iṣṭāpūrtá etc., used in the neut. sing. as collectives (as pointed out above), with tāmradhūmrá dark tawny; and the distributive dakṣiṇasavyá right and left, saptamāṣṭamá seventh and eighth, and bhadrapāpá good and bad (beside the corresponding neut. collective). Such combinations as satyānṛté truth and falsehood, priyāpriyā́ṇi things
agreeable and disagreeable, where each component is used substantively, are, of course, not to be separated from the ordinary noun-compounds.
c. A special case is that of the compound adjectives of direction: as uttarapūrva north-east, prāgdakṣiṇa south-east', dakṣiṇapaçcima south-west*, etc.: compare 1291 b.
a. Exceptions are a case or two in AV., where doubtless the reading is false: thus, vātāparjanyā̀ (once: beside -nyáyos), devamanuṣyā̀ s (once: ÇB. -syá), brahmarājanyā̀ bhyām (also VS.); further, vākopavākyà (ÇB.), açanāyā́pipāse (ÇB.).
a. Though these are not properly copulative compounds, there is no better connection in which to notice them than here. They are, as the older language shows, a sort of compound, of which the prior member has its own independent accent, and the other is without accent: hence they are most suitably and properly written (as in the Vedic pada-texts) as compounds. Thus: jahy èṣaṁ váraṁ-varam slay of them each beat man; divé-dive or dyávi-dyavi from day to day; án̄gād-an̄gāl lómno-lomnaḥ párvaṇi-parvaṇi from every limb, from every hair, in each joint; prá-pra yajñápatiṁ tira make the master of the sacrifice live on and on; bhū́yo-bhūyaḥ çváḥ-çvaḥ further and further, tomorrow and again tomorrow; ékayāi-’kayā with in each case one; vayáṁ-vayam our very selves.
b. Exceptional and rare cases are those of a personal verb-form repeated: thus, píbā-piba (RV.), yájasva-yajasva (ÇB.), véda-veda (? ÇB.); — and of two words repeated: thus, yā́vad vā-yāvad vā (ÇB.), yatamé vā-yatame vā (ÇB.).
c. In a few instances, a word is found used twice in succession without that loss of accent the second time which makes the repetition a virtual composite: thus, nū́ nú (RV.), sáṁ sám (AV.), ihé ’há (AV.), anáyā- ’náyā (ÇB.), stuhí stuhí (RV., acc. to pada-text).
d. The class of combinations here described is called by the native grammarians āmreḍita added unto (?).
a. The whole class of determinatives is called by the Hindu grammarians tatpuruṣa (the term is a specimen of the class, meaning his man); and the second division, the descriptives, has the special name of karmadhāraya (of obscure application: the literal sense is something like office-bearing). After their example, the two divisions are in European usage widely known by these two names respectively.
a. Examples are: of genitive relation, devasenā́ army of gods, yamadūtá Yama's messenger, jīvaloká the world of the living, indradhanús
Indra's bow, brahmagavī́ the Brahman's cow, viṣagirí poison-mount, mitralābha acquisition of friends, mūrkhaçatāni hundreds of fools, vīrasenasuta Vī́rasena's son, rājendra chief of kings, asmatputrās our sons, tadvacas his words; — of dative, pādodaka water for the feet, māsanicaya accumulation for a month; — of instrumental, ātmasādṛçya likeness with self, dhānyārtha wealth acquired by grain, dharmapatnī lawful spouse, pitṛbandhú paternal relation; — of ablative, apsaraḥsambhava descent from a nymph, madviyoga separation from me, cāurabhaya fear of a thief; — of locative, jalakrīḍā sport in the water, grāmavāsa abode in the village, puruṣānṛta untruth about a man; — of accusative, nagaragamana going to the city.
a. Examples are: of locative relation, sthālīpakva cooked in a pot, açvakovida knowing in horses, vayaḥsama alike in age, yudhiṣṭhira steadfast in battle, tanū́çubhra beautiful in body; — of instrumental, mātṛsadṛça like his mother; — of dative, gohita good for cattle; — of ablative, bhavadanya other than you, garbhāṣṭama eighth from birth, dṛçyetara other than visible (i. e. invisible); — of genitive, bharataçreṣṭha best of the Bharatas, dvijottama foremost of Brahmans; — with participial words, in accusative relation, vedavíd Veda-knowing, annādá food-eating, tanūpā́na body-protecting, satyavādín truth-speaking, pattragata committed to paper (lit. gone to a leaf); — in instrumental, madhupū́ cleaning with honey, svayáṁkṛta self-made, índragupta protected by Indra, vidyāhīna deserted by (i. e. destitute of) knowledge; — in locative, hṛdayāvídh pierced in the heart, ṛtvíj sacrificing in due season, divícara moving in the sky; — in ablative, rājyabhraṣṭa fallen from the kingdom, vṛkabhīta afraid of a wolf; — in dative, çaraṇāgata come for refuge.
a. A principal exception with regard to accent is páti master, lord (and its feminine pátnī), compounds with which usually retain the accent of the prior member: thus, prajā́pati, vásupati, átithipati, gópati, gṛhápatnī, etc. etc. (compare the verbal nouns in ti, below, 1274). But in a few words páti retains its own accent: thus, viçpáti, rayipáti, paçupáti, vasupátnī, etc.; and the more general rule is followed in apsarāpatí and vrājapatí (AV.), and nadīpatí (VS.), citpatí (MS.; elsewhere citpáti).
b. Other exceptions are sporadic only: for example, janarā́jan, devavárman, hiraṇyatéjas, pṛtanāháva, godhū́ma and çakadhū́ma (but dhūmá); vācā́stena.
c. The appearance of a case-form in such compounds is rare: examples are dívodasa, vācā́stena, uccāíḥçravas, uccāírghoṣa, dūrébhās (the three last in possessive application).
d. A number of compounds are accented on both members: thus, çácīpáti, sádaspáti, bṛ́haspáti, vánaspáti, ráthaspáti, jā́spáti (also jā́spati), nárāçaṅsa, tánūnáptṛ, tánūnápāt (tanū́ as independent word), çúnaḥçépa. And ÇB. has a long list of metronymics having the anomalous accentuation kāútsīpútra, gā́rgīpútra, etc.
a. So far as can be gathered from the scanty examples occurring in the older language, they retain the accent of the prior member: thus, gáviṣṭhira (AV. gavíṣṭhira), tanū́çubhra, máderaghu, yajñádhira, sā́mavipra, tilámiçra (but tíla); but kṛṣṭapacyá ripening in cultivated soil.
a. In a very few instances, the accent of words having apparently or conjecturally this origin is otherwise laid: thus, áṅsatra, ánarviç, svā́vṛj, pratyákṣadṛç, púraṁdhi, óṣadhi, áramiṣ, uçádagh, vatsápa, ábda.
b. Before a final root-stem appears not very seldom a case-form: for example, pataṁgá, girāvṛ́dh, dhiyājúr, akṣṇayādrúh, hṛdispṛ́ç, divispṛ́ç, vanesáh, diviṣád, an̄geṣṭhā́, hṛsvás, pṛtsutúr, apsujá.
C. The root-stem has sometimes a middle or passive value: for example, manoyúj yoked (yoking themselves) by the will, hṛdayāvídh pierced to the heart, manuja born of Manu.
a. Examples are: hastagrābhá hand-grasping, devavandá god-praising, haviradá devouring the offering, bhuvanacyavá shaking the world, vrātyabruvá calling one's self a vrātya; akṣaparājayá failure at play, vaṣaṭkārá utterance of vashaṭ, gopoṣá prosperity in cattle, an̄gajvará pain in the limbs.
b. In a few instances, the accent is (as in compounds with ordinary adjectives: above, 1268) that of the prior member: thus, marúdvṛdha, sutékara, divícara (and other more questionable words). And dúgha milking, yielding is so accented as final: thus, madhudúgha, kāmadúgha.
c. Case-forms are especially frequent in the prior members of compounds with adjective derivatives in a showing guṇa-strengthening of the root: thus, fox example, abhayaṁkará, yudhiṁgamá, dhanaṁjayá, puraṁdará, viçvambhará, divākará, talpeçayá, diviṣṭambhá.
a. Examples are: keçavárdhana hair-increasing, āyuṣpratáraṇa life-lengthening, tanūpā́na body-protecting; devahéḍana hatred of the gods, puṁsúvana giving birth to males.
b. A very few apparent exceptions as regards accent are really cases where the derivative has lost its verbal character: thus, yamasādaná Yama's realm, āchádvidhāna means of protection.
c. An accusative-form is sometimes found before a derivative in ana: thus, sarūpaṁkáraṇa, ayakṣmaṁkáraṇa, subhāgaṁkáraṇa, vanaṁkáraṇa.
b. The same is true of the equivalent feminines in ya: see above, 1213 d.
c. The gerundives in ya (1213) hardly occur in the older language in combination with other elements than prefixes. The two nīvibhāryà and prathamavāsyà (the latter a descriptive) have the accent of the independent words of the same form; balavijñayá and áçvabudhya (?) are inconsistent with these and with one another.
a. Examples are: hástakṛta made with the hand, vīrájāta born of a hero, ghóṣabuddha awakened by noise, prajā́patisṛṣṭa created by Prajāpati, devátta given by the gods; and, of participles combined with prefixes, índraprasūta incited by Indra, bṛ́haspátipraṇutta driven away by Brihaspati, ulkā́bhihata struck by a thunderbolt, vájravihata, saṁvatsarásammita
commensurate with the year. AV. has the anomalous apsúsaṁçita quickened by the waters.
b. A number of exceptions occur, in which the final syllable of the compound has the accent: for example, agnitaptá, indrotá, pitṛvittá, rathakrītá, agnidagdhá (beside agnídagdha), kaviçastá (beside kavíçasta), kavipraçastá.
c. One or two special usages may be noticed. The participle gata, gone to, as final of a compound, is used in a loose way in the later language to express relation of various kinds: thus, jagatīgata existing in the world, tvadgata belonging to thee, sakhīgata relating to a friend, citragata in a picture, putragataṁ sneham affection toward a son, etc. The participle bhūta been, become is used in composition with a noun as hardly more than a grammatical device to give it an adjective form: thus, idaṁ tamobhūtam this creation, being darkness (existing in the condition of darkness); tāṁ ratnabhūtaṁ lokasya her, being the pearl of the world; kṣetrabhūtā smṛtā nārī bījabhūtah smrtaḥ pumān a woman is regarded as a field; a man, as seed; and so on.
d. The other participles only seldom occur as finals of compounds: thus, prāsakārmukabibhrat bearing javelin and bow, açāstravidvāṅs not knowing the text-books, arjunadarçivāṅs having seen Arjuna, apriyaçaṅsivāṅs announcing what is disagreeable, gāutamabruvāṇá calling himself Gautama.
a. Examples are: dhánasāti winning of wealth, sómapīti soma-drinking, deváhūti invocation of the gods, námaūkti utterance of homage, havyádāti presentation of offerings; and so tokásāti, deváhiti, rudráhūti, sūktókti, svagā́kṛti, díviṣṭi.
b. In nemádhiti, medhásāti, vanádhiti (all RV.), the accent of the prior member is changed from penult to final.
c. Where the verbal character of the derivative is lost, the general rule of final accent (1267) is followed: thus, devahetí weapon of the gods, devasumatí favor of the gods, brahmacití Brahman-pile. Also in sarvajyāní entire ruin, the accent is that of compounds with ordinary nouns.
a. Thus, ukthaçaṅsín psalm-singing, vratacārín vow-performing, ṛṣabhadāyín bullock-giving, satyavādín truth-speaking, çroṇipratodín thigh-pounding.
a. Thus, pathirákṣi road-protecting, havirmáthi sacrifice-disturbing, ātmadū́ṣi soul-harming, pathiṣádi sitting in the path, sahobhári strength-bearing,
vasuváni winning good-things, dhanasáni gaining wealth, manomúṣi mind-stealing, phalagráhi setting fruit; and, from reduplicated root, urucákri making room. Compounds with -sáni and -váni are especially frequent in Veda and Brāhmaṇa; as independent words, nouns, these are accented saní and vaní. In many cases, the words are not found in independent use. Combinations with prefixes do not occur in sufficient numbers to establish a distinct rule, but they appear to be oftenest accented on the suffix (1155 f).
b. From √han are made in composition -ghni and -ghnī, with accent on the ending: thus, sahasraghní, ahighnī́, çvaghnī́; -dhi from √dhā, (1155 g) has the accent in its numerous compounds: thus, iṣudhí, garbhadhí, pucchadhí.
a. Thus, somapā́van soma-drinking, baladā́van strength-giving, pāpakṛ́tvan evil-doing, bahusū́van much-yielding, talpaçī́van lying on a couch, rathayā́van going in a chariot, druṣádvan sitting on a tree, açrétvarī f. going at the head. The accent of the obscure words mātaríçvan and mātaríbhvan is anomalous.
b. The few compounds with final man appear to follow the same rule as those with van: thus, svādukṣádman sharing out sweets, āçuhéman steed-impelling.
a. Examples are: nīlotpala blue lotus, sarvaguṇa all good quality, priyasakha dear friend, maharṣí great-sage, rajatapātrá silver cup; ájñata unknown, súkṛta well done, duṣkṛ́t ill-doing, puruṣṭutá much praised, púnarṇava renewed.
b. The prior member is not always an adjective before a noun, or
an adverb before an adjective; other parts of speech are sometimes used adjectively and adverbially in that position.
c. The boundary between descriptive and dependent compounds is not an absolute one; in certain cases it is open to question, for instance, whether a prior noun, or adjective with noun-value, is used more in a case-relation, or adverbially.
d. Moreover, where the final member is a derivative having both noun and adjective value, it is not seldom doubtful whether an adjective compound is to be regarded as descriptive, made with final adjective, or possessive, made with final noun. Sometimes the accent of the word determines its character in this respect, but not always.
e. A satisfactorily simple and perspicuous classification of the descriptive compounds is not practicable; we cannot hold apart throughout the compounds of noun and of adjective value, but may better group both together, as they appear with prefixed elements of various kinds.
a. In this combination, both noun and adjective may be of any kind, verbal or otherwise. The accent is (as in the corresponding class of dependent noun-compounds: 1267) on the final syllable.
b. Thus, ajñātayakṣmá unknown disease, mahādhaná great wealth, kṣipraçyená swift hawk, kṛṣṇaçakuní black bird, dakṣiṇāgní southern fire, urukṣití wide abode, adharahanú lower jaw, itarajaná other folks, sarvātmán whole soul, ekavīrá sole hero, saptarṣí seven sages, tṛtīyasavaná third libation, ekonaviṅçatí a score diminished by one, jāgratsvapná waking sleep, yāvayatsakhá defending friend, apakṣīyamāṇapakṣá waning half.
c. There are not a few exceptions as regards accent. Especially, compounds with víçva (in composition, accented viçvá), which itself retains the accent: thus, viçvádevās all the gods, viçvámānuṣa every man. For words in ti, see below, 1287 d. Sporadic cases are madhyáṁdina, vṛṣkā́pi, both of which show an irregular shift of tone in the prior member; and a few others.
d. Instead of an adjective, the prior member is in a few cases a noun used appositionally, or with a quasi-adjective value. Thus, rājayakṣmá king-disease, brahmarṣi priest-sage, rājarṣi king-sage, rājadanta king-tooth, devajana god-folk, duhitṛjana daughter-person, çamīlatā creeper named çamī, muṣikākhyā the name "mouse", jayaçabda the word "conquer", ujhitaçabda the word "deserted"; or, more figuratively, gṛhanaraka house-hell (house which is a hell), çāpāgni curse-fire (consuming curse).
e. This group is of consequence, inasmuch as in possessive application
it is greatly extended, and forms a numerous class of appositional compounds: see below, 1302.
f. This whole subdivision, of nouns with preceding qualifying adjectives, is not uncommon; but it is greatly (in AV., for example, more than five times) exceeded in frequency by the sub-class of possessives of the same form: see below, 1298.
a. Examples are: ánadant, ádadat, ánaçnant, ásravant, álubhyant, ádāsyant, áditsant, ádevayant; ámanyamāna, áhiṅsāna, áchidyamāna; ádadivāṅs, ábibhīvāṅs, atasthāna; and, with verbal prefixes, ánapasphurant, ánāgamiṣyant, ánabhyāgamiṣyant, ávirādhayant, ávicācalat, ápratimanyūyamāna.
b. Exceptions in regard to accent are very few: arundhatī́, ajárantī, acodánt (RV., once: doubtless a false reading; the simple participle is códant); AV. has anipádyamāna for RV. ánipadyamāna (and the published text has asaṁyánt, with a part of the manuscripts); ÇB. has akāmáyamāna.
c. Of other compounds than with the negative prefix have been noted in the Veda -punardīyamāna (in ápunard-) and súvidvāṅs. In alalābhávant and jañjanābhávant (RV.), as in astaṁyánt and astameṣyánt (AV.), we have participles of a compound conjugation (1091), in which, as has been pointed out, the accent is as in combinations with the verbal prefixes.
a. Thus, with the negative a or an (by far the most common case): ákṛta, ádabdha, áriṣṭa, ánādhṛṣṭa, áparājita, ásaṁkhyāta, ánabhyārūḍha, áparimitasamṛddha; — with su, sújāta, súhuta, súsaṁçita, svàraṁkṛta; — with dus, dúçcarita, dúrdhita and dúrhita, dúḥçṛta; — with other adverbial words, dáṅsujūta, návajata, sánaçruta, svayáṁkṛta, trípratiṣṭhita: áraṁkṛta and kakajā́kṛta are rather participles of a compound conjugation.
b. Exceptions in regard to accent are: with a or an, anāçastá, apraçastá, and, with the accent of the participle retracted to the root, amṛ́ta, adṛ́ṣṭa, acítta, ayúta myriad, atū́rta (beside átūrta), asū́rta (? beside sū́rta); — with su (nearly half as numerous as the regular cases), subhūtá, sūktá, supraçastá, svā́kta, sukṛtá and sujātá (beside súkṛta and sújāta), and a few others; with dus (quite as numerous as the regular cases), duritá (also dúrita), duruktá, duṣkṛtá (also dúṣkṛta), durbhūtá; with sa, sajātá; with other adverbs, amotá, ariṣṭutá, tuvijātá, prācīnopavītá, tadānīṁdugdhá, prātardugdhá, etc., and the compounds with puru, purujātá, puruprajātá, purupraçastá, puruṣṭutá, etc., and with svayam, svayaṁkṛtá etc. The proper name aṣāḍhá stands beside áṣāḍha; and AV. has abhinná for RV. ábhinna.
a. Examples are: anāpyá, anindyá, abudhyá, asahyá, ayodhyá, amokyá; adviṣeṇyá; ahnavāyyá; and, along with verbal prefixes, the cases are asaṁkhyeyá, apramṛṣyá, anapavṛjyá, anatyudyá, anādhṛṣyá, avimokyá, anānukṛtyá (the accent of the simple word being saṁkhyéya etc.).
b. Exceptions in regard to accent are: ánedya, ádābhya, ágohya, ájoṣya, áyabhya. The two anavadharṣyà and anativyādhyà (both AV.) belong to the yà-division (1213 b) of gerundives, and have retained the accent of the simple word. And ághnya and aghnyá occur together.
c. The only compounds of these words with other adverbial elements in V. are súyabhya (accented like its twin áyabhya) and prathamavāsyà (which retains the final circumflex), and perhaps ekavādyá.
d. The neuter nouns of the same form (1213 c: except sadhástutya) retain their own accent after an adverbial prior member: thus, purvapā́yya, pūrvapéya, amutrabhū́ya; and sahaçéyya. And the negatived gerundives instanced above are capable of being viewed as possessive compounds with such nouns.
e. Some of the other verbal derivatives which have rules of
their own as to accent etc. may be next noticed.
a. Examples are: with inseparable prefixes, adrúh not harming, asū́ not giving birth, arúc not shining; sukṛ́t well-doing, suçrút hearing well; duṣkṛ́t ill-doing, dūḍā́ç (199 d) impious; sayúj joining together, samád conflict; sahajā́ born together, sahaváh carrying together; — with other adverbs, amājúr growing old at home, uparispṛ́ç touching upward, punarbhū́ appearing again, prātaryúj harnessed early, sadyaḥkrī́ bought the same day, sākaṁvṛ́dh growing up together, sadaṁdí ever-binding, viṣūvṛ́t turning to both sides, vṛthāsáh easily overcoming; — with adjectives used adverbially, uruvyác wide-spreading, prathamajā́ first-born, raghuṣyád swift-moving, navasū́ newly giving birth, ekajá only born, çukrapíç brightly adorned, dvijá twice born, trivṛ́t triple, svarā́j self-ruling; — with nouns used adverbially, çambhū́ beneficent, sūryaçvít shining like the sun, īçānakṛ́t acting as lord, svayambhū́ self-existent; and, with accusative case-form, pataṁgá going by flight.
b. When, however, a root-stem is already in composition, whether with a verbal prefix or an element of other character, the further added negative itself takes the accent (as in case of an ordinary adjective: below, 1288 a): thus, for example, ánākṣit not abiding, ánāvṛt not turning back, ávidviṣ not showing hostility, áduṣkṛt not ill-doing, ánaçvadā not giving a horse, ápaçuhan not slaying cattle (anāgā́s would be an exception, if it contained √gā: which is very unlikely). Similar combinations with su seem to retain the radical accent: thus, supratúr, svābhū́, svāyúj: svā́vṛj is an unsupported exception.
c. A few other exceptions occur, mostly of doubtful character, as prátiprāç, sadhástha, ádhrigu, and the words having añc as final member (407 ff.: if this element is not, after all, a suffix) compare 1269 a.
a. The derivatives in a are in great part of doubtful character, became of the possibility of their being used with substantive value to make a possessive compound. The least ambiguous, probably, are the derivatives from present-stems (1148 j), which have the accent on the suffix: thus, asunvá, apaçyá, akṣudhyá, avidasyá, anāmṛṇá, sadāpṛṇá, punarmanyá; and with them belong such cases as stṛpá, avṛdhá, araṁgamá, urukramá, evāvadá, satrāsahá, punaḥsará, puraḥsará; and the nouns sāyambhavá, sahacārá, prātaḥsāvá, mithoyodhá. Differently accented, on the other hand, although apparently of the same formation, are such as ánapasphura, ánavahvara (compare the compounds noticed at 1286 b), sadā́vṛdha, sū́bharva, nyagródha, puroḍā́ça, sadhamā́da, sudúgha, supáca, suháva, and others. Words like adábha, durháṇa, sukára, suyáma, are probably possessives.
b. The derivatives in van keep in general the accent of the final member, on the root (compare 1169 c, 1277): thus, āçupátvan and raghupátvan swift-flying, puroyā́van going in front, sukṛ́tvan well-doing; and sutárman and suváhman and raghuyā́man are probably to be classed with them. But the negative prefix has the accent even before these: thus, áyajvan, árāvan, áprayutvan; and satyámadvan (if it be not possessive) has the accent of its prior member.
c. A few words in i seem to have (as in dependent compounds: 1276) he accent on the radical syllable: thus, durgṛ́bhi, ṛjuváni, tuviṣváṇi.
d. The derivatives in ti are variously treated: the negative prefix has always the accent before them: as, ácitti, ábhūti, ánāhūti; with su and dus, the compound is accented now on the prefix and now on the final, and in some words on either (súnīti and sunītí, dúṣṭuti and duṣṭutí); with other elements, the accent of the prefix prevails: thus, sáhuti, sadhástuti, puróhiti, pūrvápīti, pūrvyástuti.
e. The derivatives in in have, as in general, the accent on the suffix: thus, pūrvāsín, bahucārín, sādhudevín, savāsín, kevalādín. But, with the negative prefix, ánāmin, ávitārin.
f. Other combinations are too various in treatment, or are represented by too few examples in accentuated texts, to justify the setting up of rules respecting them.
1. a. The negative prefix a or an, when it directly negatives the word to which it is added, has a very decided tendency to take the accent.
b. We have seen above (1283) that it does so even in the case of present and perfect and future participles, although these in combination with a verbal prefix retain their own accent (1085: but there are exceptions, as avadánt, apaçyánt, etc. ÇB.); and also in the case of a root-stem, if this be already compounded with another element (1286 b). And the same is true of its other combinations.
c. Thus, with various adjective words: átandra, ádabhra, ádāçuri, ánṛju, ádevayu, átṛṣṇaj, átavyāṅs, ánāmin, ádvayāvin, ápracetas, ánapatyavant, ánupadasvant, ápramāyuka, ámamri, áprajajñi, ávidīdhayu, ánagnidagdha, ákāmakarçana, ápaçcāddaghvan. Further, with nouns, ápati, ákumāra, ábrāhmaṇa, ávidyā, āçraddhā, ávrātya.
d. But there are a number of exceptions, in which the accent is on the final syllable, without regard to the original accentuation of the final member: thus, for example, acitrá, açrīrá, aviprá, ayajñiyá, anāsmāká, asthūrí, anāçú, ajarayú, anāmayitnú; and in amítra enemy, and avī́ra unmanly, there is a retraction of the accent from the final syllable of the final member to its penult.
2. e. The prefixes su and dus have this tendency in a much less degree, and their compounds are very variously accented, now on the prefix, now on the final syllable, now on the accented syllable of the final member; and occasionally on either of two syllables.
f. Thus, for example, súbhadra, súvipra, súpakva, súbrāhmaṇa, súbhiṣaj; sutīrthá, suvasaná, suṣārathí, supāçá, sucitrá; suçéva, suhótṛ: suvī́ra is like avī́ra; — durmitrá, duṣvápnya; and ducchúnā (168 b), with irregular retraction of accent (çuná).
3. g. The compounds with sa are too few to furnish occasion for separate mention; and those with the interrogative prefix in its various forms are also extremely rare in the Veda: examples are kucará, katpayá, kábandha, kunannamá, kumārá, kúyava, kuṣáva.
a. Examples of such combinations are not numerous in the Veda. Their accentuation is various, though the tone rests oftenest on the preposition. Thus, ádhipati over-lord, áparūpa mis-form, prátiçatru opposing foe, prápada fore part of foot, práṇapāt great-grandchild, vípakva quite done, sámpriya mutually dear; upajíhvikā side tongue (with retraction of the accent of jihvā́); antardeçá intermediate direction, pradív forward heaven, prapitāmahá (also prápitāmaha) great-grandfather, pratijaná opponent, vyadhvá midway. These compounds are more frequent with possessive value (below, 1305).
b. This use of the verbal prefixes is more common later, and some of them have a regular value in such compounds. Thus, ati denotes excess, as in atidūra very far, atibhaya exceeding fear, átipūruṣa (ÇB.) chief man; adhi, superiority, as in adhidanta upper-tooth, adhistrī chief woman; abhi is intensive, as in abhinamra much incliving, abhinava span-new, abhirucira delightful; ā signifies somewhat, as in ākuṭila somewhat crooked, ānīla bluish; upa denotes something accessory or secondary, as in upapurāṇa additional Purāna; pari, excess, as in paridurbala very weak; prati, opposition, as in pratipakṣa opposing side, pratipustaka copy; vi, variation or excess, as in vidūra very far, vipāṇḍu greyish, vikṣudra respectively small; sam, completeness, as in sampakva quite ripe.
Thus, the compounds with puru, on the final (compare the participles with puru, 1284 b): as, purudasmá, purupriyá, puruçcandrá; those with púnar, on the prior member, as púnarṇava, púnarmagha, púnaryuvan, púnarvasu (but punaḥsará etc.); those with satás, satīná, satyá, the same, as satómahant, satīnámanyu, satyámugra; a few combinations of nouns in tṛ and ana with adverbs akin with the prefixes, on the final syllable, as puraëtṛ́, puraḥsthātṛ́, upariçayaná, prātaḥsavaná; and miscellaneous cases are mithóavadyapa, háriçcandra, álpaçayu, sādhvaryá, yācchreṣṭhá and yāvacchreṣṭhá, jyógāmayāvin.
a. An adjective is sometimes preceded by a noun standing toward it in a quasi-adverbial relation expressive of comparison or likeness: e. g. çúkababhru (VS.) parrot-brown, ū́rṇāmṛdu (TB.) soft as wool, prāṇapriya dear as life, kuçeçayarajomṛdu soft as lotus-pollen, bakālīna hidden like a heron, mattamātan̄gagāmin moving like a maddened elephant.
b. An adjective is now and then qualified by another adjective: e. g. kṛṣṇāita dark-gray, dhūmrárohita grayish red: and compare the adjectives of intermediate direction, 1257 c.
c. The adjective pūrva is in the later language frequently used as final member of a compound in which its logical value is that of an adverb qualifying the other member (which is said to retain its own accent). Thus, dṛṣṭapūrva previously seen, pariṇītapūrva already married, aparijñātapūrva not before known, somapītapūrva having formerly drunk soma, strīpūrva formerly a woman.
b. This class of compounds, as was pointed out above (1247. III.), falls into the two divisions of A. Possessives, having their adjective character given them by addition of the idea of possessing; and B. those in which the final member is syntactically dependent on or governed by the prior member.
a. Thus: the dependent sūryatejás sun's brightness becomes the
possessive sū́ryatejas possessing the brightness of the sun; yajñakāmá desire of sacrifice becomes yajñákāma having desire of sacrifice; the descriptive bṛhadratha great chariot becomes the possessive bṛhádratha having great chariots; áhasta not hand becomes ahastá handless; durgandhi ill savor becomes durgándhi of ill savor; and so on.
b. A copulative compound is not convertible into an adjective directly, any more than is a simple noun, but requires, like the latter, a possessive suffix or other means: e. g. vāgghastavant, doṣaguṇin, rajastamaska, açirogrīva, anṛgyajus. A very small number of exceptions, however, are found: thus, somendrá (TS.), stómapṛṣṭha (VS. TS.), hastyṛ̀ṣabha (ÇB.), dāsīniṣka (ChU.), and, later, cakramusala, sadānanda, saccidānanda, sān̄khyayoga (as n. pr.), balābala, bhūtabhāutika.
c. The name given by the native grammarians to the possessive compounds is bahuvrīhi: the word is an example of the class, meaning possessing much rice.
d. The name "relative", instead of possessive, sometimes applied to this class, is an utter misnomer; since, though the meaning of such a compound (as of any attributive word) is easily cast into a relative form, its essential character lies in the possessive verb which has nevertheless to be added, or in the possessive case of the relative which must be used: thus, mahākavi and āyurdā, descriptive and dependent, are "relative" also, who is a great poet, and that is life-giving, but bṛhadratha, possessive, means who has a great chariot, or whose is a great chariot.
b. There are, however, in the older language a few derivative adjective compounds which imply the relation of appurtenance rather than that of possession, and which are with probability to be viewed as survivals of a state of things antecedent to the specialization of the general class as
possessive (compare the similar exceptions under possessive suffixes, 1230 g, 1233 f). Examples are: viçvā́nara of or for all men, belonging to all (and so viçvákṛṣṭi, -carṣaṇi, -kṣiti, -gotra, -manus, -āyu, and sarvápaçu, saptámānuṣa), viçváçārada of every autumn, vipathá for bad roads, dvirājá [battle] of two kings, áçvapṛṣṭha carried on horseback, vīrápastya abiding with heroes, pūrṇámāsa at full moon, adévaka for no divinity, bahudevata or -tyà for many divinities, aparisaṁvatsara not lasting a fall year, ekādaçakapāla for eleven dishes, somendrá for Soma and Indra. And the compounds with final member in ana mentioned at 1296 b are probably of the same character. But also in the later language, some of the so-called dvigu-compounds (1312) belong with these: so dvigu itself, as meaning worth two cows, dvināu bought for two ships; also occasional cases like devāsura [saṁgrāma] of the gods and demons, narahaya of man and horse, cakramusala with discus and club, gurutalpa violating the teacher's bed.
a. Further examples are: mayū́raroman having the plumes of peacocks, agnítejas having the brightness of fire, jñatímukha wearing the aspect of relatives, pátikāma desiring a husband, hastipāda having an elephant's feet, rājanyàbandhu having kshatriyas for relatives.
b. The accent is, as in the examples given, regularly that of the prior member, and exceptions are rare and of doubtful character. A few compounds with derivatives in ana have the accent of the final member: e. g. indrapā́na serving as drink for Indra, devasádana serving as seat for the gods, rayisthā́na being source of wealth; but they contain no implication of possession, and are possibly in character, as in accent, dependent (but compare 1294 b). Also a few in as, as nṛcákṣas men-beholding, nṛvā́has men-bearing, kṣetrasā́dhas field-prospering, are probably to be judged in the same way.
a. They will be taken up below in order, according to the char
of the prior member — whether the noun-final be preceded by a qualifying adjective, or noun, or adverb.
a. They regularly and usually have the accent of their prior member: thus, anyárūpa of other form, ugrábāhu having powerful arms, jīváputra having living sons, dīrgháçmaçru longbearded, bṛhácchravas of great renown, bhū́rimūla many-rooted, mahā́vadha bearing a great weapon, viçvárūpa having all forms, çukrávarṇa of bright color, çivā́bhimarçana of propitious touch, satyásaṁdha of true promises, sárvān̄ga whole-limbed, sváyaças having own glory, háritasraj wearing yellow garlands.
b. Exceptions, however, in regard to accent are not rare (a seventh or eighth of the whole number, perhaps). Thus, the accent is sometimes that of the final member; especially with derivatives in as, as tuvirā́dhas, purupéças, pṛthupákṣas, and others in which (as above, 1296 b) a determinative character may be suspected: thus, urujráyas beside urujrí, uruvyácas beside uruvyác, and so on; but also with those of other final, as ṛjuhásta, çitikákṣa etc., kṛṣṇakárṇa, citradṛ́çika, tuviçúṣma, ṛjukrátu, pṛthupárçu, puruvártman, raghuyā́man, vīḍupátman. In a very few cases, the accent is retracted from the final to the first syllable of the second member: thus, aṅhubhéda, tuvigrī́va, puruvī́ra, pururū́pa, çitibā́hu (also çitibāhú). The largest class is that of compounds which take the accent upon their final syllable (in part, of course, not distinguishable from those which retain the accent of the final member): for example, bahvanná, nīlanakhá, puruputrá, viçvān̄gá, svapatí, tuvipratí, pṛçiparnī́ f., darçataçrī́, pūtirajjú, asitajñú, pṛthugmán, bahuprajás.
c. The adjective víçva all, as prior member of a compound (and also in derivation), changes its accent regularly to viçvá; sárva whole, all does the same in a few cases.
a. The participle is oftenest the passive one, in ta or na. Thus, chinnápakṣa with severed wing, dhṛtárāṣṭra of firmly held royalty, hatámātṛ whose mother is slain, iddhā́gni whose fire is kindled, uttānáhasta with outstretched hand, práyatadakṣiṇa having presented sacrificial gifts; and, with prefixed negative, áriṣṭavīra whose men are unharmed, átaptatanu of unburned substance, ánabhimlātavarṇa of untarnished color. Exceptions in regard to accent are very few: there have been noticed only paryastākṣá, vyastakeçī́ f., achinnaparṇá.
b. Examples occur of a present participle in the same situation. In about half the (accentuated) instances, it gives its own accent to the compound: thus, dyutádyāman, dhṛṣádvarṇa etc., çucádratha, rúçadvatsa etc., bhrā́jajjanman etc., saṁyádvīra, stanáyadama, sā́dhadiṣṭi; in the others, the accent is drawn forward to the final syllable of the participle (as in the compounds with governing participle: below, 1309): thus, dravátpāṇi etc. (dravát also occurs as adverb), rapçádūdhan, svanádratha, arcáddhūma, bhandádiṣṭi, krandádiṣṭi. With these last agrees in form jarádaṣṭi attaining old age, long-lived; but its make-up, in view of its meaning, is anomalous.
c. The RV. has two compounds with the perfect middle participle as prior member: thus, yuyujānásapti with harnessed coursers (perhaps rather having harnessed their coursers), and dadṛçānápavi (with regular accent, instead of dádṛçāna, as elsewhere irregularly in this participle) with conspicuous wheel-rims.
d. Of a nearly participial character is the prior element in çrútkarṇa (RV.) of listening ear; and with this are perhaps accordant dī́dyagni and sthā́raçman (RV., each once).
a. Examples with other numerals than dvi and tri are: ékacakra, ékaçīrṣan, ékapad, cáturan̄ga, cátuṣpakṣa, pán̄cān̄guri, pán̄cāudana, ṣáḍaçva, ṣáṭpad, saptájihva, saptámātṛ, aṣṭā́pad, aṣṭáputra, návapad, návadvāra, dáçaçākha, dáçaçīrṣan, dvā́daçāra, triṅçádara, çatáparvan, çatádant, sahásraṇāman, sahásramūla.
b. Exceptions in regard to accent are but few, and have the tone on the final syllable, whatever may be that belonging originally to the final member; they are mostly stems in final a, used by substitution for others in an, i, or a consonant: thus, caturakṣá etc. (akṣán or ákṣi: 431), ṣaḍahá etc. (áhan or áhar: 430 a), daçavṛṣá etc. (vṛ́ṣan), ekarātrá etc. (rā́tri or rā́trī), ekarcá etc. (ṛ́c); but also a few others, as ṣaḍyogá, aṣṭāyogá, çatārghá, sahasrārghá, ekapará (?).
c. The compounds with dvi and tri for the most part have the accent of their final member: thus, for example, dvijánman, dvidhā́ra, dvibándhu, dvivartaní, dvipád; tritántu, trinā́bhi, triçóka, trivárūtha, tricakrá, triçīrṣán, tripád. A number of words, however, follow the general analogy, and accent the numeral: thus, for example, dvípakṣa, dvíçavas, dvyā̀sya, tríṣandhi, tryàra, tryā̀çir, and sometimes dvípad and trípad in AV. As in the other numeral compounds, a substituted stem in a is apt to take the accent on the final: thus, dvivṛṣá and trivṛṣá, dvirājá, dvirātrá, tryāyuṣá, tridivá; and a few of other
character with tri follow the same rule: thus, trikaçá, trināká, tribandhú, tryudhán, tribarhís, etc.
d. The neuter, or also the feminine, of numeral compounds is often used substantively, with a collective or abstract value, and the accent is then regularly on the final syllable: see below, 1312.
a. Least peculiar is a noun of material as prior member (hardly to be reckoned as possessive dependents, because the relation of material is not regularly expressed by a case: 295): thus, híraṇyahasta gold-handed, híraṇyasraj with golden garlands, áyaḥsthūṇa having brazen supports, rajatánābhi of silver navel.
a. Examples are: áçvaparṇa horse-winged, or having horses as wings (said of a chariot), bhū́migṛha having the earth as house, índrasakhi having Indra for friend, agníhotṛ having Agni as priest, gandharvápatnī having a Gandharva for spouse, çūráputra having hero-sons, jarā́mṛtyu having old age as mode of death, living till old age, agnívāsas fire-clad, tadanta ending with that, cāracakṣus using spies for eyes, víṣṇuçarmanāman named Vishnuçarman; and, with pronoun instead of noun, tvā́dūta having thee as messenger, tádapas having this for work. Exceptions in regard to accent occur here, as in the more regular descriptive formation: thus, agnijihvá, vṛṣaṇaçvá, dhūmaçikhá, pavīnasá, asáunā́ma, tatkúla, etc.
b. Not infrequently, a substantively used adjective is the final member in such a compound: thus, índrajyeṣṭha having Indra as chief, mánaḥṣaṣṭha having the mind as sixth, sómaçreṣṭha of which soma is best, ekapará of which the ace is highest (?), ásthibhūyas having bone as the larger part, chiefly of bone, abhirūpabhūyiṣṭha chiefly composed of worthy persons, daçāvara having ten as the lowest number, cintāpara having meditation as highest object or occupation, devoted to meditation, niḥçvāsaparama much addicted to sighing.
c. Certain words are of especial frequency in the compounds here described, and have in part won a peculiar application. Thus:
d. With ādi beginning or ādika or ādya first are made compounds signifying the person or thing specified along with others, such a person or thing et cetera. For example, devā indrādayaḥ the gods having Indra as first, i. e. the gods Indra etc., marīcyādīn munīn Marīci and the other
sages, svāyambhuvādyāḥ saptāi ’te manavaḥ those seven Manus, Svāyambhuva etc., agniṣṭomādikān the sacrifices Agnishtoma and so on. Or the qualified noun is omitted, as in annapānendhanādīni food, drink, fuel, etc., dānadharmādikaṁ caratu bhavān let your honor practise liberality, religious rites, and the like. The particles evam and iti are also sometimes used by substitution as prior members: thus, evamādi vacanam words to this and the like effect; ato ‘ham bravīmi kartavyaḥ saṁcayo nityam ityādi hence I say "accumulation is ever to be made" etc.
e. Used in much the same way, but less often, is prabhṛti beginning: thus, viçvāvasuprabhṛtibhir gandharvāiḥ with the Gandharvas Viçvāvasu etc.; especially adverbially, in measurements of space and time, as tatprabhṛti or tataḥprabhṛti thenceforward.
f. Words meaning foregoer, predecessor, and the like — namely, pūrva, pūrvaka, puraḥsara, puraskṛta, purogama — are often employed in a similar manner, and especially adverbially, but for the most part to denote accompaniment, rather than antecedence, of that which is designated by the prior member of the compound: e. g. smitapūrvam with a smile, anāmayapraçnapūrvakam with inquiries after health, pitāmahapurogama accompanied by the Great Father.
g. The noun mātrā measure stands as final of a compound which is used adjectively or in the substantive neuter to signify a limit that is not exceeded, and obtains thus the virtual value of mere, only: thus, jalamātreṇa vartayan living by water only (lit. by that which has water for its measure or limit), garbhacyutimātreṇa by merely issuing from the womb, prāṇāyātrikamātraḥ syāt let him be one possessing what does not exceed the preservation of life; uktamātre tu vacane but the words being merely uttered.
h. The noun artha object, purpose is used at the end of a compound, in the adverbial accusative neuter, to signify for the take of or the like: thus, yajñasiddhyartham in order to the accomplishment of the sacrifice (lit. in a manner having the accomplishment of the sacrifice as its object), damayantyartham for Damayantī's sake (with Damayantī as object).
i. Other examples are ābhā, kalpa, in the sense of like, approaching: thus, hemābha gold-like, mṛtakalpa nearly dead, pratipannakalpa almost accomplished; — vidhā, in the sense of kind, sort: thus, tvadvidha of thy sort, púruṣavidha of human kind; — prāya, in the sense of mostly, often, and the like: thus, duḥkhaprāya full of pain, tṛṇaprāya abounding in grass, nirgamanaprāya often going out; — antara (in substantive neuter), in the sense of other: thus, deçāntara another region (lit. that which has a difference of region), janmāntarāṇi other existences, çākhāntare in another text.
a. Thus, ghṛtápṛṣṭha butter-backed, mádhujihva honey-tongued, niṣkágrīva and maṇigrīva necklace-necked, pā́trahasta vessel-handed, vájrabahu lightning-armed, ásṛn̄mukha blood-faced, kīlā́lodhan mead-uddered, vā́jajaṭhara sacrifice-bellied, vāṣpakaṇvha with tears in the throat, çraddhā́manas with faith in the heart; with irregular accent, dhūmākṣī́ f. smoke-eyed, açrumukhī́ f. tear-faced; and khā́dihasta ring-handed (khādí). In the later language, such compounds are not infrequent with words meaning hand: thus, çastrapāṇi having a sword in the hand, laguḍahasta carrying a staff.
a. In compounds with the negative prefix a or an (in which the latter logically negatives the imported idea of possession), the accent is prevailingly on the final syllable, without regard to the original accent of the final member. For example: anantá having no end, abalá not possessing strength, arathá without chariot, açraddhá faithless, amaṇí without ornament, açatrú without a foe, avarmán not cuirassed, adánt toothless, apád footless, atejás without brightness, anārambhaṇá not to be gotten hold of, apratimāná incomparable, aducchuná bringing no harm, apakṣapucchá without sides or tail.
b. But a number of examples (few in proportion to those already instanced) have the prefix accented (like the simple descriptives: 1288 a): thus, ákṣiti indestructible, águ kineless, ágopā without shepherd, ájīvana lifeless, ánāpi without friends, áçiçvī f. without young, ámṛtyu deathless, ábrahman without priest, ávyacas without extension, áhavis without oblation, and a few others; AV. has áprajas, but ÇB. aprajás. A very few have the accent on the penult: namely, açéṣas, ajā́ni, and avī́ra (with retraction, from vīrá), apútra (do., from putrá); and AV. has abhrā́tṛ, but RV. abhrātṛ́.
c. In compounds with the prefixes of praise and dispraise, su and dus, the accent is in the great majority of cases that of the final member: thus, sukálpa of easy make, subhága well portioned, sunákṣatra of propitious star, suputrá having excellent sons, sugopā́ well-shepherded, sukīrtí of good fame, sugándhi fragrant, subāhú well-armed, suyáṁtu of easy control, sukrátu of good capacity, suhā́rd good-hearted, susráj well-garlanded, suvárman well-cuirassed, suvā́sas well-clad, supráṇīti well guiding; durbhága ill-portioned, durdṛ́çīka of evil aspect, durdhára hard to restrain, durgándhi ill-savored, durādhī́ of evil designs, durdhártu hard to restrain, duṣṭárītu hard to excel, duratyétu hard to cross, durdhúr ill-yoked, durṇā́man ill-named, durvā́sas ill-clad.
d. There are, however, a not inconsiderable number of instances in which the accent of these compounds is upon the final syllable: thus, suçiprá well-lipped, svapatyá of good progeny, susaṁkāçá of good aspect, svan̄gurí well-fingered, sviṣú having good arrows, supīvás well fatted;
and compounds with derivatives in ana, as suvijñaná of easy discernment, sūpasarpaṇá of easy approach, duçcyavaná hard to shake; and AV. has suphalá and subandhú against RV. suphála and subándhu. Like avī́ra, suvī́ra shows retraction of accent. Only dúrāçir has the tone on the prefix.
e. On the whole, the distinction by accent of possessive from determinative is less clearly shown in the words made with su and dus than in any other body of compounds.
f. The associative prefix sa or (less often) sahá is treated like an adjective element, and itself takes the accent in a possessive compound: thus, sákratu of joint will, sánāman of like name, sárūpa of similar form, sáyoni having a common origin, sávācas of assenting words, sátoka having progeny along, with one's progeny, sábrāhmaṇa together with the Brahmans, sámūla with the root, sā́ntardeça with the intermediate directions; sahágopa with the shepherd, sahávatsa accompanied by one's young, sahápatnī having her husband with her, sahápūruṣa along with our men.
g. In RV. (save in a doubtful case or two), only saha in such compounds gives the meaning of having with one, accompanied by; and, since saha governs the instrumental, the words beginning with it might be of the prepositional class (below, 1310). But in AV. both sa and saha have this value (as illustrated by examples given above); and in the later language, the combinations with sa are much the more numerous.
h. There are a few exceptions, in which the accent is that of the final member: thus, sajóṣa, sajóṣas, sadṛ́ça, sapráthas, sabā́dhas, samanyú and AV. shows the accent on the final syllable in sān̄gá (ÇB. sā́n̄ga) and the substantivized (1312) savidyutá.
i. Possessive compounds with the exclamatory prefixes ka etc. are too few in the older language to furnish ground for any rule as to accent: kábandha is perhaps an example of such.
a. Most common are those made with pra, vi, and sam; thus, for example, prámahas having exceeding might, práçravas widely famed; vígrāva of wry neck, vyàn̄ga having limbs away or gone, limbless, víjāni wifeless, víparva and víparus jointless, vyàdhvan of wide ways, vímanas both of wide mind and mindless, vívācas of discordant speech; sámpatnī having one's husband along, sámmanas of accordant mind, sáṁsahasra accompanied by a thousand, sámokas of joint abode. Examples of others are: átyūrmi surging over, ádhivastra having a garment on, ádhyardha with a half over, ádhyakṣa overseer, ápodaka without water, abhírūpa
of adapted character, ávatoka that has aborted, ā́manas of favorable mind, údojas of exalted power, nímanyu of assuaged fury, nírmāya free from guile, nírhasta handless.
b. In a comparatively small number of cases, the accent is otherwise, and generally on the final: thus, avakeçá, upamanyú, viçaphá, viçikhá (AV. víçikha), vikarṇá, saṁmātṛ́, etc.; in an instance or two, that of the final member: thus, samçíçvarī having a common young.
a. Examples are: ántyūti bringing near help, avódeva calling down the gods, itáūti helping on this side, ihácitta with mind directed hither, dakṣiṇatáskaparda wearing the braid on the right side, nā́nādharman of various character, purudhápratīka of manifold aspect, viçvátomukha with faces on all sides, sadyáūti of immediate aid, víṣurūpa of various form, smádūdhan with udder, adhástāllakṣman with mark below, ekatomukha with face on one side, táthāvidha of such sort.
b. An instance or two of irregular accent are met with: thus, purorathá whose chariot is foremost, evaṁkratú so-minded.
b. Also, the compound possessive stem occasionally takes further a possessive-making suffix: thus, yaçobhagín, suçiprin, varavarṇin, dīrghasūtrin, puṇyavāgbuddhikarmin, sutásomavant, tādṛgrūpavant, trayodaçadvīpavant, nārakapālakuṇḍalavant, amṛtabuddhimant.
c. The frequent changes which are undergone by the final of a stem occurring at the end of a compound are noticed further on (1315).
a. Thus, for example, prāptayāuvana possessing attained adolescence, i.e. having arrived at adolescence; anadhigataçāstra with unstudied books, i. e. who has neglected study; kṛtaprayatna possessing performed effort, i. e. on whom effort is expended; an̄gulīyakadarçanāvasāna having the sight of the ring as termination, i. e. destined to end on sight of the ring; uddhṛtaviṣādaçalyaḥ having an extracted despair-arrow, i. e. when I shall have extracted the barb of despair; çrutavistāraḥ kriyatām let him be made with heard details, i. e. let him be informed of the details; dṛṣṭavīryo me rāmaḥ Rāma has seen my prowess, bhagnabhāṇḍo dvijo yathā like
the Brahman that broke the pots, ukhānṛtam ṛṣiṁ yathā like a sage that has spoken falsely.
a. Examples are: vidádvasu winning good things, kṣayádvīra governing (kṣáyant) heroes, taráddvevas overcoming (tárant) foes, ābharádvasu bringing good things, codayánmati inciting (codáyant) devotion, mandayátsakha rejoicing friends, dhārayátkavi sustaining sages, maṅhayádrayi bestowing wealth.
b. In sādádyoni sitting in the lap (sādat quite anomalously for sīdat or sadat), and spṛhayádvarṇa emulous of color, the case-relation of the final member is other than accusative. In patayán mandayátsakham (RV. i. 4. 7), patayát, with accent changed accordingly, represents patayátsakham, the final member being understood from the following word. Vidádaçva is to be inferred from its derivative vāídadaçvi. Of this formation appear to be jamádagni, pratádvasu (prathád?), and trasádasyu (for trasáddasyu?). It was noticed above (1299 c) that yuyujānásapti is capable of being understood as a unique compound of like character, with a perfect instead of present participle; sā́dhadiṣṭi, on account of its accent, is probably possessive.
a. Examples are: átyavi passing through the wool, atirātrá overnight, atimātrá exceeding measure; ádhiratha lying on the chariot, adhigavá belonging to the cow; adhaspadá under the feet, adhoakṣa below the axle; ánupatha following the road, anupūrvá following the one preceding, one after another, anuṣatyá in accordance with truth, anukū́la down stream, etc.; ántaspatha (with anomalously changed accent of antár), within the way, antardāvá within the flame (?), antarhastá in the hand; ántigṛha near the house; apiprā́ṇa accompanying the breath (prāṇá), ápivrata concerned with the ceremony, apiçarvará bordering on night, apikarṇá next the ear; abhijñú reaching to the knee, abhívīra and abhísatvan overcoming heroes; ā́pathi on the road, ā́deva going to the gods, ājarasá
reaching old age, ādvādaçá up to twelve; upakakṣá reaching to the armpits, upottamá next to last, penultimate; upáribudhna above the bottom, upárimartya rising above mortals; tirojaná beyond people; niḥsālá cut of the house; paripád (about the feet) snare, parihastá about the hand, bracelet; parókṣa out of sight, parómātra beyond measure, parogavyūtí beyond the fields, paraḥsahasrá (páraḥsahasra, ÇB.) above a thousand; purokṣá in front of the eyes; pratidosá toward evening, pratilomá against the grain, pratikū́la up stream, pratyákṣa before the eyes; bahiḥparidhí outside the enclosure; vípathi outside the road; samakṣá close to the eyes, in sight.
b. Compounds of this character are in the later language especially common with adhi: thus, adhyātma relating to the soul or self, adhiyajña relating to the sacrifice, etc.
c. A suffixal a is sometimes added to a final consonant, as in upānasá on the wagon, āvyuṣá until daybreak. In a few instances, the suffix ya is taken (see above, 1212 m); and in one word the suffix in: thus, paripantín besetting the path.
d. The prepositional compounds are especially liable to adverbial use: see below, 1313 b.
a. The matter is entitled to special notice only because certain forms of combination have become of special frequency in these uses, and because the Hindu grammarians have made out of them distinct classes of compounds, with separate names. There is nothing in the older language which by its own merits would call for particular remark under this head.
a. The name is a sample of the class, and means of two cows, said to be used in the sense of worth two cows; as also pañcagu bought for five cows, dvināu worth two ships, páñcakapāla made in five cups, and so on.
b. Vedic examples of numeral abstracts and collectives are: dvirājá [combat] of two kings, triyugá three ages, triyojaná space of three leagues, tridivá the triple heaven, pañcayojaná space of five leagues, ṣaḍahá six days' time, daçān̄gulá ten fingers' breadth; and, with suffix ya, sahasrāhṇyá thousand days' journey. Others, not numeral, but essentially of the same character, are, for example: anamitrá freedom from enemies, nikilbiṣá freedom from guilt, savidyutá thunderstorm, víhṛdaya heartlessness, and
sáhṛdaya heartiness, sudivá prosperity by day, sumṛgá and suçakuná prosperity with beasts and birds. Feminines of like use are not quotable from RV. or AV.; later occur such as triçatī three hundred (481), trilokī the three worlds, pañcamūlī aggregate of five roots.
c. As the examples show, the accent of words thus used is various; but it is more prevailingly on the final syllable than in the adjective compounds in their ordinary use.
a. This term is a derivative from the compound verb (1094) made up of avyaya uninflected and √bhū, and means conversion to an indeclinable.
b. The prepositional compounds (1310) are especially frequent in this use: thus, for example, anuṣvadhám by one's own will, abhipūrvám and parovarám in succession, ādvādaçám up to twelve, pratidoṣám at evening, samakṣám in sight. Instances given by the grammarians are: adhihari upon Hari, uparājam with the king, upanadam or upanadi near the river, pratyagni toward the fire, pratiniçam every night, nirmakṣikam with freedom from flies.
c. A large and important class is made up of words having a relative adverb, especially yathā, as prior member. Thus, for example, yathāvaçám as one chooses (váça will), yathākṛtám as done [before], according to usage, yathānāmá by name, yathābhāgám according to several portion, yathān̄gám and yathāparú limb by limb, yatrakā́mam whither one will, yāvanmātrám in some measure, yāvajjīvám as long as one lives, yāvatsábandhu according to the number of relations.
d. These compounds are not common in the old language; RV. has with yathā only four of them, AV. only ten; and no such compound is used adjectively except yācchreṣṭha RV., yāvacchreṣṭhá AV. as good as possible. ÇB. has yathākārín, yathācārín, yáthākāma, yáthākratu as adjectives (followed in each case by a correlative táthā). The adjective use in the later language also is quite rare as compared with the adverbial.
e. Other cases than the accusative occasionally occur: thus, instrumental, as yathāsaṁkhyena, yathāçaktyā, yathepsayā, yathāpratiguṇāis; and ablative, as yathāucityāt.
f. A class of adverbs of frequent occurrence is made with sa: e. g. sakopam angrily, sādaram respectfully, sasmitam with a smile, saviçeṣam especially.
g. Other adverbial compounds of equivalent character occur earlier, and are common later: for example, ṛtekarmám without work, nānārathám on different chariots, ubhayadyús two days in succession, citrapadakramam with wonderful progress, pradānapūrvam with accompaniment of a gift; etc.
a. Compounds having a particle as final member: as, apratí having no equal, tuvipratí mightily opposing, átathā refusing, vitatha false, yathātathá as it really is, súsaha prosperity in companionship, aniha and anamutra having no here and no yonder, etc.
b. Agglomerations of two or more elements out of phrases: thus, ahampūrvá eager to be first, ahamuttará contest for preeminence, mamasatyá contest for possession, itihāsá legend (iti hā ”sa thus, indeed, it was), naghamārá and naghāriṣá not, surely, dying or coming to harm, kuvítsa some unknown person, tadídartha having just that as aim, kūcidarthín having errands in every direction, kācitkará doing all sorts of things, kuhacidvíd wherever found, akutaçcidbhaya out of all danger, yadbhaviṣya What-is-to-be, etc.
c. Agglomerations in which the prior member retains a syntactic form: as, anyonya and paraspara one another, avaraspara inverted.
d. Aggregations with the natural order inverted: e. g. pitāmahá and tatāmahá grandfather, putrahata with his sons slain, jānvākná and -jānvakta with bended knee, dantajāta provided with teeth, somāpahṛtá deprived of soma, pan̄ktírādhas having groups of gifts, gojara old bull, agrajihvá, agranāsikā, etc. tip of the tongue, of the nose, etc. Compare also 1291 c.
e. Aggregations of particles were pointed out above (1111 a); also (1122 e) cases in which ná and mā́ are used in composition.
f. In late Sanskrit (perhaps after the false analogy of combinations like tad anu, viewed as tadanu, with tad as stem instead of neuter accusative), a preposition is sometimes compounded as final member with the noun governed by it: e. g. vṛkṣādhas or vṛkṣādhastāt under the tree, dantāntaḥ between the teeth, bhavanopari on top of the house, satyavinā without truth.
a. A stem in an often drops its final consonant (compare 429 a, 437): examples are akṣa, adhva, arva, astha, aha, takṣa, brahma, mūrdha, rāja, loma, vṛṣa, çva, saktha, sāma.
b. An i or ī is changed to a: examples are an̄gula, an̄jala, açra, kukṣa, khāra, nada, nābha, bhūma, rātra, sakha.
c. An a is added after a final consonant, and sometimes after an u-vowel or a diphthong (compare 399): examples are ṛca, tvaca; uda, pada, çarada; apa; dhura, pura; ahna, açmana, ūdhna, rājña; anasa, ayasa, āyuṣa, urasa, enasa, tamasa, manasa, yajuṣa, rajasa, rahasa, varcasa, vedasa, çreyasa, sarasa; bhruva, diva, gava, gāva, nāva.
d. More sporadic and anomalous cases are such as: apanna-da (-dant), pañca-ṣa (-ṣaṣ), ajāika-pa (-pad), çata-bhiṣā (-bhiṣāj), vipaç-ci (-cit), yathā-pura (-puras).
a. Examples are: rāyáskāmo viçvāpsnyasya (RV.) desirous of all-enjoyable wealth; aṇhór urucákriḥ (RV.) causing relief from distress; mahādhané árbhe (RV.) in great contest and in small; svāhāṁ çrāiṣṭhyakāmaḥ (AÇS.) desiring superiority over his fellows; brāhmaṇāñ chrutaçīlavṛttasampannān ekena vā (AGS.) Brahmans endowed with learning, character, and behavior, or with one [of the three]; cittapramāthinī bālā devānām api (MBh.) a girl disturbing the minds even of the gods; vasiṣṭhavacanād ṛṣyaçṛn̄gasya co ’bhayoḥ (R.) at the words of both Vasishtha and Rishyaçringa, sītādravyāpaharaṇe çastrāṇām āuṣadhasya ca (M.) in case of stealing ploughing implements or weapons or medicament; jyotiṣām madhyacārī (H.) moving in the midst of the stars; dārupātraṁ ca mṛnmayam (M.) a wooden and an earthen vessel; syandane dattadṛṣṭiḥ (Ç.) with eye fixed on the chariot; tasminn ullambitamṛtaḥ (KSS.) dead and hanging upon it.
A. The following text is given (as proposed above, 3) in order to illustrate by an example the variety of Sanskrit type in use. It is given twice over, and a transliteration into European letters follows. The text is a fable extracted from the first book of the Hitopadeça.
[[Image:Sanskrittextsample1.jpg|500px]]
[[Image:Sanskrittextsample2.jpg|500px]]
āsīt kalyāṇakaṭakavāstavyo bhāiravo nāma vyādhaḥ. sa cāi ’kadā māṅsalubdhaḥ san dhanur ādāya vindhyāṭavīmadhyaṁ gataḥ. tatra tena mṛga eko vyāpāditaḥ. mṛgam ādāya gachatā tena ghorākṛtiḥ sūkaro dṛṣṭaḥ. tatas tena mṛgam bhūmāu nidhāya sūkaraḥ çareṇa hataḥ. sūkareṇā ’py āgatya pralayaghanaghoragarjanaṁ kṛtvā sa vyādho muṣkadeçe hataç chinnadruma iva papāta. yataḥ:
jalam agniṁ viṣaṁ çastraṁ kṣudvyādhī patanaṁ gireḥ,
nimittaṁ kiṁcid āsādya dehī prāṇāir vimucyate.
atrāntare dīrgharāvo nāma jambukaḥ paribhramann āhārārthī tān mṛtān mṛgavyādhasūkarān apaçyat. ālokyā ’cintayad asāu: aho bhāgyam. mahad bhojyaṁ samupasthitam. athavā:
acintitāni duḥkhāni yathāi ’va ”yānti dehinām,
sukhāny api tathā manye dāívam atrā ’tiricyate.
bhavatu; eṣām māṅsāir māsatrayaṁ samadhikam bhojanam me bhavisyati. tataḥ prathamabubhuksāyāṁ tāvad imāni svādūni māṅsāni vihāya kodaṇḍāṭanīlagnaṁ snāyubandhaṁ khādāmī ’ty uktvā tathā ’karot. tataç chinne snāyubandhe drutam utpatitena dhanuṣā hṛdi bhinnaḥ sa dīrgharāvaḥ pañcatvaṁ gatah. ato ’ham bravīmi:
kartavyaḥ saṁcayo nityaṁ kartavyo nā ’tisaṁcayaḥ;
atisaṁcayadoṣeṇa dhanuṣā jambuko hataḥ.
B. The following text is given in order to illustrate by a sufficient example the usual method of marking accent, as described above (87). In the manuscripts, the accent-signs are almost invariably added in red ink. The text is a hymn extracted from the tenth or last book of the Rig-Veda; it is regarded by the tradition as uttered by Vāc voice (i. e. the Word or Logos).
अ॒हं रु॒द्रेभि॒र्वसु॑भिश्चराम्य॒हमा॑दि॒त्यैरु॒त वि॒श्वदे॑वैः ।
अ॒हं मि॒त्रावरु॑णो॒भा बि॑भर्म्य॒हमि॑न्द्रा॒ग्नी अ॒हम॒श्विनो॒भा ॥१॥
अ॒हं सोम॑माह॒नसं॑ बिभर्म्य॒हं त्वष्टा॑रमु॒त पू॒षणं॒ भग॑म् ।
अ॒हं द॑धामि॒ द्रवि॑णं ह॒विष्म॑ते सुप्रा॒व्ये॒३॒॑ यज॑मानाय सुन्व॒ते ॥२॥
अ॒हं राष्ट्री॑ सं॒गम॑नी॒ वसू॑नां चिकि॒तुषी॑ प्रथ॒मा य॒ज्ञिया॑नाम् ।
तां मा॑ दे॒वा व्य॑दधुः पुरु॒त्रा भूरि॑स्थात्रां॒ भूर्या॑वे॒शय॑न्तीम् ॥३॥
मया॒ सो अन्न॑मत्ति॒ यो वि॒पश्य॑ति॒ यः प्राणि॑ति॒ य ईं॑ शृ॒णोत्यु॒क्तम् ।
अ॒म॒न्तवो॒ मां त उप॑ क्षियन्ति श्रु॒धि श्रु॑त श्रद्धि॒वं ते॑ वदामि ॥४॥
अ॒हमे॒व स्व॒यमि॒दं व॑दामि॒ जुष्टं॑ दे॒वेभि॑रु॒त मानु॑षेभिः ।
यं का॒मये॒ तंत॑मु॒ग्रं कृ॑णोमि तं ब्र॒ह्माणं॒ तमृषिं॒ तं सु॑मे॒धाम् ॥५॥
अ॒हं रु॒द्राय॒ धनु॒रा त॑नोमि ब्रह्म॒द्विषे॒ शर॑वे॒ हन्त॒वा उ॑ ।
अ॒हं जना॑य स॒मदं॑ कृणोम्य॒हं द्यावा॑पृथि॒वी आ वि॑वेश ॥६॥
अ॒हं सु॑वे पि॒तर॑मस्य मू॒र्धन्मम॒ योनि॑र॒प्स्व१॒॑न्तः स॑मु॒द्रे ।
ततो॒ वि ति॑ष्ठे॒ भुव॒नानु॒ विश्वो॒तामूं द्यां व॒र्ष्मणोप॑ स्पृशामि ॥७॥
अ॒हमे॒व वात॑ इव॒ प्र वा॑म्या॒रभ॑माणा॒ भुव॑नानि॒ विश्वा॑ ।
प॒रो दि॒वा प॒र ए॒ना पृ॑थि॒व्यैताव॑ती महि॒ना सं ब॑भूव ॥८॥
aháṁ rudrébhir vásubhiç carāmy ahám ādityāír utá viçvádevāiḥ, ahám mitrā́váruṇo ’bhā́ bibharmy ahám indrāgnī́ ahám açvíno ’bhā́. 1.
aháṁ sómam āhanásam bibharmy aháṁ tváṣṭāram utá pūṣáṇam bhágam, aháṁ dadhāmi dráviṇaṁ havíṣmate suprāvyè yájamānāya sunvaté. 2.
aháṁ rā́ṣṭrī saṁgámanī vásūnāṁ cikitúṣī prathamā́ yajñíyānām, tā́m mā devā́vy àdadhuḥ purutrā́ bhū́risthātrām bhū́ry āveçáyantīm. 3.
máyā só ánnam atti yó vipáçyati yáḥ prā́ṇiti yá īṁ çṛṇóty uktám, amantávo mā́ṁ tá úpa kṁiyanti çrudhí çruta çraddhiváṁ te vadāmi. 4.
ahám evá svayám idáṁ vadāmi juṣṭaṁ devébhir utá mā́nuṣebhiḥ, yáṁ kāmáye táṁ-tam ugráṁ kṛṇomi tám brahmā́ṇaṁ tám ṛ́ṣiṁ táṁ sumedhā́m. 5.
aháṁ rudrā́ya dhánur ā́ tanomi brahmadvíṣe çárave hántavā́ u, aháṁ jánāya samádaṁ kṛṇomy aháṁ dyā́vāpṛthivī́ ā́ viveça. 6.
aháṁ suve pitáram asya mūrdhán máma yónir apsv àntáḥ samudré, táto ví tiṣṭhe bhúvanā́ ’nu víçvo ’tā́ ’mū́ṁ dyā́ṁ varṣmáṇó ’pa spṛçāmi. 7.
ahám evá vā́ta iva prá vāmy ārábhamāṇā bhúvanāni víçvā, paró divā́ pará enā́ pṛthivyāí ’tā́vatī mahinā́ sám babhūva. 8.
C. On the next page is given, in systematic arrangement, a synopsis of all the modes and tenses recognized as normally to be made from every root in its primary conjugation, for the two common roots bhū be and kṛ make (only the precative middle and periphrastic future middle are bracketed, as never really occurring). Added, in each case, are the most important of the verbal nouns and adjectives, the only ones which it is needful to give as part of every verb-system.
| √bhū be. | Present-system. | Perfect-system. | Aorist-system. | Future-systems. | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Active: | |||||
| Indic. | bhávāmi | babhū́va | bhaviṣyā́mi | bhavitā́smi | |
| Opt. | bháveyam | bhūyā́sam | |||
| Impv. | bhávāni | ||||
| Pple. | bhávant | babhūvā́ṅs | bhaviṣyánt | ||
| Augm.-Pret. | ábhavam | ábhūvam | ábhaviṣyam | ||
| Middle: | |||||
| Indic. | bháve | babhūvé | bhaviṣyé | [bhavitā́he] | |
| Opt. | bháveya | [bhaviṣīyá] | |||
| Impv. | bhávāi | ||||
| Pple. | bhávamāna | babhūvāná | bhaviṣyámāṇa | ||
| Augm.-Pret. | ábhave | ábhaviṣi | |||
| Pass. pple bhūtá; — Infin. bhávitum; — Gerunds bhūtvā́, -bhū́ya. | |||||
| √kṛ make. | |||||
| Active: | |||||
| Indic. | karómi | cakā́ra | kariṣyā́mi | kartā́smi | |
| Opt. | kuryā́m | kriyā́sam | |||
| Impv. | karávāṇi | ||||
| Pple. | kurvánt | cakṛvā́ṅs | kariṣyánt | ||
| Augm.-Pret. | ákaravam | ákārṣam | ákariṣyam | ||
| Middle: | |||||
| Indic. | kurvé | cakré | kariṣyé | [kartā́he] | |
| Opt. | kurvīyá | [kṛṣīyá] | |||
| Impv. | karávāi | ||||
| Pple. | kurvāṇá | cakrāṇá | kariṣyámāṇa | ||
| Augm.-Pret. | ákurvi | ákṛṣi | |||
| Pass.pple kṛtá; — Infin. kártum; — Gerunds kṛtvā́, -kṛ́tya. | |||||
The references in both Indexes are to paragraphs. In this one, many abbreviations are used; but it is believed that they will be found self-explaining. For example, "pron." is pronunciation; "euph." points out anything relating to phonetic form or euphonic combination; "pres.", to present-system; "int." is intensive; "des." is desiderative; and so on. A prefixed hyphen denotes a suffix; one appended, a prefix.
a, pron. etc., 19–22, combination with following vowel, 126, 127; loss of initial after e and o, 135, 175 a; resulting accent, 135 a; not liable to guṇa, 235 a; lightened to i or u, 249; lost in weakened syllable, 253.
a, as union-vowel in tense-inflection, 621 c, 631.
-a, primy, 1148; scdry, 1208, 1209; -a in -aka, 1181; — a-stems, dcln, 326–34; from rdcl ā-st., 333, 354; in compsn, 1270, 1287 a.
a- or an-, negative, 1121 a–c; in compsn, 1283 ff., 1288 a, 1304 a, b.
-aka, prmy, 1181; aka-stems sometimes govern accus., 271 c; scdry, 1222 j, k.
-aki, see 1221 b.
√akṣ, pf., 788.
akṣara, 8.
akṣán, ákṣi, 343 f, 431.
aghoṣa, 34 b.
√ac or añc, pf., 788 b; pple, 956 b, 967 c; stems ending with, 407–10.
-aj, 219 a, 383 k. 5.
√añc, see ac.
√añj, euph., 219 a; pres., 694, 687; pf., 788; tvā-ger'd, 991 d.
-aṇḍa, 1201 a.
-at, 383 k. 3 — and see -ant.
-ata, see 1176 e.
-ati, see 1157 g.
-atu, see 1161 d.
-atnu, see 1196 c.
-atra, see 1185 e.
-atha, see 1163 c.
-athu, see 1164.
√ad, impf., 621 c; caus., 1042 g.
-ad, 383 k. 4.
adhi, loss of initial, 1087 a.
adhika, in odd numbers, 477 a, 478 b.
√an, euph., 192 b; pres., 631.
-an, 1160.
an-, see a-.
-ana, 1150; stems in compan, 1271, 1296 b.
anaḍváh, euph., 224 b; dcln, 404.
-anā, 1150.
-ani, 1159.
-anī, 1150.
-anīya, 962, 965, 1215 b.
anu, changed to ānu after an-, 1087 b.
-anu, see 1162 c.
anudātta, 81.
anudāttatara, 90 c.
anunāsika, 36 a, 73 a.
anuvrata, with accus., 272.
anuṣṭúbh, euph., 151 d.
anusvāra, pron. etc., 70–3; transliteration, 73 c.
anehás, dcln, 419.
-ant or -at, of pples, 534, 1172; their dcln, 443 ff.
-anta, 1209 d.
antaḥsthā, 31, 51 a.
antara, in compsn, 1302 i.
-anti, see 1221 c.
anyá, dcln, 523.
ap or āp, dcln, 151 e, 393.
api, loss of initial, 1087 a.
-abha, 1199.
abhinihita-circumflex, 84 e.
√am, pres., 634; aor., 862.
-am, infln. in, 970 a; gerund, 995.
-amā, see 1166 b.
-aye, infln. in, 970 f, 975 b.
-ara, see 1188 d.
arí, dcln, 343 g.
-aru, see 1192 a.
√arth, so-called, 104 b, 1056, 1067.
artha, in compsn, 1302 h.
aryamán, dcln, 426 a.
árvan, árvant, 455.
√arh, pres., 613; pf., 788; aor., 862; desid., 1029 b.
-ala, see 1189 b.
alpaprāṇa, 37 d.
√av, aor., 838, 908; pple, 954 e; inf., 968 e; ya-ger'd, 992 c.
ava, loss of initial, 1087 a.
-ava, see 1190 a.
avagraha, 16.
√avadhīr, so-called, 104 b.
avayáj, avayā́, 406.
avyayībhāva, 1111 d, 1313.
√aç attain, pf., 788; aor., 834 b, 837–9, 847; fut., 936 c; inf., 968 d.
√aç eat, pf., 803 a des., 1029 b, 1031; caus., 1042 n.
√as be, pres., 636, 621 e; pf., 800 m; in periphr. conjn, 1070–2, 1073 d; in ppial periphr. phrases, 1075 d; in cmpd conjn, 1093, 1094.
√as throw, pres., 761 c ; aor., 847; pple, 956 e; inf., 968 c.
as final, euph. treatment of, 175; exceptional cases, 176.
-as, 1151; dcln of stems in, 411 ff,; as-stems in compsn, 1278, 1296 b, 1298 b.
-as, infln. in, 970 a, 971.
asán, ásṛj, 398, 432.
-asi, 1198.
ásṛj, euph., 219: and see asán.
-ase, infln. in, 970 c, 973 a.
asthán, ásthi, 343 i, 431.
-asna, see 1195 a.
-asnu, see 1994 d.
√ah say, pf., 801 a.
√ah connect (?), 788 a.
áhan, áhar, áhas, 430.
ā, pron. etc., 19, 22; combination of final, 126, 127; elision of initial, 135 d; vṛddhi of a, 236 ff.; lightened to ī or i, 250; to a, 250 c; in pres, 661–6, 761 f, g; in aor., 884; in pple, 954 c; in des., 1028 d.
ā́, with ablative, 293 c, 983 a.
-ā, 1149.
ā-stems, dcln, 347 ff.
-āka, see 1181 d.
-āku, see 1181 d.
-ātu, see 1161 d.
ātman, used reflexively, 514 a.
ātmane padam, 529.
ādi, ādika, ādya, in compsn, 1302 d.
-āna, in pples, 584, 1175; used instead of māna, 741 a, 752 e, 1043 f; -āna in other derivatives, 1175 a.
-ānī, see 1223 b.
-ānu, see 1162 c.
ānunāsikya, 36 a.
√āp, 1087 f; pf., 783 d; aor., 847, 862; des., 1030.
ābhā, in compsn, 1302 i.
ām, impv. 3d sing, in, 618.
āmreḍita, 1260 d.
-āyana, 1219.
-āyī, 1220.
-āyya, 966 c, 1051 f, 1218.
-āra, see 1188 d, 1226 b.
-āru, see 1192 a.
-āla, see 1227 a, 1245 l.
-ālu, see. 1192 b, 1227 b.
√ās, pres., 619 c, 628; inf., 968 d; periph. pf., 1071 c; in ppial periph. phrases, 1075 c.
ā́s, āsán, āsyà, 398 b, 432.
ās final, euph. treatment of, 177.
i, pron. etc., 19, 20, 22; i and y, 55; combinations of final, 126, 129, 797 f; with preceding a-vowel, 127; from ya, 252, 784 c, 769, 922 b, 954 b; cases of loss before y, 233 a.
i, union-vowel, 254, 555 b; in pres., 630, 631, 634, 640; in pf., 796–8, 803; in aor., 876 b, 877; in fut., 934, 935, 943; in pple, 956; in infln., 968; in des., 1031.
i-stems, dcln, 335 ff.; from rdcl ī-st., 354; in compsn, 1276, 1287 c; sometimes govern accus., 271 f.
√i go, pf., 783 b, 801 d; fut, 935 a; ya-ger'd, 992 a, c; int., 1002 e, 1021 b; caus., 1042 l; in ppial periphr. phrases, 994 e, 1075 a; periphr. conj., 1071 f; irreg. comb. with prefixes, 1087 c; in compd conjn, 1092 b.
√i (in, inv) send, 716 a.
-i, prmy, 1155; scdry, 1221.
-ika, prmy, 1186 c; scdry, 1222 j, l.
-ika, fem. to -aka, 1181 c, 1222 i.
√ich, 608 b, 753 b.
-ij, 219 a, 383 k. 5.
-it, 383 k. 3; advbl, 1109 a.
-ita, 1176 a, b, d.
íti, uses of, 1102 a–c; peculiar construction with, 268 b; abbrev'd to ti, 1102 d.
-iti, see 1157 g.
-itu, see 1161 c.
-itnu, see 1196.
-itra, see 1185 e.
√idh or indh, euph., 160 c; aor., 836, 837, 840 b.
√in (or inv), 699 b, 709, 716 a, 749 b.
-in, 1183, 1230; in-stems, dcln, 438 ff.; in compsn, 1275, 1287 e; sometimes govern accus., 271 b; used participially, 960 b.
-ina, see 1177 b, 1209 c, 1223 f.
ínakṣa, 1029 c.
-ineya, see 1216 d.
√inv, see in.
-ibha, see 1199 a.
-ima, 1224 a.
-iman, see 1168 i–k.
iy in euph. comb'n from an i-vowel, a, e, d, 352 b.
-iya, 1214.
iyakva, 1029 c.
íyant, dcln, 451.
ir-stems, dcln, 392.
ira, see 1188 e, 1226 b.
irajya, iradha, 1021 a.
√il, caus., 1042 b.
-ila, see 1189 b, 1227 a.
iva, euph., 1102.
-iva, see 1190 a.
-ivas, see 1173 b.
√iṣ desire, pres., 608 b, 753 b; inf., 968 d; desid., 1029 b.
√iṣ send, caus., 1042 b.
-iṣa, see 1197 b.
-iṣṭha, 467–70, 1184.
-iṣṇu, 1194.
-is, 1153; is-stems, dcln, 411 ff.
ī, pron. etc., 19, 20, 22; combinations of final, 126, 129, 797 f; with preceding a-vowel, 127; circumflexed, 128; uncombinable in dual etc., 138; ī as final of stem in verbal compsn, 1093, 1094.
ī, union-vowel, 254; in tense-inflection, 555 b, c; of pres., 632–4; of impf., 621, 631–4; of s-aor., 880 b, 888–91; of int., 1004 ff.; ī for i, 900 b, 935 a, 968 d, f.
ī-stems, dcln, 347 ff.
-ī, 1156; to i before added sfx, 471 b, 1203 d, 1237 c, 1239 b; in compsn, 1249 d.
-īka, see 1186 c.
√īkṣ, aor., 862; desid., 1029b; periph. pf., 1071 c, 1073 a.
√īḍ, pres., 628, 630; pf., 783 d.
īta- for eta-forms in optative, 738 b, 771 d, 1032 a, 1043 c.
-īti, see 1157 g.
-ītu, see 1161 c.
-īna, prmy, see 1171 b; scdry, 1223 d.
-īman, see 1168 j.
īya, conj.-stem, 1021 b.
-īya, 1215.
-īyas, 467–70, 1184; stems in, dcln, 463 ff.
√īr, pres., 628; pf., 783 d, 801 d; pple, 957 b.
-īra, see 1188 e.
-īva, see 1190 a.
√īç, pres., 628, 630.
īçvara, with infin., 984, 987.
√īṣ, euph., 225 a.
-īṣa, see 1197.
√īh, euph., 240 b.
u, pron. etc., 19, 20, 22; u and v, 57; combinations of final, 126, 129; with preceding a-vowel, 127; from va, 252, 784, 769, 922 b, 954 b, 956 d; cases of loss before v, 233 a; final u gunated in scdry derivation, 1203 a.
u-stems, dcln, 335 ff.; from rdcl ū-st, 354; desid. u-stems govern accus., 271 a.
-u, 1178; -u in -uka, 1180 a.
-uka, 1180; stems sometimes govern accus., 271 g.
ukṣán, dcln, 426 b.
√uch, 608 b, 753 b.
√ujh, periphr. pf., 1071 c.
√uñch, pres., 758.
uṇādi-suffixes, 1138 a.
-ut, 383 k. 3.
-utra, see 1185 e.
-utṛ, see 1182 b.
-utha, see 1163 d.
√ud or und, pres., 694 a, 758 a; pple, 957 d; desid., 1029 b.
úd, údaka, udán, 398 b, 432.
udātta, 81.
-una, see 1177 c.
-uni, see 1158 e.
upadhmānīya, 69.
√ubj, aor., 862.
√ubh or umbh, pres., 694, 758 a.
-ubha, see 1199 a.
ubháya, dcln, 525 c.
ur or us as 3d pl. ending, 169 b.
ur-stems, dcln, 392.
-ura, see 1188 f, 1226 b.
-uri, 1191 a.
-ula, see 1189 b, 1227 a.
uv in euph. comb'n from an u-vowel, 129 a, c, d, 352 b, 697 a.
uçánas, uçánā, dcln, 355 a, 416.
√uṣ, pres., 608 b; ya-ger'd, 992 b; periphr. pf., 1071 f.
-uṣa, see 1197 c.
uṣás, euph., 168 a; dcln, 415 b.
-uṣi, see 1221 c.
uṣṇíh, euph., 223 a.
-us, 1154; us-stems, dcln, 411 ff.
usṛ́, 371 j.
us or ur as 3d pl. ending, 169 b.
ū, pron. etc., 19, 20, 22; combinations of final, 126, 129, 797 f; with preceding a-vowel, 127; circumflexed, 128; uncombinable in dual, 138 a.
ū-stems, dcln, 347 ff.
-ū, 1179.
-ūka, see 1180 f.
-ūtṛ, see 1182 b.
-ūtha, see 1163 d.
ū́dhan, ū́dhar, ū́dhas, 430 d.
ūna, in odd numbers, 477 a, 478 b.
-ūna, see 1177 c.
-ūra, see 1188 f.
ū́rj, euph., 219 a.
√ūrṇu, so-called, 104 b, 713; pf., 801 g, 1071 e; ya-ger'd, 992 c.
-ūṣa, see 1197 c.
ūṣman, 31, 59.
√ūh remove, infln., 968 c; ya-ger'd, 992 c.
√ūh consider, euph., 240 b, 745 a; pres., 894 d, 897 b.
ṛ, pron. etc., 23–6; objectionable pronunciation and transliteration as ṛi, 24 a; question of ṛ or ar in roots and stems, 104 d, e, 237; combinations of final, 126, 129; with preceding a-vowel, 127; exceptions, 127 a; impedes change of preceding s to ṣ, 181 a; changes succeeding n to ṇ, 189 ff.; guṇa and vṛddhi increments of, 235 ff.; irregular changes, 241, 243; variable final ṛ of roots (so-called ṝ), 242.
ṛ-roots, root-nouns from, 383 b, g.
ṛ-stems, dcln, 369 ff.
ṛ, variable (so-called ṝ), roots in, 242, 245 b; their passive, 770 c; aor., 885, 900 b; prec., 922 a; fut., 935 a; pple, 957 b; root-infln., 971; gerund in ya, 992 a.
√ṛ, euph., 242 c; pres., 608 a, 699 a, 753 b, 643 d, 645, 716 a; passive, 770 c; pf., 783 a; aor., 834 a, 837 b, 840 b, 847, 853, 862; pple, 957 b; int, 1002 e; caus., 1042 i; caus. aor., 1047.
-ṛ, see 1182 h.
ṛi, ṛī, bad transliterations for ṛ, ṝ, 24 a.
√ṛc or arc, pf., 788 a; aor., 862, 894 d, 897 b; ya-ger'd, 992 b.
√ṛch, 608, 753 b; pf., 788 b.
-ṛj, 383 k. 5.
√ṛñj or ṛj or arj stretch out, pres., 758 a; pf., 788 b; aor., 894 d, 897 b.
√ṛṇv, 716 a.
-ṛt, 383 k. 3.
ṛtvíj, euph., 219.
√ṛd, pple, 957 d.
√ṛdh, pres., 694; pf., 788 a; aor., 832, 837, 838, 840 a, 847, 862; des., 1029 b, 1030.
ṛbhukṣan, dcln, 434.
√ṛṣ, pf., 788 b.
ṛhánt, dcln, 450 e.
ṝ, pron. and occurrence, 23–6; objectionable pronunciation and transliteration as ṛī, 24 a; as alleged final of roots, 104 d, 242 (and see ṛ, variable); changes succeeding n to ṇ, 189 ff.
ḷ, pron. and occurrence, 23–6; objectionable pronunciation and transliteration as ḷi or ḷri, 24 a; its guṇa-increment, 236.
ḷi, ḷri, bad transliterations for ḷ, 24 a.
ḹ, 23 a.
e, pron. etc., 27–9; combinations of final, 131–3, 135; with final a-vowel, 127; uncombinable in dual etc., 138 a, b, f; guṇa of i and ī, 235 ff.; from radical ā, 250 d; as alleged final of roots, 251, 761 f.
e, infln. in, 970 a, 971.
éka, dcln, 482 a, b; used as article, 482 c; in making 9's 477 a, b.
ekaçruti, 90 c.
√edh, pf., 790 c; desid., 1029 b, 1031 b; periph. pf., 1071 c.
-ena, 1223 e.
-enya, 966 b, 1038, 1217.
-eya, 1216.
-eyya, 1216 e.
-era, see 1201 a, 1226 b.
-eru, see 1192 a.
-elima, 966 d, 1201 a.
eṣás, euph., 176 a.
āi, pron. etc., 27–9; combination with final a-vowel, 127; as final, 131–3; vṛddhi of i and ī, 235 ff.; as alleged final of roots, 251, 761 e; for union-vowel ī in tense-inflection, 555 c; for e in subj. endings, 561 a.
āi as gen.-abl. ending, 365 d.
o, pron. etc., 27–9; combination with final a-vowel, 127; as final, 131, 132, 134, 135; before suffix ya, 136 b; uncombinable, 138 c, f; for final as, 175, 176; ar, 179 a; guṇa of u and ū, 235 ff.; as alleged final of roots, 251, 761 g.
oṁ, euph., 137 b.
-otṛ, see 1182 b.
odana, euph., 137 b.
-ora, see 1201 a.
oṣṭha, euph., 137 b.
oṣṭhya, 49.
āu, pron. etc., 27–9 ; combination with final a-vowel, 127; as final, 131, 132, 134 b; vṛddhi of u and ū, 235 ff.
ḥ, pron. etc., 67–9; makes heavy syllable, 79; occurrence as final, 148, 170 a; for the labial and guttural spirants, 170 d; from finals, 145, 170 a, 172; from r, 144, 178; allows change of s to ṣ, 183.
ṅ or ṁ, pron. etc., 70–3; makes heavy syllable, 79; occurrence as final, 148; allows change of s to ṣ, 183; occurrence, 204, 212, 213 e.
k, pron. etc., 39, 40; relation to c, 42; to ç, 64; s to ṣ after, 180 ff.; added to final n̄, 211; from c, by reversion, 214 ff.; as final, and in internal combination, 142, 217; from ç, do., 145, 218; from ṣ, 226 e; anomalously from t, 151 a; to t, 151 c.
-ka, prmy, 1186; scdry, 1222; ka in -uka, 1180 a; in -aka, 1181.
-kaṭa, see 1245 k.
kaṇṭhya guttural, 39.
√kan, pf., 786 e; aor., 899 d.
√kath, so-called, 1056.
√kam, aor., 868; pple, 955 a.
kampa, 78 d, 87 d, 90 ff.
kámvant, euph., 212.
-kara, 1201 a.
karmadhāraya, 1263 a.
√kal, caus., 1042 g.
kalpa in compsn, 1302 i.
√kas, pple, 956 b.
√kā, int. (?), 1013 b.
kāma, with accus., 272; in compsn with infin.-stem, 968 g.
kāmya as denom.-sign, 1066.
kāra, in sound-names, 18.
√kāç, int., 1017.
√kās, periph. pf., 1071 f.
kíyant, dcln, 451.
√kir, 756.
√kīrt or kṝt, so-called, 1056.
√ku, pres., 633.
√kuc, caus., 1042 h.
√kup, pres., 761 a; aor., 840b; pple, 956 b.
√kumār, so-called, 104 b.
kuvíd, accent of verb with, 595 e.
√kṛ make, pres., 714, 716, 855 a; pf. 797 c, 800 k; aor. 831, 834 a–40, 847, 894 d; int, 1002 g, h; prefixes s, 1087 d; in periph. conjn, 1070–3; in compd conjn, 1091–4; special constructions, 268 a.
√kṛ, kir scatter, 242 b; pres., 756; aor., 885; prefixes s, 1087 d.
√kṛ commemorate, int, 1002 d, 1019 b.
√kṛt cut, pres., 758; aor., 847, 852 a; fut., 935 b.
-kṛt, see 1105.
kṛt-suffixes, 1138 a.
-kṛtvas, see 1105.
√kṛp, pres., 745 b; aor., 834 b; cans., 1042 b.
kṛçá as pple, 958.
√kṛṣ, 102 a; euph., 226 f; pf. 790 c; aor., 916 a, 920 a; fut., 935 d, 936 d; inf., 968 d.
√kḷp, 26; pf., 786 a; fut., 935 b, 936 d.
-knī, see 1176 d.
√knū, caus., 1042 l.
√krand, pf., 794 d; aor., 847, 861 a, 890 b; int., 1002 g, h, 1017.
√kram, pres., 745 d; aor., 833, 847, 899 d, 904 a; fut. 935 b; pple, 955 a; inf., 968 d; tvā-ger'd, 991 b; des., 1031 b; caus., 1042 g; in periphr. conj., 1070 c.
√krī, caus., 1042 l.
√krīḍ, caus., 1042 n.
√krudh, aor., 847.
√kruç, aor., 916 a, 920 a.
króṣṭu, kroṣṭṛ́, 343 k, 374.
√klam, pres., 745 d, 761 a, 763; pple, 955 a.
√klid, pple, 957 d.
√kliç, aor., 916 a.
kṣ, combinations of, 146, 221.
√kṣan, pple, 954 d; inf., 968 e.
√kṣam, pres., 763; fut., 935 b; pple, 955 a, 956 b; inf., 968 d; caus., 1042 g.
kṣám, dcln, 388.
√kṣar, aor., 890.
√kṣal, caus., 1042 n.
√kṣā, pres., 761 e; pple, 957 a.
kṣāma as pple, 958.
√kṣi possess, pres., 755; caus., 1042 d, l.
√kṣi destroy, pres., 761 b; fut, 935 a; pple, 957 a; ya-ger'd, 922 a; caus., 1042 l.
√kṣud, pple, 957 d.
√kṣudh, pres., 761 a; aor., 847.
√kṣubh, pple, 956 b.
kṣāipra-circumflex, 84 a.
√kṣṇu, pres., 626.
√kṣvid, pple, 957 d.
kh, pron. etc., 39; relation to ṣ, 61 b.
√khan or khā, 102 a; pass., 772; pf., 794 e; aor., 890 a; pple, 955 b; inf., 968 e; ya-ger'd, 992 a; caus., 1042 g.
√khā, 102 a.
√khid, pf., 790 b; pple, 957 d.
√khud, khun, int., 1002 g, h.
√khyā, aor., 847, 894 c; fut, 936 c.
g, pron. etc., 39; relation to j, 42; from j by reversion, 214 ff.
gata, in compsn, 1273 c.
√gam, 102 a; pres., 608 b, 747, 855 a; aor., 833, 834b, 837–40, 847, 881 e, 887 b; pf., 794 e, 805 a; fut, 943 a; pple, 954 d; int., 1002 g, h, 1003; des., 1028 e, 1031 b; caus., 1042 g; root-noun, 383 h.
√gal, int., 1002 d.
√gā go, 102 a; pres., 660; aor., 830, 836, 839, 884, 894 c; desid., 1028 d.
√gā sing, 251; pres., 761 e; aor., 894 d, 912; pple, 954 c; inf., 968 f; ya-ger'd, 992 a; caus., 1042 j, k.
√gāh or gah, pple, 956 e; int., 1002 d.
√gir, gil, 756; caus., 1042 b.
√gu, int., 1002 d.
guṇa, 27, 235 ff.
√gup, aor., 863 a; inf., 968 c; ya-ger'd, 992 c; des., 1040.
√gur, pres., 756; aor., 834 a; pple, 957 b.
√guh, euph., 155 b, d, 223 b, 240 c; pres., 745 c; pf., 793 i; aor., 847, 852, 916 a, 920 a, f; inf., 968 e; ya-ger'd, 992 c; caus., 1042 b.
√gṛ sing, euph., 242 b; aor., 894 d.
√gṛ swallow, euph., 242 b; pres., 756; aor., 836; inf., 968 d; int., 1002 d.
√gṛ (or jāgṛ) wake, 1020; aor., 867, 871.
√gṛdh, pf., 786 a; aor., 847.
gó, euph., 134 a, 236 b; dcln, 361 c, f.
gdha, gdhi, 233 f.
√grath or granth, pres., 730 a; pf., 794 h; caus., 1042 h.
√grabh or grah, euph., 155 b, 223 g; pres., 723, 729, 731, 732, 904 d, 1066 b; pf., 794 c, 801 i; aor., 834 b, 847, 900 b, 904 a, b; fut. 936 e; pple, 956 d, e; infin., 968 f; pass., 998 f; des., 1031 b; caus., 1042 b.
√gras, pple, 956 b.
√glā, pres., 761 e; aor., 912; pple, 957 a; caus., 1042 j.
glāú, dcln, 361 a.
gh, pron. etc., 30; h derived from, 66; from h, by reversion, 214 ff., 402.
√ghaṭ, caus., 1042 g.
√ghas, euph., 167, 233 f; jakṣ from, 640; pf., 794 d; aor., 833, 847; pple, 954 e.
ghoṣavant, 34.
√ghrā, pres., 671, 749 a; tvā-ger'd, 991 d; ya-ger'd, 992 c; caus., 1042 d.
n̄, pron. etc., 39; occurrence as final, 143, 386. 2, 3, 407 a; duplication as final, 210; adds k before sibilant, 211.
c, pron. etc., 42–4; as final, 142; from t before a palatal, 202 a, 203; n to ñ before it, 208 b ; internal combinations of, 217; reversion to k, 216 ff.; in pres., 681; pf., 787; int., 1002 i; des., 1028 f.
√cakās or cakāç, so-called, 677.
√cakṣ, pres., 444 a, 621 a, 628, 675.
catúr, dcln, 482 g, h.
√cam, pres., 745 d; pple, 955 a; caus., 1042 g.
√car, euph., 242 d; aor., 899 d; pple, 957 b; inf., 968 c; tvā-ger'd, 991 b, c; int., 1002 d, 1003, 1017; des., 1031 b; in ppial periphr. phrases, 1075 b.
√carv, pple, 956 a, 957 b.
√cal, int., 1003; caus., 1042 g.
√cāy, pres., 761 e; tvā-ger'd, 991 c; ya-ger'd, 992 b; periphr. pf., 1071 f.
√ci gather, reversion of c to k, 216 l, 681, 787, 1028 f; pres., 716 b, 855 a; aor., 889; tvā-ger'd, 991 d; ya-ger'd, 992 a; caus., 1042 l.
√ci note, pres., 645; aor., 834 a.
√cit, reversion of c to k, 216 l, 681, 787, 1002 i, 1028 f; pf., 790 b, 801 e; aor., 840 a, b; int., 1002 i, 1024; des., 1040; caus., 1042 b.
√ceṣṭ pf., 790 c.
√cyu, pf., 785 a; aor., 840 b, 866, 867, 868 a, 870; inf., 968 c; caus., 1042 e.
ch, pron. etc., 42, 44; as final, 142; from ç after t or n, 203; after other mutes, 203 a; in internal combination, 220; duplication between vowels, 227; çch for, 227 a.
cha present-stems, 608.
√chad, pple, 957 d.
√chand, aor., 863 a, 890 b; caus., 1042 g.
√chā, pres., 753 c; pple, 954 c; tvā-ger'd, 991 b; caus., 1042 k.
√chid, pres., 694 a; pf., 805 b; aor., 832 a, 834 d, 847, 887 a; pple, 957 d.
√chur, caus., 1042 b.
√chṛd, pple, 957 d; tvā-ger'd, 991 d.
j, pron. etc., 42–4; as final, 142; in internal combination, 219; n to ñ before it, 202 b; from t before sonant palatal, 202 a; reversion to g, 215 ff.; in pf., 787; in des., 1028 f.; before na of pple, 957 c; anomalously changed to d, 151 c.
√jakṣ, 102 a; euph., 233 f; pres., 640, 675; pple, 954 e.
jágat, dcln, 450 d.
jagdha etc., 233 f.
√jan, 102 a; pres., 631 a, 645, 680, 761 b, 772; pf., 794 e; aor., 834 b, 904 d; pple, 955 b; inf., 968 e; des., 1031 b.
jáni, dcln, 343 f.
janús, dcln, 415 c.
√jap, pple, 956 b; int., 1002 d, 1017.
√jambh or jabh, inf., 968 e; int., 1017.
√jalp, pf., 790 c.
√jas, aor., 871.
√jā, 102 a.
√jāgṛ, so-called, 104 b, 1020; pf., 1071 e.
jātya-circumflex, 84 b.
√ji conquer, reversion of j to g, 216 l; in pf., 787; in des., 1028 f; aor., 839, 889, 894 b, 904 b; fut., 935 a; caus., 1042 l; caus. aor., 1047, 861 b; periph. pf., 1071 f.
√ji injure — see jyā.
√jinv, 716 a, 749 b.
jihvāmūlīya, 39 a, 69.
√jiv, aor., 861 a ; des., 1028 h, 1031 b; caus., 1042 n.
√jur, pres., 756, 766.
√juṣ, aor., 834 b, 836, 840 b; in sajū́s, 225 a, 392 b.
√jū, pres., 728; pf., 786 c.
√jṛ waste away, euph., 216 l, 242 b; pres., 756, 766; pf., 793 h, 794 k; pple, 957 b; caus., 1042 e.
√jñā, pres.,730b, 731; pf., 790 b; aor., 830, 838, 894 c, 912; caus., 1042 j; caus. aor., 1047, 861 b; caus. des., 1030; caus. pple, 1051 b.
√jyā or jī, pres., 761 b; pf., 785 a, 794 b; aor., 912; pple, 954 c.
√jri, aor., 897 b.
√jval, aor., 899 d; caus., 1042 g.
jh, pron. and occurrence, 42; as final, 142; in internal combination, 220 b.
ñ, pron. etc., 42; from n after a palatal, 201; before j, 202 b; ç, 203; c, 208 b.
ṭ, pron. etc., 45, 46; from a final palatal, 142; ç, 145, 218; ṣ, 145; h, 147; adds t before s, 199 e; added to final ṇ before sibilant, 211; from j in internal combination, 219; ch, 220; kṣ, 221; h, 222; ṣ, 226 b.
ṭh, pron. etc., 45, 46.
ḍ, pron. etc., 45; ordinary derivation, 46; ḷ used for, 5 a, 54; from d with preceding sibilant, 198 d, 199 d.
ḍh, pron. etc., 45, 46; ḷh used for, 54; from dh with preceding sibilant, 199 d; from h with following t or th or dh, 222 b.
ḍhvam or dhvam, 226 c, 881 b, 901 a, 924 a.
ṇ, pron. etc., 45; ordinary derivation, 46; as final, 143; change of n to, 189–95; from n with preceding sibilant, 199 b; doubled as final, 210; adds ṭ before a sibilant, 211.
t, pron. etc., 47, 48; from final radical s, 145; do. in internal combn, 167, 168; with preceding sonant aspirate, 160; assim. to following l, 162; added after ṭ before s, 199 e; after n before s or ṣ, 207; to palatal before palatal, 202; before ç, 203; anomalously changed to k, 151 a; to ṭ, 151 b; from k and j, 151 c.
-t, added after short final vowel of root, 345, 376 h, 383 f–h, 1143 d, 1147 d, 1196 a, 1213 a; irregular cases, 1147 e.
-ta, of pple, 952–6, 1176; ta-stems in compsn, 1273, 1284; scdry, 1245 e.
√taṅs or tas, pf., 794 d; aor., 847.
√takṣ, pres., 628; pf., 790 b; pple, 956 a.
√taḍ, euph., 198 c.
tatpuruṣa, 1263 a.
taddhita-suffixes, 1138 a.
√tan stretch, pass., 772; pf., 794 f, 805 a; aor., 833 a. 834 b, 847, 881 e, 890 a, 899 d; pple, 954 d; ya-ger'd, 992 a; des., 1028 e.
-tana, 1245 g–i.
tanū as refl. pronoun, 514 b.
√tap, pres., 761 b ; aor., 834 d, 233 e, 865 a; fut, 935 b.
√tam, pres., 763; aor., 847; pple, 955 a; inf., 968 e.
-tama, 471–3, 487 f, g, 1242 a, b.
-tamam and -tāmam, 1111 e, 1119.
-taya, 1245 a.
-taye, infin. in, 970 e, 975.
-tar, see 1109 a, and -tṛ.
-tara, 471–3, 1242 a, b.
-taram and tarām, 1111 e, 1119.
-tari, infln. in, 970 i, 979.
-tavant, pple in, 959, 960.
-tave and tavāi, infln. in, 970 b, 972.
-tavya, 962, 964, 1212 i.
√tas, see taṅs.
-tas, 1152; advbl, 1098.
-tā, 1237.
-tāt, impv. forms in, 570, 571, 618, 654, 704, 723, 740, 752 c, 760 c, 839, 1011 a, 1032a, 1043 d.
-tāt, 383 k, 1238; advbl, 1100 b.
-tāti, 1238.
√tāy, pres., 761 e; periphr. pf., 1071 f.
tālavya, 44 a.
-ti, 1157; ti-stems in compsn, 1274, 1287 d; scdry, 519, 1157 h; advbl, 1102 a–d.
√tij, euph., 219 a; des., 1040.
-titha, 1242 e.
√tir, 756, 766.
√tu, pres., 633; pf., 786 c; aor., 868 a; int., 1002 g.
-tu, 1161, 970 b, 972.
√tuj, caus., 1042 b.
√tud, pres., 758; pple, 957 d.
-tum, infin. in, 968, 970 b, 972, 987, 988.
√tur, pres., 756, 766; des., 1029 a; caus., 1042 b.
-tur, 1182 g.
√tul, caus., 1042 b.
√tuṣ, caus., 1042 b.
√tṛ, euph., 242 b; pres., 709, 715 c, 756, 766; pf., 794 k, 801 f, 804; aor., 904 d; pple, 957 b; inf., 968 d; ya-ger'd, 992 a; int, 1002 d, g, 1003, 1017; desid., 1029 a.
-tṛ, 943, 1182; tṛ-stems, dcln, 369 ff.; govern accus., 271 d; verbal use of, 946; make periphr. fut, 942–7.
tṛca, euph., 233 a.
tṛta, tṛtīya, euph., 243.
√tṛd, aor., 836 b, 837 a; pple, 957 d.
√tṛp, pres., 710, 758; pf., 786 a; fut., 936 d; aor., 847, 852 a.
√tṛṣ, pf., 786 a; aor., 840 b, 847
√tṛh or tṛṅh, euph., 223 b, 224 b; pres., 694 a, 695; aor., 847, 916 a.
toçás, dcln, 415 b.
-tos, infln. in, 970 b, 972.
tta for dāta, 955 f, 1087 e.
tti for dāti, 1157 c.
-tna, 1245 g, h.
-tnu, 1196.
tman, dcln, 426 b.
-tya, for -ya, 992; scdry, 1245 b–d.
√tyaj, 1087 f; euph., 219 a; pf., 785 a; fut. 935 b; pple, 956 b.
-tyāi, infln. in, 970 e, 975 a.
-tra, 1185; or trā, advbl, 1099.
√trap, pf., 794 h.
√tras, pf., 794 h; aor., 899 d.
√trā, 102 a; pres., 628; aor., 887 d, 893 a, 895.
-trā, see -tra.
tri, dcln, 482 e, f; in compsn, 1300 c.
-tri, see 1185 g.
triṣṭúbh, euph., 151 d.
-trī, 376 c, 1182.
-tru, see 1185 g.
-tva, gerundival, 966 a, 1209 h; scdry, 1239.
-tvatā, 1239 d.
-tvan, see 1169.
-tvana, 1240.
√tvar, caus., 1042 g.
-tvara, see 1171.
-tvā, 990, 991, 993.
-tvānam, 993 c.
-tvāya, 993 b.
√tviṣ, pres., 621 a; aor., 916 a.
-tvī, 993 b.
-tvīnam, 993 c.
√tsar, aor., 890 a, 899 d.
th, pron. etc., 47, 48; with preceding sonant aspirate, 160.
-tha, 1163; ordinal, 487 c, 1242 d; or thā, advbl, 1101.
-tham, advbl, see 1101 a.
-thā, see tha.
-thāt, advbl, 1101 a.
-thu, 1164.
d, pron. etc., 47, 48; anomalously changed to ḍ, 151 b; do. from h, 404.
dákṣina, dcln, 525 c.
√dagh, euph., 155 b, 160 c; aor., 833, 836 b, 838, 847.
√dad, 672; pf., 794 j.
√dadh, 672; euph., 155 e, 160 c.
dadhán, dádhi, 343 i, 431.
dán, euph., 389 b.
dánt, dcln, 396.
dantya, 47.
√dabh or dambh, euph., 155 b; pf., 794 h; aor., 833; des., 1030.
√dam, pres., 763; pple, 955 a; tvā-ger'd, 991 b.
-dam, advbl, see 1103 b.
√day, pres., 761 f; periph. pf., 1071 f.
√daridrā, so-called, 104b, 1024 a; pf., 1071 e.
√dal, caus., 1042 g.
√daç or daṅç, pres., 746; pf., 794 d; tvā-ger'd, 991 d.
√das, aor., 847, 852 b, 899 d.
√dah, euph., 155 b, d, 223 a; aor., 890 a, 897 a, 444 a; fut., 935 d; int, 1002 d; des., 1030.
√dā give, pres., 667–9, 672, 855 a; pf., 803 a; aor., 830, 834 a, 836, 837, 839, 847, 884, 894 c; pple, 955 f, 1087 e, 1157 c; inf., 968 f; tvā-ger'd, 991 b; ya-ger'd, 992 a; des., 1030, 1034 b.
√dā divide, 251; pres., 753 c, 761 g; aor., 834 a; pple, 954 c, 955 f, 957 a, 1087 e, 1157 c; ya-ger'd, 992 a.
√dā bind, pres., 753 c, 761 g; aor., 884; pple, 954 c.
√dā protect, alleged, pf., 787.
-dā, advbl, 1103 a, b.
-dānīm, advbl, 1103 c.
√dāç, pres., 444, 639 c; pf., 790 b, 803 a.
√dās, pres., 444.
-di, advbl, 1103 e.
didyót etc., 336 e.
√div, see dīv.
dív, dcln, 361 d.
√diç, euph., 218 a; aor., 916, 920 a; int., 1017.
√dih, euph., 155 b, 223 a; aor., 916.
√dīkṣ, des., 1031 b; caus., 1042 n.
√dīdī, so-called, 676; pf., 786 b.
√dīdhī, so-called, 104 b, 676; pf., 786 b; aor., 897 b.
√dīp, aor., 861 a.
√dīv play, euph., 240 b; pres., 765; pple, 955 c; inf., 968 e.
√dīv or dev lament, pple, 957 a; inf., 968 e.
√du or dū, pres., 716 b; pple, 957 a.
ducchúnā, euph., 168 b.
√dudh, 102 a.
√duṣ, euph., 240 c, 1155 a; aor., 847; caus., 1042 b.
dus-, 225 a, 1121; in compsn, 1284 a, b, 1288 e, f, g, 1304 c, d.
√duh, euph., 165 b, d, f, 223 a; pres., 621, 635; pf., 801 h; aor., 916, 920 a f.
√dṛ pierce, euph., 242 c; pf., 793 h; pple, 957 b; int., 1002 d, 1003, 1023; caus., 1042 e.
√dṛ heed, pres., 757, 773; aor., 834 a, 881 b.
√dṛp, aor., 847; fut., 935 b, 936 d.
√dṛç, euph., 218 a; pf., 790 c, 801 e, 805 b; aor., 832, 834 b, 836, 840 b, 847, 890 a, 894 a; fut., 936 d; pass., 998 f; root-noun, dcln, 386. 3.
dṛç, dṛça, drkṣa, with pron.-stems, 518.
√dṛh or dṛúh, euph., 155 b, 223 b, d; pres., 758, 761 b, 767; pf., 786 a.
devanāgarī, 1.
doṣán, dós, 398 a. 432.
dyú and dyó, dcln, 361 d, e.
√dyut, pf., 785 a; aor., 840 a, b, 847, 863 a, 890 a; int., 1002 g; caus., 1042 b.
-dyus, see 1105 b.
√drā run, pple, 957 a; int., 1024 a.
√drā sleep, aor., 912; pple, 954 c, 957 a; int., 1024 a.
√dru, pf., 797 c; aor., 868; int., 1018 a; caus., 1042 e.
√druh, euph., 155 b, d, 223 a, c; aor., 834 d. 847, 920 e, f.
dvandva, 1252 a.
dvā́r, dcln, 388. 3.
dvi, cmpds with, 1300 c.
dvigu, 1312.
√dviṣ, euph., 226 d, f; pres., 621 a; aor., 916, 920 b.
dh, pron. etc., 47. 48; from t or th after sonant aspirate, 160; h from, 223 g.
-dha, see -dhā.
√dham or dhmā, pres., 760 ; pass., 772; aor., 912; pple, 955 b; ya-ger'd, 992 a.
√dhā put, euph., 223 g; pres., 667–9, 672, 856 a; aor., 830, 834–7, 839, 847, 884; pple, 954 c; inf., 968 f; tvā-ger'd, 991 b; des., 1028 d, 1030, 1031 a; in periphr. conj., 1070 c.
√dhā suck, 251; pres., 761 f; aor., 868; pple, 954 c; inf., 968 f; ya-ger'd, 992 a.
-dhā or -dha, advbl, 1104.
√dhāv rinse, pple dhāutá, 954 e.
√dhi (or dhinv), 716 a.
dhi, final of compds, 1155 g, 1276 b.
√dhū or dhu, pres., 712, 728 a, 755; pf., 790 b; aor., 868 a, 887 c; int., 1002 g, 1003, 1018 a; caus., 1042 m.
√dhūrv, aor., 887 c; des., 1028 h.
√dhṛ, pres., 767, 773; pf., 786 a; aor., 834 a, 867, 871; int., 1003.
√dhṛṣ, pf., 786 a; aor., 847, 852 b; pple, 956 b.
√dhmā, see dham.
√dhyā, pres., 761 e; aor., 912.
-dhyāi, infin. in, 970 g, 976, 1050 f.
√dhvaṅs or dhvas, euph., 168; pf., 790 c; aor., 847; caus., 1042 g.
√dhvan, pple, 955 a, 956 b; caus., 1042 g.
√dhvṛ, pple, 955 e.
n, pron. etc., 47, 48; as final, 143; for final rdcl m, 143 a, 212 a; change to ṇ, 189–95; to ñ after and before palatals, 201–3. 208 b; combinations as root-final, 204; loss as stem-final, 204 b; assim. to palatals and linguals, 205; to l, 206; before sibilants, 207; treated as ns, 208, 209; duplication of final, 210; instability as final, 256, 1203 b; used as union-cons., 257, 313, 482 h; question of final of pañcan etc., 484; final n in secndry dervn, 1203 c.
ná, comparative, 1122 h.
na added to tha or ta of 2d pl., 549 a; forms so made, 613, 616 b, 618, 621 b, 654, 658, 669, 690, 704, 707, 723, 735 b, 740, 752 b, 760 c, 831 a, 839, 849 a.
-na, of pples, 952, 957, 1177; euph., 161 b; scdry, 1223 g, 1245 f; in compsn, 1273, 1284.
√nakṣ, 102 a.
√nad, caus., 1042 g.
√nand, euph., 192 a.
√nabh, euph., 192 a; cans., 1042 g.
√nam, pf., 786 a; aor., 890 a, 897 b, 911, 912; fut., 935 b: pple, 954 d; inf., 968 d ; int., 1017; caus., 1042 g.
-nam, advbl, 1109 a.
√naç be lost, euph., 192 a; aor., 847, 854 b, 867; fut., 935 d, 936 a; des., 1028.
√naç attain, euph., 218 a; pf.,801 g; aor., 833, 834 b, 837 b; des., 1029 c.
√nas, aor., 837 b.
nás, dcln, 387, 397.
-nas, 1152.
√nah, euph., 223 g; pres., 761 c.
-nā, see 1177.
nāgarī, 1 a.
nāsikya, 230 b.
ní, euph., 192 f.
-ni, 1158.
√niṅs, euph., 183 a; pres., 628.
√nij, euph., 219 a; aor., 847; int., 1024.
nitya-circumflex, 84 b.
√nind, pf., 790 b; aor., 840 b.
nilay, quasi-root, 1087 c.
níç and níçā, 397.
nis, loss of initial of, 1087 a.
√nī, aor., 889, 896, 900 b; fut., 935 a; inf., 968 c; tā-ger'd, 991 c; int., 1017, 1018 a; periphr. pf., 1071 f.
-nī, fem. ending, 1176 d, 1223 c.
nīḍá, euph., 198 d.
√nu or nū, pres., 626 a; aor., 868 a, 887 c; int., 1002 g, 1003.
-nu, 1162.
√nud, aor., 834 d, 904 c; pple, 956 b, 957 d; int, 1017.
nṛ́, dcln, 371.
√nṛt, euph., 192 a; aor., 833, 847, 852 b; inf., 968 d; tvā-ger'd, 991 c.
néd, accent of verb with, 595 e.
nāma, dcln, 525 c.
nāú, dcln, 361 a.
p, pron. etc., 49, 50.
-p, caus.-sign, 1042 i–l; aor. from such caus., 1047.
-pa, 1201.
pakvá as pple, 958.
√pac, pres. 761 b.
√pat, pf., 794 f, h; aor., 847; int., 1002 g; des., 1030, 1031; caus., 1042 g.
páti, dcln, 343 d, e; in dpndt compsn, 1267 a; denom. conj. from, 1054 a.
páth, pathí, pánthan, dcln, 343 j, 395, 433.
√pad, pres., 761 c; aor., 834 b, d, 836, 837 b; pple, 957 d; int., 1002 g; des., 1030.
pád, dcln, 387, 389 b.
pada, 111 a; pada-endings and cases, 111 a, b.
√pan, pf., 794 f; int., 1002 g.
pánthan, see páth.
pára, dcln, 525 c.
parasmāi padam, 529.
párucchepa, euph., 168 b.
palāy, quasi-root, 1087 c.
palyan̄g, quasi-root, 1087 c.
palyay, quasi-root, 1087 c.
√paç, pres., 761 c.
paçcima, dcln, 525 c.
√pā drink, pres., 671, 749 a, 855 a; aor., 830, 838; pple, 954 c; ya-ger'd, 992 a; des., 1028 d; caus., 1042 k.
√pā protect, aor., 912; caus., 1042 m.
pāda, 79, 93 d.
pādapūraṇa, 1122 b.
piṇak, eup'h., 190 c.
√pinv, 699 b, 716 a, 749 b.
√piç, pres., 758; aor. 840 b; pple, 956 b.
√piṣ or piṅṣ, euph., 226 d, f; pres., 694 a, 920 a; aor., 190 c, 758 a.
√pis, euph., 181 d.
√pīḍ, euph., 198 d.
pīpi, conj.-stem, 676, 786 b.
púṁs, púmāṅs, euph., 183 a; dcln, 394.
puraḥsara, puraskṛta, purogama, in compsn, 1302 f.
purā́, pres. in past sense with, 778 a.
puru, in compsn, 1284 b, 1290.
√puṣ, aor., 847.
√pā, pres., 728; aor. (?), 868 a, 894 d; inf., 968 e; caus., 1042 e.
pū́rva, dcln, 525 c; in compsn, 1251 e, 1291 c, 1302 f.
pūṣán, dcln, 426 a.
√pṛ fill, euph., 242c; pres., 731, 761 b, 766; pf., 793 h; pple, 955 d, 957 b; inf., 968 c.
√pṛ pass, pf., 793 h; aor., 896.
√pṛ be busy, pres., 767, 773.
√pṛc, pres., 694 a; aor., 834 c, 836 b, 837 b, 840 b, 890, 894 a: pple, 957 c.
√pṛṇ, 731, 753.
pṛ́t, pṛ́tanā, 397.
pṛ́ṣant, dcln, 450 c.
√pyā or pī, pres., 761 e; pf., 786, 794 b; aor., 912, 914 b.; pple, 957 a; caus., 1042 k.
pragṛhya, 138.
pracaya or pracita accent, 90 a.
√prach, euph., 220; pres., 756 a; pf., 794 c; aor. 834 c, 890; pple, 954 b.
√prath, aor., 840 b, 863 a.
prabhṛti, in compsn, 1302 e.
praçliṣṭa-circumflex, 84 d.
√prā, aor., 830, 889.
prāya, in compsn, 1302 i.
√prī, pres., 731; aor. (?), 866, 868; caus., 1042 m.
√pruth, ya-ger'd, 992 b.
√pruṣ, euph., 226 d, 392 b; pres., 732, 1066 b.
plāy, quasi-root, 1087 c.
√plu, aor., 863 b, 866; ya-ger'd, 992 a; cans., 1042 a.
pluta, 78.
√psa, 102 a.
ph, pron. etc., 49, 50.
√phan, pf., 794 h; int., 1002 g, 1003.
√phal, pf., 794 h.
phullá as pple, 958.
b, pron. etc., 49, 50; interchange with v, 50 a.
√baṅh, euph., 223 b.
√badh or vadh, aor., 904 a; des., 1029 a, 1040.
√bandh, euph., 155 b; pres., 723, 730 a; pf., 794 d; fut., 935 b; inf. 968 d.
bahuvrīhi, 1293 b.
√bādh, euph.. 155 b; aor., 904 d; int., 1002 d, 1003; des., 1029 a, 1031, 1040.
√budh, euph., 155 b; aor., 834 b, d, 839, 840 b, 847.
√bṛh, euph., 223 b; pres., 768; int., 1011; caus., 1042 h.
bṛhánt, dcln, 450 a.
bbh, occurrence, 151 e.
√brū, pres., 632; peculiar construction, 268 a.
bh, pron. etc., 49, 60; anomalously changed to a guttural, 161 d; h from, 223 g.
√bhakṣ, 102 a.
√bhaj, euph., 219 a; pf., 794 h; aor., 834 c, 867, 890 a; fut., 936 b; inf., 968 d.
√bhañj, euph., 219 a; pres., 694; pple, 957 c; tvā-ger'd, 991 d.
bhávant, 466, 514 c.
√bhas, euph., 233 f; pres., 678.
√bhāṣ, inf., 968 d.
√bhikṣ, 102 a.
√bhid, aor., 832, 834 d, 836 a, 840 a, 847; pple, 957 d.
bhiṣaj, euph., 219 a; denom. conj. from, 1054 a.
√bhī, pres., 645, 679; pf., 786 b; aor., 831 a, 840 b, 866, 891, 897 b; caus., 1042 l, m; caus. aor., 1047; periphr. pf., 1071 f, 1073 a.
√bhīs, 1042 m; aor., 861 a, 1047.
√bhuj bend, euph., 219 a; pple, 957 c; tvā-ger'd, 991 d.
√bhuj enjoy, euph., 219 a; pres., 694 a; aor., 836 b, 847, 912.
√bhur, pres., 756; int., 1002 d.
bhúvas, euph., 176 c.
√bhū, pf., 789 a, 793 b, 800 d; aor., 829, 830, 836–9, 863, 924; inf., 968 e; in periphr. conjn, 1070–72; in ppial periphr. phrases, 1075 d; in compd conjn, 1091–4.
bhūta in compsn, 1273 c.
√bhṛ, pres., 646, 855 a; pf., 789 b, 797 c; aor., 890 a; int, 1002 g, h, 1003; periphr. pf., 1071 f.
bhos, 456; euph., 174 b.
√bhraṅç or bhraç, pres., 767; aor., 847; pple, 954 b; caus., 1042 h.
√bhrajj or bhṛjj, euph., 219 b.
√bhram, pres., 763; pf., 794 h; pple, 955 a; inf., 968 d; tvā-ger'd, 991 b; ya-ger'd, 992 c; caus., 1042 g.
√bhrāj, euph., 219 b; pf., 790 c, 794 h; aor., 833.
m, pron. etc., 49, 50; as final, 143; as final radcl, 143 a, 212, 256; in extrnl combn, 213; before rāj, 213 b.
-ma, prmy, 1166; scdry, 474, 487 a, d, 1224 b, 1242 c.
√maṅh or mah, pf., 786 a; caus., 1042 g.
maghávan, dcln, 428.
√majj, euph., 219 a; pf., 801 g; aor., 887 a; fut. , 936 a; pple, 957 c; inf., 968 e; des., 1028 j.
-mat, advbl, 1235 e.
√math or manth, pres., 730 a, 731, 732, 1066 b, 746; aor., 899 d; ya-ger'd, 992 b; caus., 1042 g.
√mad or mand, 102 a; pres, 628, 645, 764; aor., 833, 834 d, 839, 840 b, 887 a, 897 b, 899 d, 904 d; pple, 956 b; caus., 1042 g.
√man, pf., 794 f; aor., 834 b, 840 b, 881 e, 887 a, b; fut., 935 b; pple, 954 d; des., 1028 e, 1029 a, 1040; special construction, 268 a, 994 e.
-man, 1168; man- and ma-stems, 1166 c: man-stems in compsn, 1277 b.
manas, in comp. with infin.-stem, 968 g.
-mane, infin. in, 970 d, 974.
-mant, 1235.
√mantr, so-called, 104 b, 1056, 1067, 1073 d.
mánthan, dcln, 434.
√mand, 102 a: see mad.
-maya, 161 a, 1225.
-mara, 1201 a.
√mah, see maṅh.
máh, mahī́, 400 a.
mahánt, dcln, 450 b.
mahā́, 355 a.
mahāprāṇa, 37 d.
√mā measure, pres., 660, 663; aor., 839; pple, 954 c; inf., 968 f; tvā-gerd, 991 b; ya-ger'd, 992 a; des., 1030.
√mā exchange, pres., 761 f.
√mā bellow, pres., 660, 663, 672, 676 c; aor., 868 e.
mā́ṅs, māṅsá (and mā́s), 397.
mātrā, in compsn, 1302 g; euph., 161 a.
-māna, 584 b, 1174.
mā́s, euph., 168 a; dcln, 389 b, 397: and see mā́ṅs.
√mi fix, aor., 911; des., 1030.
-mi, 1167.
√mikṣ, 1033 a; caus., 1042 b.
mitrá, 1185 c.
-min, 1231.
√mil, fut., 936 b.
√mī or mi damage, pres., 192 c, 731, 761 b; aor., 911; des., 1030; caus., 1042 l.
√mīh, euph., 223 b; pf., 790 b; aor., 916 a, 920 a.
√mīv, pple, 955 b.
√muc, pres., 758, 761 b, 855 a; aor., 832, 834 c, 837 b, 839, 847, 890 a; des., 1030.
√mud, aor., 837 b.
√muv, pres., 732, 1066 b; pple, 956 b; caus., 1042 b.
√muh, euph., 223 a, c; pres., 761 a; aor., 847; pple, 955 e.
√mūrch, 220 a; pres., 745 f; pple, 954 e.
mūrdhanya, 45.
√mṛ die, euph., 242 c; pres., 757, 733; aor., 834 a, 837 b.
√mṛ crush, pres., 731.
√mṛj, euph., 219 b; pres., 621 a, 627, 745 e; pf., 786 a. 793 i; aor., 900 a, 919, 920; fut., 935 b, 936 d; pple, 956 b, d; inf., 958 c; tvā-ger'd, 991 c; ya-ger'd, 992 b; int, 1002 g, 1003, 1017; des., 1028 j; caus., 1042 b.
√mṛd, euph., 198 d; caus., 1042 b.
√mṛṇ, 731, 753 a.
√mṛd, fut., 936 d.
√mṛdh, aor., 838, 847.
√mṛç, pf., 786 a; aor., 916, 920; pple, 956 b; int., 1002 g, 1003, 1017.
√mṛṣ, aor., 834 c, 840 a, 847.
-mna, 1224 c.
√mnā, 102 a; aor., 912.
√mruc, aor., 847.
√mlā, pres., 761 c; aor., 912; pple, 957 a; caus., 1042 j.
√mluc, int., 1002 g.
y, pron. etc., 51, 66, 56; relation to i-vowels, 55; nasal y, 71 c, 213 d; y as union-consonant, 258, 313 b, 844, 1112 e, 1151 d, 1230 e, 996 b; resolved to i, 55, 113 b, 129 c; cases of loss of i before, 233 a; y of sfx treated as i, 1203 a.
ya contracted to i, 262, 769, 784 b, 794 b.
ya as conj.-class-sign, 606, 759; as passive-sign, 606, 768, 998 a;
added to intens. stem, 1016; in caus. sign, 1055 a; as denom.
sign, 1055–67.
-ya (or yā) of gerund, 990, 992, 993; of gerundive, 962, 963, 1213.
-ya, prmy, 1187, 1213; ya-stems in compsn, 1272; scdry, 1210–12.
yakán, yákṛt, 398 a, 432.
√yaj, euph., 219 b, 784b; pres., 628; pf., 784 b; aor., 834 c, 839, 890 a, 894 d; inf., 968 d; des., 1029 c.
√yat, aor., 840 b; pple, 956 b.
yáthā, accent,. 1101 b; in compsn, 1313 c–e.
√yam, pres., 608 b, 631 a, 747; pf., 790 b; aor., 833, 836–9, 887 a, 890 a, 896, 897 b, 911; fut., 935 b; pple, 954 d; inf., 968 d; tvā-ger'd, 991 b; caus., 1042 g.
yama, 230 a.
√yas, aor., 847; pple, 956 b.
-yas for -īyas, 470 a.
√yā, 102 a; aor., 894 c, 912, 914 c.
-yā, 1213 d.
-yin, see 1230 e.
√yu unite, pres., 626 a, 765; ya-ger'd, 992 a.
√yu separate, pres., 608 a, 645; aor., 838, 868 a, 889, 894 b; int., 1018 a; caus., 1042 e.
-yu, 1165; see 1178 h–j.
√yuj, euph., 219 a; pres., 758 a; aor., 832, 834 b, 836 b, 837 a, 839, 840 b, 847, 887 a; root-noun, 386.
√yudh, aor., 834 d, 836 b, 839, 887 a.
√yup, int., 1017.
yúvan, dcln, 427.
yūṣá, yūṣán, 432.
yóṣan, dcln, 426 b.
r, pron. etc., 51, 52; r and l, 53 b; r and s as corresponding sonant and surd, 117 b, 158 a, 164; final, 144, 169; words ending in original r, 169 a; combination as final rdcl, 165; as other, 178; avoidance of double, 179; s or r as final of certain forms, 169 b; from s after a, 176 c; s to ṣ after, 180 ff.; but not before, 181 a, b; changes succeeding n to ṇ, 189 ff.; duplication of consonant after, 228; svarabhakti after, 230 c.
r-endings in 3d pl., 613, 618, 629, 699 b, 738 a, 752 b, 799, 813, 818 a.
ra and rā as increments of r, 241.
-ra, prmy, 1188; scdry, 474, 1226, 1242 c.
√rakṣ, aor., 899 d.
√raj or rañj, euph., 219 a; pres., 746, 767; caus., 1042 g.
√radh or randh, pf., 786 a, 794 h; aor., 847.
√ran, pf., 786 a; aor., 899 d.
√rabh, pf., 786 a, 794 h; aor., 834 d, 897 b; des., 1030.
√ram, aor., 911, 912; pple, 954 d; inf., 968 d; tvā-ger'd, 991 b; caus., 1042 g.
√rā give, pres., 660, 666, 672; aor., 839, 896.
√rā bark, pres., 761 e.
√rāj, euph., 213 b, 219 b; pf., 794 h.
√rādh, pf., 794 h; aor., 836; des., 1030.
√ri or rā, caus., 1042 l.
-ri, 1191.
√ric, pres., 761 b; aor., 834 c, 839, 847, 890.
√riç, aor., 916.
√riṣ, euph., 226 f; aor., 847, 852 a, 853, 870; caus., 1042 b.
√rih, euph., 223 b; int., 1017.
√rī, see ri.
√ru, pres., 626, 633, 755.
-ru, 1192.
√ruc, aor., 834 c, 837 b, 840 b, 847; desid., 1031 b.
√ruj, euph., 219 a; aor., 832; pple, 957 c; tvā-ger'd, 991 c.
√rud, pres., 631; aor., 847; tvā-ger'd, 991 d.
√rudh, pres., 694 a, 758 a, 855 a; pf., 801 h; aor., 832, 834 d, 847, 887 a, 890 a; inf., 968 d; ya-ger'd, 992 b.
√ruç, aor., 916; caus., 1042 b.
rúçant, dcln, 450 c.
√ruṣ, pple, 956 b.
√ruh, euph., 223 b, d; aor., 840 b, 847, 853, 916, 920 a, b; fut., 935 d; inf., 968 d; ya-ger'd, 992 c; caus., 1042 l.
repha, 18.
rāí, dcln, 361 b, f.
-rhī, advbl, 1103 d.
l, pron. etc., 51, 53; l and r, 53 b; l for r in certain verbal prefixes, 1087 c; nasal l, 71 b, c, 206, 213 d; as final, 144; assim. to, 117 g; of t, 162; of n, 206; of m, 213 d;
asserted s to ṣ after, 180 b; duplication of consonant after, 228 a; svarabhakti after, 230 d.
-la, prmy, 1189; scdry, 1227.
√lag, pple, 957 c; tvā-ger'd, 991 c; caus., 1042 g.
√lajj, pres., 754.
√lap, pple, 956 b; infin., 968 c.
√labh, aor., 834 d; fut., 935 b; des., 1030.
√lal, caus., 1042 g.
√likh, fut., 936 b.
√lip, pres., 753, 758: aor., 834 d; 847.
√liç, aor., 916.
√lih, euph., 223 b; aor., 916, 920 a.
√lī cling, aor., 911; pple, 957 a; ya-ger'd, 992 a; caus., 1042 l, m.
√lī totter, int., 1018 a, 1022.
√lup, pres., 758, 761 b; aor., 887 a.
√lubh, pres., 761 a.
√lū, pres., 728 a; pple, 957 a.
ḻ, pron. etc., 5 a, 54.
v, pron. etc., 51, 57, 58; relation to u-vowels, 57 a; interchange with b, 50 a; nasal v, 71 c, 213 d; resolved to u, 58 a, 113 b; cases of loss of u before, 233 a; duplication of consonants after, 228 a.
va, contracted to u, 252, 769, 784, 794 b.
-va, prmy, 1190; scdry, 1228; advbl, 1102 e. f.
√vakṣ, pple, 956 b.
√vac, euph., 216 l; pres., 660; pf., 784, 789 d; aor., 847, 853, 854 a.
√vañc, euph., 216 l; pf., 786 a.
-vat, advbl, 1107, 1233 f; scdry, 383 k. 1, 1245 j.
√vad, 102 a; pres., 738 a; pf., 784; aor., 899 d, 904 d; pple, 956 d; int., 1017; desid., 1031 b.
√vadh, see badh.
√van, pf., 786 a, 794 f; aor., 839, 887 b, 912, 914; pple, 955 b; des., 1028 g.
-van, prmy, 1169; scdry, 1234; van-stems in compsn, 1277, 1287 b.
-vana, -vani, -vanu, 1170; -vana, 1425 l.
-vane, infln. in, 970 d, 974.
-vant, 517, 959, 1233; prmry, 1233 g.
√vand, 102 a.
√vap, pf., 784; fut., 935 b; pple, 954 b.
√vam, pres., 631 a; pple, 955 a; tvā-ger'd, 991 b; caus., 1042 g.
vam (from vṛ), 543 a.
-vam, advbl, 1102 b.
-vaya, 1228 b.
-vara, 1171.
-varī, fem. to van, 1169, 1171, 1234 a.
varga, 32.
√varṇ, so-called, 1056.
-vala, 1228 b.
√vaç, pres., 638, 660; pf., 784, 786 a.
√vas shine, euph., 167 ; pres., 608 b, 753 b; pf., 784; aor., 834 b; pple, 956 b, d.
√vas clothe, euph., 167 ; pres., 628, 631 a, 638 a; pf., 786 a.
√vas dwell, euph., 167; pf., 784; aor., 840 b, 883; fut., 935 d; pple, 956 b, d; inf., 968 c; tvā-ger'd, 991 c; in periphr. conj. 1070 c; periphr. pf., 1071 f.
-vas, 1173 b: and see vāṅs.
√vah, euph., 137 c, 223 b, 224 b; pf., 784; aor., 837 b, 839, 840 b, 890 a; fut., 935 d; pple, 954 b; int., 1002 g, 1017; at end of compds, 408.
√vā blow, aor., 912; pple. 957 a.
√vā droop, pres., 761 e.
√vā or vi weave, pres., 761 f; pf., 784, 801 b; fut., 935 c; pple, 954 e; inf., 968 f; caus., 1042 k.
√vāṅs (or -vas), of pples, 584 c, 802–6, 1173; vāṅs-stems, dcln, 458 ff.
vāgháṭ, dcln, 444 a.
√vāç, pf., 786 a; aor., 861 a.
ví, dcln, 343 b.
-vi, 1193.
vikampana, 87 d.
√vic, int., 1024.
√vij, euph., 219 a; aor., 834 c; fut., 935 b. 936 c; pple, 957 c; int., 1017, 1024.
-vit, see 1193 b.
√vid know, 102 a; pres. 613, 618, 621 a; pf., 790 a, 803 a; fut., 935 b; inf., 968 d; des., 1031 b; periphr. pf., 1071 f, 1073 a; periphr. aor. and pres., 1073 b, c.
√vid find, 102 a; pres., 758; pf., 805 b ; aor., 847, 852 a; pple, 957 d.
vidhā, in compsn, 1302 i.
-vin, 1232.
√vindh, pres., 758.
√vip, aor., 840 b; caus., 1042 b.
virāma, 11.
√viç, euph., 218 a; pf., 803 a, 805 b; aor., 834 b, 916, 920 a.
víçva, dcln, 524; in compsn, 1251 e, 1280 c, 1298 c.
√viṣ, euph., 225 a, 226 d, f; aor., 916; int., 1024.
visarga, visarjanīya, 67: and see ḥ.
√vī, int, 1017, 1024 a.
√vṛ cover, 102 a; pres. (ūrṇu), 713; aor., 831 a, 834 a, 836 b, 839, 840 b, 900 b; inf., 968 d; int., 1002 g.
√vṛ choose, 102 a; euph., 102 a, 242 c; pf., 797 c ; aor., 837 b, 840 b; inf., 968 d; caus., 1042 e.
√vṛj, euph., 219 a; pf., 786 a, 803 a; aor., 832, 834 c, 836–9, 919, 920 a; int., 1002 g.
√vṛt, pres., 643 c, 855 a; pf., 786 a; aor., 832, 834 b, 836 b, 839, 840 a, 847, 904 d; fut, 935 b, 943 a; inf., 968 e; int, 1002 g, 1003, 1017, 1023.
vṛtrá, 1185 c.
vṛddhi, 27, 235 ff.
√vṛdh, pf., 786 a; aor., 847, 852 a, b, 897 b; fut., 943 a; inf., 968 e.
√vṛṣ, pf., 786 a; aor., 847; inf., 968 d.
vṛ́ṣan, dcln, 426 b.
√vṛh, aor., 916, 920 a.
voc, quasi- root, 854 a.
-vya, 1228 c.
√vyac, 1087 f; pres., 682; pf., 785, 794 b.
vyañjana, 31.
√vyath, pf.. 785.
√vyadh, pres., 767; pf., 786, 794 b; fut, 936 b; pple, 954 b; inf., 968 f; caus., 1042 g.
√vyay, pres., 761 f.
√vyā or vī, pres., 761 f; pf., 785, 794 b, 801 c; aor., 847; fut, 935 c; pple, 954 c; caus., 1012 k.
√vraj, euph., 219 b; aor., 899 d.
√vraçc, euph., 221 b; pple, 957 c; tvā-ger'd, 991 c.
√vlī, pres., 728 b; pple, 957 a; int, 1017; caus., 1042 l.
ç, pron., etc., 59, 63, 64, 119; relation to ṣ, 63 a; as final, 145; in intrnl combn, 218; with preceding t or n, 203.
-ça, 1229.
√çaṅs, pf., 790 c; ya-ger'd, 992 c.
Íak, aor., 837 a, 839, 847; pple, 956 b; des., 1030, 1040.
çakán, çákṛt, 398, 432.
√çan̄k, aor., 904 d.
Íad prevail, pf., 786.
Íad fall, pple, 957 d.
Íap, aor., 233 e; inf., 968 c.
Íam labor, pres., 634, 763.
Íam be quiet, pres., 763; aor., 847; pple, 955 a; caus., 1042 g.
√çaç, pf., 794 j.
Ías, aor., 839.
-ças, advbl, 1106.
√çā, pres., 660, 662, 753 c, 761 g; aor., 834 a; pple, 954 c; caus., 1042 k.
√çās (or çiṣ), pres., 444, 639, 675; aor., 847, 852 a, 854 c; pple, 954 e, 956 b; inf., 968 c; ya-ger'd, 992 c; desid., 1031 b; āçís from, 225 a, 392 b.
√çiñj, euph., 219 a; pres., 628.
√çiṣ leave, euph., 226 f; pres., 694 a, 758 a; aor., 847, 853.
√çiṣ, see çās.
√çī lie, pres., 628, 629; pf., 806 a; fut, 935 a; pple, 956 c; ya-ger'd, 992 c.
√çuc, pres., 631 a; aor., 847; int, 968 d; tvā-ger'd, 991 c; caus., 1042 b.
Íudh, caus., 1042 h.
Íubh, pres., 758; aor., 852 a, b, 840 b; caus., 1042 b.
√çuṣ, pres., 761 a.
çúṣka as pple, 958.
√çū, see çvā.
√çūṣ, euph., 240 b.
√çṛ crush, euph., 242 b; pres., 731; pf., 793 h; aor., 900 a, 904 b; pple, 955 d, 957 b; inf., 968 d.
Ícand, int, 1002 g.
Ínath, pres., 631 a; aor., 867.
√çyā or çī, pres., 761 e; pple, 954 c, 957 a.
Írath, pres., 732, 1066 b, 758; pf, 794h; pple, 956 d.
Íram, pres., 763; pf., 794 h; aor., 847; pple, 955 a; caus., 1042 g.
√çrā, pres., 761 e; pple, 954 b; caus. 1042 j; caus. aor., 861 b, 1047.
Íri, aor., 831, 867, 868, 889 a; inf., 968 e; caus., 1042 l.
√çriṣ, aor., 847.
√çrī, pple, 955 d.
√çrīv, see srīv.
Íru, euph., 243; pres., 699 b, 711; pf., 797 c; aor., 831, 836, 838, 839, 853, 866, 867; desid., 1040; caus., 1042 e.
√çruṣ, 102 a.
√çliṣ, euph., 226 d, f; pres., 761 c; aor., 847, 916.
√çvañc, aor., 863 a.
çván, dcln, 427.
Ívas, pres., 631; pple, 956 b; caus., 1042 g.
√çvā or çvi or çū, pf., 786 c, 791 b; aor., 847, 868, 897 b; pple, 957 a; inf., 968 e.
Ívit, aor., 832, 890.
ṣ, pron. etc., 59, 61, 62, 120, 182; relation to ç, 63 a; ordinary derivation, 46; exceptional occurrence, 182; as final, 145, 145 b; s changed to, 180–8; recurrence avoided, 181 c, 184 e, 1028 i; as root final, 182 a, 184 c, 225, 226; changes succeding n to ṇ, 189 ff.; assim. of dental after, 197; from ç, 218.
-ṣaṇi, (or -sani), infln in, 970 h, 978, 1159 c, 1160 a.
ṣaṣ, euph., 146 b, 199 c.
-ṣe (or -se), infln. in, 970 c, 973 b.
√ṣṭhīv, euph., 240 b; pres., 745 g, 765; pf., 789 c; pple, 955 c; tvā-ger'd, 991 d.
-ṣyāi (or -syāi), infin. in, 970 g, 977.
s, pron. etc., 59, 60; s and r as corresponding surd and sonant, 117 b, 158 a, 164; s or r as final of certain forms, 169 b; as final, 145, 169, 170 a; combinations of final rdcl s, 145 b, 166–8; of other, 170–7; exceptional cases, 171, 173; final as, 175, 176; ās, 177; s to ṣ, 180–8; exceptional cases, 181, 184 e, 185 c, d, 186 a; ṭ adds t before, 199 e; final n adds (retains) s, 208, 209; s lost between mutes, 233 c–f; in s-aor., 834, 881, 883; after a vowel, 233 b; exceptional combination after such loss, 233 f; s anomalously from final root-consonant, 406 a; s before ām of gen. pl., 313 a, 496 c; in aor., 874 ff.; in fut., 931 ff.; in desid., 1027 ff.
-s, advbl, 1105.
-sa, 1197.
sa-, 1121 e; in compsn, 1288 g, 1304 f–h, 1313 f.
saṁvṛta a, 21.
sákhi, dcln, 343 a–c.
sakthán, sákthi, 343 i, 431.
√sagh, aor., 836 b.
√sac, pres., 660; pf., 794f; aor., 840 b; saçc from, 673, 675.
√saj or sañj, euph., 219 a; pres., 746; pf., 794 d, h, 801 h; aor., 834 c, 887 a; inf., 968 f; des., 1028 i; caus., 1042 h.
√sad, pres., 748; aor., 847, 852 a, 853, 899 d; fut., 935 b, 936 c; pple, 957 d; inf., 968 d.
√san or sā, pf., 804; aor., 847, 853, 899 d; pple, 955 b; int., 1002 g; des., 1028 g, i, 1032 a.
-sani, infln. in, see -ṣaṇi.
saṁdhi, 109.
saṁdhyakṣara, 28 a, 30.
sannatara, 90 c.
√sabhāg, so-called, 104 b, 1067.
samānākṣara, 30.
samprasāraṇa, 252 a.
samrāj etc., 213 b.
-sara, 1201 a.
sarágh or saráḍ, 389 b.
sárva, dcln, 524; in compsn, 1251 e, 1298 c.
√saçc, pres., 444, 673, 673.
sás, euph., 176 a, b.
-sas, 1152.
√sah, euph., 186 a, 223 b, 224 b; pres., 628; pf., 786 a, 790 b, 803 a; aor., 837, 838, 887 a, 897 a, b, 899 d; fut, 935 d; pple, 955 e; inf., 968 d; des., 1030; at end of cmpds, 405.
sahá, in cmpsn, 1304 f, g.
√sā or si bind, pres., 753 c; aor., 830, 834 a, 839, 868 a, 894 c; fut., 935 a, 936 b; pple, 954 c; inf., 968 f; ya-ger'd, 992 a; caus., 1042 k.
-sāt, advbl, 1108.
√sādh, aor., 861 a.
-sāna, ppial words in, 897 b, 1175.
√sāntv, so-called, 104 b.
√si, see sā.
√sic, pres., 758; aor., 847; tvā-ger'd, 991 d; caus., 1042 h.
√sidh repel, fut., 935 b.
√sāv, pres., 761 c, 765; pple, 955 c; des., 1028 h, i.
√su press out, pres., 699 b; aor., 839, 840 b, 867; fut. 935 a; ya-ger'd, 992 a.
su-, 1121 h, i; in compsn, 1284 a, b, 1288, 1304 c, d.
-su, see 1178 f.
√subh, pres., 758.
√sū or su, pres., 626, 628, 755; pf., 789 a; aor., 868 a; fut., 935 a, 936 b, 939 b; inf. 968 d, e.
√sūc, aor., 861.
√sūd, aor., 871.
√sṛ, pf., 797 c, 806 a; aor., 847; caus., 1042 e.
√sṛj, euph., 216 l, 219 b, c; aor., 834 b, c, 840 b, 890; fut, 936 d.
√sṛp, euph., 151 d; pf., 790 c; aor., 834 d, 847; fut., 935 b, 936 d; inf., 968 e; int., 1002 g.
-se, infln. in, see -ṣe.
soṣman, 37 d.
sk, original of ch, 42.
√skand, aor., 833, 890 b; pple, 957 d; ya-ger'd, 992 b; int., 1002 g, h.
√skabh or skambh, pres., 730, 732, 1066 b; pf., 786 a, 790 b, 794 d.
√sku, pres., 626 a; int., 1017.
√stan, pres., 631 a; aor., 899 d.
√stabh or stambh, euph., 233 c; pres., 730, 732, 1066 b; pf., 794 d; pple, 956 b.
-stāt for -tāt, advbl, 1100 b.
√stigh, desid., 1031 b.
√stu, pres., 626, 633; pf., 797 c; aor., 866, 894 b, d; fut, 935 a; ya-ger'd, 992 a; desid., 1028 i; caus., 1042 e.
√stṛ, euph., 242 c; pf., 801 f, 806 a; aor., 831, 834 a, 885, 900 a; pple, 957 b; inf., 968 d; ya-ger'd, 992 a.
stṛ́, dcln, 371 k.
√stṛh, aor., 916.
√styā, pres., 761 e; pple, 957 a.
strī, dcln, 366, 367 c.
√sthā, euph., 233 c; pres., 671, 749 a; aor., 830, 834 a, 836, 837, 840 a, 847, 884, 894 c; pple, 954 c; inf., 968 f; caus. aor., 861 b, 1047; in ppial periphr. phrases, 1075 c.
-sna, 1195.
√snā, caus., 1042 j.
√snih, euph., 223 a, c.
√snu, pres., 626 a.
-snu, 1194.
sparça, 31, 32.
√spaç, aor., 834 c.
√spṛ, aor., 831, 836 b, 839.
√spṛdh, euph., 242 d; aor., 834 b, 840 b.
√spṛç, euph., 218 a; aor., 916, 920 a; fut., 936 d.
√spṛh, euph., 223 b, d; caus., 1042 d.
√sphā, pple, 964 c; caus., 1042 m.
√sphuṭ, fut, 936 b.
√sphṛ, pres., 756; tvā-ger'd, 991 d; caus., 1042 b.
sphoṭana, 230 e.
sma, in pronom'l dcln, 493, 496 a, 503.
sma, pres. in past sense with, 778 b, c.
√smi, tvā-ger'd, 991 d; caus., 1042 l; periphr. pf., 1071 f.
√smṛ, pass., 770 c; tvā-ger'd, 991 d; caus., 1042 e.
sya as denom. sign, 1064.
√syand, pf., 785 a; aor., 861 a, 890 b; fut, 943 a; pple, 957 d; tvā-ger'd, 991 d; int., 1002 g.
√syam, pf., 794 b.
syás, euph., 176 a.
-syāi, infln. in, see -ṣyāi.
sráj, euph., 219 a.
√sras or sraṅs, euph., 168; pf., 790 c; aor., 833, 847; ya-ger'd, 992 b.
√sridh, aor., 847, 852 b.
√srīv (or çrīv), euph., 240 b ; pres., 765; caus., 1042 b.
√sru, pf., 797 c; aor., 868; caus., 1042 e.
sva, 513 b, 416 e; dcln, 525 c.
√svaj, euph., 219 a; pres., 746; pf., 794 h; aor., 863 a; tvā-ger'd, 991 c.
svátavas, euph., 168 a, 415 b.
√svad, pple, 954 f.
√svan, pf., 794 h; aor., 899 d; int, 1002 g.
√svap, pres., 631; pf., 786 b, 794 b; aor., 867; fut, 935 b; pple, 954 b; des., 1028 h; caus., 1042 g.
svayam, in compsn, 1284 b.
√svar, aor., 890 a, 899 d.
svàr, dcln, 388.
svara, 30, 81.
svarabhakti, 230 c–e.
svarita, 81.
svávas, euph., 168 a, 416 b.
√svid, pple, 957 d.
h, pron. etc., 59, 65, 66, 119; from dh and bh, 223 g; as final, 147; compensating aspiration of initial, 147, 155 b; with following t or th, 160 a; with preceding final mute, 163; m before h and another cons., 213 g; reversion to gh, 214 ff., 222; in inflection, 402, 637; in pf., 787; in intens., 1002 i; in desid., 1028 f; internal combn, 222–4; anomalously changed to a sibilant, 150 f; to d, 404; duplication of a cons. after, 228 a; nāsikya added after, 230 b; loss before hi, 1011 a.
-ha, advbl, 1100 a, 1104 b.
√had, pple, 957 d.
√han, euph., 192 b, 216 l, 402, 637, 787; pres., 637, 673, 709; pf., 794 e, 805 a; aor., 899 d; fut., 935 b, 943 a; pass., 998 f; pple, 954 d; inf., 968 d; int., 1002 g, h, i, 1003; des., 1028 e, f; caus., 1042 m; root-noun, 383 h, 402.
hánta, accent of verb with, 598 a.
√has, jakṣ from, 640.
√hā move, pres., 660, 664; des., 1028 d; caus., 1042 d.
√hā leave, pres., 665, 761 b; aor., 830, 889, 912; fut., 936 c; pple, 957 a; inf., 968 f; caus. aor., 861 b, 1047.
√hās, 102 a, 912.
√hi, euph., 192 c, 216 l, 674, 787; pres., 699 b, 716 a; aor., 831, 839, 840 b, 847, 889 a, 894 d; des., 1028 f.
hí, 595 e, 1122 b.
-hi, advbl, 1100 c.
√hiṅs, euph., 183 a; pres., 687, 696; des., 1031 b.
√hinv, 716 a.
√hīḍ, euph., 240 b; pf., 786 b; caus., 1042 b.
√hu, pres., 645, 647 c, 652; periphr. pf. etc., 1071 f, 1073 c.
√hū or hvā, pres., 761 f, 755; pf., 794 b; aor., 834 a, 847, 887 c, 912; fut., 935 c; inf., 968 f; caus., 1042 k; periphr. pf., 1071 f.
√hṛ seize, aor., 834 a, 890 a; inf., 968 d; caus., 1042 e.
√hṛ́d, hṛ́daya, 397.
√hṛṣ, aor., 847; pple, 956 b.
√hnu, pres., 626 a.
√hras, pple, 956 b.
√hrī, pres., 645; aor., 840 b; pple, 957 a; caus., 1042 l; periphr. pf., 1071 f.
√hvā, see hū.
√hvṛ or hvar, euph., 242 c; pres., 682; aor., 863 a, 890; pple, 955 e.
a-aorist (simple aorist, 2), 824, 846–54: in the later language, 846; roots forming it in the older language, 847; inflection, 848; modes, 849–51; participles, 852; irregularities, 853, 854.
a-class (first, bhū-class) of verbs, 606, 734–50; formation of stem, 734; inflection, 735–43; roots of the class, 744; irregularities, 745–50.
á-class or accented a-class (sixth, tud-class) of verbs, 606, 751–8: formation of stem, 751; inflection, 752; roots of the class, 753, 754; irregularities, 755–8.
a-conjugation — see conjugations.
a- or ā-declension, transference of cons.-stems to, 399, 415 a, 429 a, 437, 441 b; 1148 i, 1149 a, 1166 c, 1209; 1315.
a-stems (tense-stems), uniform inflection of, 733 a.
abbreviation of consonant-groups, 231–3.
ablative case, uses of, 289–93; ablative of comparison, 292 b; with
prepositions, 293, 1128; used adverbially, 1114; abl. infinitive, 983; abl. by attraction with infln., 983 b; abl. use of adverbs in tas, 1098 d; abl. as prior member of compound, 1250. f.
absolute use of instrumental, 281 g; of genitive, 300 b; of locative, 303 b–d; of gerund, 994 e.
absolutive — see gerund.
abstract nouns, secondary derivation of, 1206, 1236–40.
accent, general, 80–97: its varieties, 80–6; accentuated texts, 87; modes of designating, 87, 88; illustration of RV. method, pp. 518–9; over-refinements of Hindu theory, 90; modern delivery of ancient accented texts, 91; no sentence accent, 92; accentless words, 93; words doubly accented, 94, 1255, 1267 d; accent of protracted syllable, 78 a; freedom of place of accent, 95; — changes of accent in vowel combination, 128, 130, 135 a; — accent in declension, 314–20; of vocative, 92 a, 314; change of accent in monosyllabic etc. declension, 316–9; in numeral, 482 g, 483 a–c; of fractionals, 488 a; of case-forms used as adverbs, 1111 g, 1112 e, 1114 d; different accent of action-nouns and agent-nouns, 1144 a; of determinative and possessive compounds, 1296; — accent of personal endings, 552–4; in relation to strong and weak forms, 556; of personal verb-forms in the sentence, 92 b, 591–8; of periphrastic formations, 945, 1073 e; of compounded verb-forms, 1082–5; — accent in primary derivation, 1144; in secondary, 1205; in composition, 1251; — ordinary accentuation of Skt. words by Western scholars, 96.
accusative case, uses of, 269–77: with verbs, 270, 274; with nouns
and adjectives, 271, 272; with prepositions, 273, 1129; with verbs
of motion and address etc., 274; cognate, 275; adverbial, 276, 1111; double, 277; accus. infinitive, 981, 986–8; gerund, 995; accus. as prior member of compound, 1250 a.
action-nouns and agent-nouns, chief classes of primary derivatives, 1145, 1146.
active voice, in verbs, 528, 529.
acute (udātta) accent, 81.
ad-class of verbs — see root-class.
adjective, its distinction from noun, 322; from pple, 967; formation of compound adj., 323–5, 1292 ff.; inflection of adj., 321–465; comparison, 466–74; adj. pronominally inflected, 522–6.
adjective compounds, secondary, 1247 g, 1292–1313; of other than possessive value, 1294, 1309, 1310; adj. copulative compounds, 1257.
adverbs, 1097–1122: adv. by derivation, 1097–1109; case-forms used as adv., 1110–17; adverbial compounds, 1111 d, 1313; verbal prefixes etc. as adv., 1118–20; inseparable prefixes, 1121; other
miscellaneous adv., 1122; adv. used prepositionally, 1123 ff.; adv.
copulative compounds, 1259; forms of comparison, 473 b.
agent-nouns — see action-nouns.
aggregative compounds — see copulative compounds.
alphabets used for writing Sanskrit, 1; older Indian, 2; the Devanāgarī alph., 1–17; varieties of writing and of type for, 3, pp. 516–7; characters and transliteration, 5; arrangement, 7; theory of use, 8, 9; native moda of writing, 9 a, b; modifications of this in Western practice, 9 c–e; vowel-writing, 10; consonant combinations, 12–15; other signs, 11, 16; numeral figures, 17; names of characters, 18; signs and transliteration of anusvāra, 73.
alphabet, spoken — see system of sounds.
alterant vowels, changing following s to ṣ, 180.
analysis of language in to its elements, 98, 99; anal. of compound words, 1248.
antithetical construction, its influence on accent of verb, 596, 597.
anusvāra, its pronunciation etc., 70–2; signs and transliteration, 73, 16 b: see also ṅ, ṁ.
aorist tense, 632; its uses, 926–30; in prohibitive expression, 579; — aor. system, 535, 824–930: classification of forms of aor., 824; character and occurrence, 825–7; variety from same root, 827 b, c; simple aor., 824, 828: 1. root-aor., 829–41; passive aor. 3d. sing., 842–5; 2. a-aor., 846–54; 3. reduplicated or causative aor., 856–73; sibilant-aor., 874–920; 4. s-aor., 878–897; 5. iṣ-aor., 898–910; 6. siṣ-aor., 911–15; 7. sa-aor., 916–20; aor. optative or precative of later language, 921–5; aor. in secondary conjugation, 1019, 1035, 1046–8, 1068; periphrastic aor., 1073 b; — s-aor. stem in derivation, 1140 c.
appositional compounds, 1280 d; appos. possessive compounds, 1302.
ar or ṛ in root and stem forms, 104 e, 237.
article, indefinite, represented later by eka, 482 c.
aspirate mutes, phonetic character etc. of, 37, 38; their deaspiration, 114, 163–5; restoration of lost aspiration to, 141 a, 147, 155; not before impv. ending dhi, 155 f; derivation of h from, 66; sonant aspirate with following t, th, 160; non-aspirate for aspirate in reduplication, 590 a: — and see the different letters.
aspiration (h), its pronunciation etc., 59, 65, 66: — and see h.
asseverative particles, 1122 a, b.
assimilation in euphonic combination, 115–20; with or without change of articulate position, 116; surd and sonant, 117, 156–64; nasal, 117 g, 198 b, 199 c; l, 117 g, 206; dental to lingual and palatal, 118; other cases, 118–20.
augment, 585–7; a as augment, 585 a; omission, 587; irreg. combination with initial vowel of root, 136 a; irregularly placed, 1087 c, f; uses of augmentless preterit persons, 563, 587; with mā prohibitive, 579.
avyayībhāva compounds, 1313.
bahuvrīhi compounds — see possessive compounds.
benedictive — see precative.
bhū-class of verbs — see a-class.
cardinal numerals, 475; their combinations, 476–81; inflection, 482–5
; construction, 486; derivatives, 487–9.
case-endings — see endings of declension.
case-forms, prolongation of final vowel of. 248 b; used as adverbs, 1110–17; change of accent in such, 1111 g, 1112 e, 1114 d; their prepositional uses, 1125 d; derivatives from case-forms, 1202 b; case-forms in composition, 1250.
cases, 266; their order of arrangement, 266 a; uses, 267–305: — and see the different cases.
causative conjugation, 540, 607, 775, 856 ff., 1041–52; relation to so-called tenth or cur-class, 607, 1041 b; to denominative, 1041 c, 1056; formation of stem, 1041, 1042; inflection, present-system, 775, 1043; other older forms, 1044; perfect, 1045; attached reduplicated aorist, 1046, 1047, 856 ff.; other aorist forms, 1048, 1049; future etc., 1050; verbal nouns and adjectives, 1051; derivative or tertiary conjugations from caus. stem, 1052; caus. from intens., 1025; from desid., 1039; declinable stems from caus. stem, 1140 b; double object with causatives, 277 a, 282 b.
cerebral mutes, 33, 45.
changeable or variable ṛ of roots — see variable.
circumflex, (svarita) accent, 81–6, 90 b; independent, 81–4; its varieties, 84; enclitic, 85; their difference, 86; designation, 87–9; occurrence from vowel combinations, 128, 130, 135.
classes or series of mutes, 32 ff.
classes of verbs — see conjugation-classes.
clauses, simplicity of combination of, 1131 a; dependent clauses, mode in, 581, 950; accent of verb in, 595.
collective singular form of copulative compounds, 1253 c; in Veda, 1255 e, 1256 b.
combination of elements, 100, 101; euphonic rules for, 109–260; distinction of internal and external, 109–12; general arrangement of rules, 124; order of comb. of three successive vowels, 127 b.
comparison of adjectives etc., 466–74; primary, in īyas and īṣṭha, 467–70, 1184; secondary, in tara and tama, 471–3, 1242 a, b; in ra and ma, 474, 1242 c; inflection of comparatives in yas, 463–5; comp. of nouns, pronouns, prepositions, 473, 474, 520, 1119; of verbs, 473 c; double comparison, 473 d; particles of comp., 1101 b,
1102 e, 1107, 1122 g, h.
comparison or likeness, descriptive compounds of, 1291 a.
compensatory vowel-lengthening, 246.
composition of stems — see compound stems.
compound conjugation, 540 a, 1076–95: roots with verbal prefixes and like elements, 1076–89; accent of comp. forms, 1082–6; irreglarities, 1087; roots with inseparable prefixes, 1089, 1121 b, g, i; with noun and adjective stems, 1090–5.
compound stems, formation of, 101, 1246–1316: difference of earlier
and later language as to composition, 1246 a; classification of compounds, 1247; their analysis, 1248; rules of phonetic combination, 1249; case-forms as prior member, 1250; accent, 1251; copulative comp. , 1252–61 ; determinative: dependent, 1262–78; descriptive, 1279–91; secondary adjective: possessive, 1292–1308; participial, 1309; prepositional, 1310; adjective comp. as
nouns and as adverbs, 1311–3; anomalous comp., 1314; stem-finals
altered in comp., 1315; loose construction with comp., 1316.
conditional tense, 532, 940, 941; its uses, 950; conditional uses of optative and subjunctive, 581 b, e, f.
conjugation, verbal inflection, 527–1095; general, 527–98; voice,
528–31; tenses and their uses, 592, 776–9, 821–3, 926–30, 948–50; modes and their uses, 533, 557–82, 921–5; tense-systems, 535; present-system, 535, 599–779; perfect-system, 780–823; aorist-systems, 824–930; future-systems, 931–50; number and person, 536; personal endings, 541–56; verbal adjectives and nouns, 537–9, 951–95; secondary conjugations, 540, 996–1068; periphrastic
and compound conjugation, 540 a, 1069–95; examples of conjugation in synopsis, p. 520.
conjugation-classes, on what founded, 601; their characters, 602–10.
conjugations, first or non-a and second or a-conjugation, 601–8, 733; transfers from the former to the latter, 625 a, 631 a, 665 a, 670–4, 694 a, 716, 731, 896.
conjunctions, 1131–3.
consonants, pronunciation etc., 31–75: mutes, 32–50; semivowels, 51–8; spirants, 59–66; visarga and anusvāra etc., 67–73; quantity, 76; cons. allowed as finals, 122, 139–52; occurring at end of stems and endings, 139 a: — and see the different classes and letters.
consonant-groups, how written in devanāgarī, 9, 12–5; their extension and abbreviation, 121, 227–33.
consonantal stems, declension of, 377–465; their classification, 382.
contemptuous prefix, 506, 1121 e; do. suffix, 521, 1222 d.
copulative compounds, 1247 a–c, 1252–61; of nouns, 1253–6; adjectives, 1257; adverbs, 1259; numerals, 1261; copulatives in later language, 1253, 1254; in Rig-Veda, 1255; in Atharva-Veda, 1256; accent, 1258; possessives from copulatives, 1293 b.
cur-class of verbs, 607, 775, 1041 b, 1056; — and see causative conjugation.
dative case, uses of, 285–8; dat. infinitive, 982, 986; dat. used adverbially, 1113; dat. by attraction with infin., 982 a; dat. as prior member of compound, 1250 c.
deaspiration of aspirate mutes, 114, 153–5; consequent re-aspiration of initial, 141 a, 147, 155.
declension, in general, 261–320; gender, 263; number, 264, 265; case, 266; uses of the cases, 267–305; endings of decl., 306–10; variation of stem and insertions, 311–3; accent, 814–20; decl. of nouns and adjectives, 321–465; classification, 321 b, c; I. a-stems, 326–34; II. i-and u-stems, 335–46; III. ā-, ī-, and ū (and diphthongal) stems. 347–68; IV. ṛ-stems, 369–76; V. consonant-stems, 377–465: A. root-stems etc., 383–410; B. derivative stems in as, is, us, 411–9; C. in an, 420–37; D. in in, 438–41; E. in ant, 442–57; F. in vāṅs, 458–62; G. in yas, 463–5; — decl. of numerals, 482–5; of pronouns, 491–521; of adjectives inflected pronominally, 522–6.
declinable stems, composition of, with verbs, 1090–5; derivation of
— see derivation.
decompound compounds and their analysis, 1248.
decrement and increment of elements, 123, 234 ff.
demonstrative pronouns, 495–603.
denominative conjugation, 540 a, 1053–68; formation without sign, 1054; with sign ya, from stems of various final, 1055–64; their occurrence, 1057; meaning, 1058; relation of aya- and āya-stems, 1059 c; relation to causative. 1041 c, 1056, 1067; with signs sya, kāmya, āpaya, 1064, 1065; with āya, beside nā-class verbs etc., 732, 1066; from other stems, 1066 a, c; inflection, 1068; declinable stems from denom. stem, 1068 b, 1149 d, 1178 h, i, 1180 d.
dental series of mutes (t, th, d, dh, n), pronunciation etc., 33, 47, 48; peculiar quality of Skt. dentals, 47 a; dent. character of ḷ, 25; of l, 51, 53; of s, 60; assimilation of dent. to palatals and linguals, 118, 196–203, 205; dent, sibilant and nasal converted to lingual, 180–95; anomalous conversions to guttural and lingual, 151 a, b; of guttural, palatal, and labial to dental, 151 c, e; — and see the different letters.
dependent clause, accent of verb in, 595.
dependent compounds, 1247 d–f, 1263, 1264–78; noun, 1264; adjective, 1265; their varieties, 1266–78; with ordinary noun or adjective as final member, 1267, 1268; with root-stem, 1269; derivative in a, 1270; ana, 1271; ya, 1272; participle in ta or na, 1273; ti,
1274; in, 1275; i, 1276; van, man, etc., 1277, 1278; dep. comp. in possessive use, 1296.
derivation of adverbs, 1097–1109; of declinable stems, 1136–1245: in general, 1136–42; primary, 1143–1201; secondary, 1202–45.
derivative or secondary conjugation — see secondary.
descent, adjectives and nouns indicating, 1206 a.
descriptive compounds, 1247 d–f, 1263, 1279–91; of ordinary adjective with noun, 1280; of appositional noun with noun, 1280 d; with participle as final member, 1283, 1284; with gerundive, 1285; with root-stem, 1286; with other verbal derivatives, 1287; with inseparable prefix as prior member, 1288; with verbal prefix etc., 1289; with other adverbial words, 1290; special cases, 1291; descr. comp. in possessive use, 1297 ff.
desiderative conjugation, 540, 1026–40; meaning, 1026, 1040; used in future sense, 1040 a; formation of stem, 1027–9; abbreviated stems, 1030; use of union-vowel i, 1031; inflection, present-system, 1032; other forms, 1033–6; derivative or tertiary conjugations from desid. stem, 1039; desid. from causative stem, 1052 c; declinable stems from desid. stem, 1035, 1036, 1140 b, 1149 d, 1159 b, 1161 d, 1178 g; desid. root-stems, 392 d; future in desid. sense, 949; desid. in future sense, 1040 a.
determinative compounds, 1247 d–f, 1202–91; dependent, 1264–78; descriptive, 1279–91; in possessive adjective use, 1293 ff.
devatā-dvandva compounds, 1251 a, 1255.
diminutives, secondary derivation of, 1206 b, 1222 d, 1243.
diphthongs (e, āi, o, āu), mode of writing with consonants, 10 g, h; pronunciation etc., 27 30; protraction of, 78 c; euphonic combination as finals, 131–5: — and see the different letters.
diphthongal stems, declension of, 360, 361.
div- or dīv-class of verbs — see ya-class.
double stems, present, 815: aorist 894 d, 897 b.
doubling of aspirate mutes, 154; of a final nasal, 210; of ch, 227; of first consonant of a group, 229; of a consonant after r (and h, l, v), 228.
dual number, its use, 265; its forms in declension, 308; in personal pronoun, 492 b.
dual finals e, ī, ū uncombinable, 138 a, g.
dvandva compounds — see copulative.
dvigu compounds, 1312.
eighth class of verbs — see u-class.
elision of initial a, 135; how marked, 16; its infrequency in Veda, 135 c; elision of initial ā, 136 d; of final a or ā, 137 b.
emphasis, accent of verb for, 598.
emphatic pronoun, 513.
enclitic or dependent circumflex, 85, 86.
endings, of inflection and derivation, 98–100; of declension, 306–10; of singular, 307; dual, 308; plural, 309; normal scheme, 310; end. of a-stems, 327–9 ; of i-and u-stems, 336–8; of radical ā-, ī-, ū-stems, 349; of derivative do., 363; of ṛ-stems, 371; of personal pronouns, 492, 493; of general pronominal declension, 496; — end. of conjugation, 523, 541–69; of 1st sing., 543; 2d, 544; 3d, 545; of 1st du., 546; 2d and 3d, 547; of 1st pl., 548; 2d, 549; 3d, 550; normal schemes, 553; accent, 552–4; end. of 2d and 3d sing taking the place of root-final, 555 a; union-vowels, 555 b, c; end. of subjunctive combined with mode-sign, 560–2; of optative, 566; of precative, 568; tāt of imperative, 570; — end. of derivation — see suffixes.
euphonic combination of elements, 100, 101; rules respecting it, 109–226.
exclamatory pronoun, 507; exclam. prefix from interrogative pronoun, 506, 1121 e.
extension of cons.-groups, 227–30.
external and internal combination, distinction of, 109–12; cases of
external comb. in declension, 111 a, b; in derivation, 111 c, d, 1203 e.
feminine stems: to ā-stems, 332, 334 b; to i- and u-stems, 344–6; to ṛ-stems, 376 a; to cons.-stems, 378 a, 401 c, 435, 436, 449, 452 b, 459, 463 d; fem. in ī from ya-stems, 1210 c; fem. stems in composition, 1250 h.
fifth class of verbs — see nu-class.
finals, permitted, 122, 139–52; most usual, 149; only one final
consonant allowed, 150; exceptions, 150 b, c; anomalous changes
of final mutes, 151; final consonants of stems and endings, 139 a.
final clauses, modes used in, 581 c, d.
first class of verbs — see a-class.
first or non-a-conjugation of verbs, its characteristics, 604.
forms, stronger and weaker, of roots and stems, 104 e, 105, 106; — and see variation of stem.
fourth class of verbs — see ya-class.
fractional use of ordinals, 488.
frequentative conjugation — see intensive.
future passive participles — see gerundives.
future tenses, 532; their uses, 948, 949; fut. systems, 535, 931–50; s-fature and conditional, 932–41; periphrastic future, 942–7; future use of pres., 777; of desid., 1040 a; desid. use of fut., 948 b; fut. participial phrases, 1075 d.
gender in declension, 262, 263.
general and special tenses, 599 a.
genitive case, uses of, 294–300; with adj., 296; with verb, 297,
298; with prepositions, 299 a, 1130; with adverbs, 299 b; gen. absolute, 300 b; loss of accent of gen. with vocative, 314 d, e; gen. infinitive, 984; gen. used adverbially, 300 a, 1115; as prior member of compound, 1250 e.
gerunds, 539, 989–95; their uses, 989, 994; ger. in tvā, 990, 991, 993; in ya or tya, 990, 992, 993; in tvāya and tvī, 993 b; in tvānam and tvīnam, 993 c; adverbial gerund in am, 995.
gerundives, or future passive participles, 961–6, 1212 i, 1213, 1216–8; ger. in ya, 962–3, 1213, in tavya, 962, 964, 1212 i; in anīya, 962, 965, 1215 b; in tva, 966 a, 1209 h; in enya, 966 b, 1217; in āyya, 966 c, 1218; in elima, 966 d, 1201 a; ger. in composition, 1285.
grave (anudātta) accent, 81.
guṇa-strengthening, character and occurrence of, 27, 235–43, and passim; in primary derivation, 1143 a; in secondary, 1203 a, 1204 g.
guttural series of mutes (k, kh, g, gh, n̄), pronunciation etc., 33, 39–41, 180 a; asserted gutt. character of a, 20 a; of h, 65 a; palatals from original gutt., 41–3; ç and h do., 64, 66; reversion of palatals etc. to gutt. form, 43, 64, 142, 145, 147, 214–26: — and see the different letters.
heavy and light syllables, 79.
hiatus, avoidance of, 113, 125–38; not avoided in Veda, 113 b, 125 c, 129 e; its occurrence as result of euphonic processes, 132–4, 175 b, d, 177.
hu-class of verbs — see reduplicating class.
imperative mode, 533, 569, 572, 575, 578; scheme of its endings, 553 d; its 1st persons old subjunctive, 533, 574, 578; impv. form in tāt and its uses, 570, 571; with mā prohibitive, 579 c; Vedic 2d sing. in si, 624; impv. use of infinitives, 982 d.
imperfect, tense, 532, 599; its use, 779.
imperfect time, no real designation of, 532 a.
increment and decrement of elements 123, 234 ff.
indeclinables, 98 a, 1096–1135; adverbs, 1097–1122; prepositions,
1123–30; conjunctions, 1131–3; interjections, 1134, 1135; derivative stems from indeclinables, 1202 b, 1245; compounds with indecl. as final member, 1314 a, f.
indefinite pronouns, 513 c; indef. use of interrogative and relative pronouns, 507, 511.
infinitives, 538, 968–88; later, 968, 987; earlier, 969–79; uses, 980–8; relation to ordinary verbal nouns, 969, 970 l.
inseparable prefixes, 1121; in descriptive composition, 1283 ff., 1288; in possessive, 1304.
insertions between stem and ending in declension, 313.
instrumental case, uses of, 278–84; of separation, 283 a; with prepositions, 284, 1127; gerundial, 989; used adverbially, 1112; as prior member of compound, 1250 b.
intensive (or frequentative) conjugation, 540, 1000–25; character and occurrence, 1000, 1001; reduplication, 1002, 1003; inflection, present-system, 1004–17; derivative middle inflection, 1016, 1017;
forms outside present-system, 1018, 1019, 1026; doubtful intens. formations, 1020–4; derivative or tertiary conjugations from intens. stem, 1025.
interjections, 1134, 1135; their final vowel uncombinable. 138 f.
internal and external combination, distinction of, 109–12.
internal change, question of derivation by, 1208 i.
interrogative particles, 1122 f.
interrogative pronoun, 504–7; its indefinite use, 507; exclamatory
prefix from it, 506, 1121 j.
inverted compounds, 1291 c, 1314 d.
iṣ-aorist, 824, 898–910: formation of stem, 898–900; inflection, 901, 902; roots making it, 903; irregularities, 904; modes, 905–8; from secondary conjugations, 1019, 1035, 1048, 1068 a.
jihvāmūlīya-spirant, 69, 170 d.
karmadhāraya compounds — see descriptive compounds.
krī-class of verbs — see nā-class.
labial series of mutes (p, ph, b, bh, m), pronunciation etc., 33, 49, 50; lab. character of u, ū, 20; of v, 51, 57, 68; anomalous conversion of labial to guttural, 151 d; to dental, 151 e: — and see the different letters.
lengthening of vowels in formation and inflection, 244–6; of final
vowel in composition, 247, 1087 b; in the sentence in Veda, 248.
light and heavy syllables, 79.
lightening of a or ā to an i- or u-vowel, 249 ff.
lingual series of mutes (ṭ, ṭh, ḍ, ḍh, ṇ), pronunciation etc., 33, 45, 46; non-originality and ordinary derivation, 46; ling. character of ṛ, 25; of r, 51, 52; ling. l, 5 a, 54; ling, character of ṣ, 61; assimilation of dentals to ling., 118, 196 ff.; lingualization of s and n, 180–95: — and see the different letters.
locative case, uses of, 301–5; loc. absolute, 303 b–d; of goal of motion or action, 301 e. 304; with prepositions, 305, 1126; used adverbially, 303 e, 1116; loc. infinitive, 985; loc. use of adverbs in tra, 1099; in ha, 1100 a; in dā, 1103 b; loc. as prior member of compound, 1250 d.
long and short quantity, 76–9.
manner, particles of, 1101, 1102, 1107, 1122 k.
manuscripts, native Sanskrit, mode of writing in, 9 a, b.
middle stem-form in declension, 311.
middle voice, 528–30; its use as passive, 531, 998 c, d.
mode in verbal inflection, 533; subjunctive, 557–63; optative, 564–8; imperative, 569–71; uses of the modes, 572–82.
multiplicative numeral adverbs, 489 a, 1104–6.
mutes, series of, their pronunciation etc., 32–50: classification, 32–8; guttural series, 39–41; palatal, 42–4; lingual, 45, 46; dental, 47, 48; labial, 49, 50; assimilation, 117 a, b; mutes permitted as finals, 141–3; anomalous conversions from one series to another, 151: — and see the different series.
nā-class (ninth, krī-class) of verbs, 603, 717–32: formation of stem, 717; inflection, 718–26: roots of the class, 727; irregularities, 728–32; accompanying denominative in āya, 732, 1066 b.
nasal assimilation, 117 c, f, g, 161, 198 b, 199 c.
nasal class (seventh, rudh-class) of verbs, 603, 683–96: formation of stem, 683; inflection, 684–92; roots of the class, 694; irregularities, 693–6.
nasal increment in strong forms, 255, 386.
nasal mutes (n̄, ñ, ṇ, n, m), 34. 36; their occurence as finals, 143; duplication, 210; assimilation of preceding mute, 161, 198 b, 199 b; abbreviation of consonant-group after, 231; — nasal spirant or anusvāra, 70–3; — nasal semivowels, 71 c, 206, 213 c; — nasal vowels, 71, 72: — and see the different letters.
nasality, Hindu definition of, 36 a.
negative particles, 1122 c–e; neg. prefix, 1121 a–c.
neutral pron. of a, 21.
ninth class of verbs — see nā-class.
nominative case, uses of, 267, 268; peculiar construction with verbs, 268 a; with iti, 268 b; with vocative, 268 c; used adverbially, 1117; nom. use of infinitive, 987; nom. form as particle, 1117; in composition, 1250 f.
noun and adjective, distinction of, 322; inflection of nouns — see declension.
nu-class (fifth, su-class) of verbs, 603, 697–716: formation of stem, 697; inflection, 698–707; roots of the class, 708; irregularities, 710v3, 716.
number in declension, 264, 265; in conjugation, 636; number-forms in composition, 1250 g.
numerals, 475–89; simple cardinals, 475; their combinations for odd
numbers, 476–81; inflection, 482–5; construction, 486; ordinals,
487, 488; other num. derivatives, 489, 1104–6, 1246; num. figures,
17; possessive compounds with num., 1300; num. or dvigu compounds, 1312.
omission, sign indicating, 16.
onomatopoetic words, 1091, 1135 b.
optative mode, 533, 564–8; its formation, 564, 565; scheme of endings combined with mode-sign, 566; precative, 567, 921–6; scheme of prec. endings, 568; uses of opt. , 67382; with mā prohibitive, 579 b; optative use of auginentless preterit forms, 587.
order of subjects in the grammar, 107; as best taken up by a student, 108, 112; of subjects in euph. combination, 124.
ordinal numeral adjectives, 487, 488.
pada-endings in declension, 111 a.
palatal series of mutes (c, ch, j, jh, ñ), pronunciation etc., 33, 42–4; derived from original gutturals, 42; reversion to guttural form, 43, 214 ff.; euphonic combinations, 118, 119, 214–20; treatment as finals, 142; assimilation of dentals to, 196–203; pal. character of i, ī, 20; of y, 51, 56; of ç, 63, 64; palatal for guttural in reduplication, 590 b: — and see the different letters.
participial compounds, 1247 g, 1309.
participles, 534, 537, 583, 584, 1172–7; of present-systems, 619 etc. etc.; of perfect, 802–7; of aorist, 840, 852, 872, 897, 909; of future, 939; passive part., 952–8, 1176, 1177; active, in tavant, navant, 959, 960; future passive, 961–6; of secondary conjugations, 1012, 1013, 1019, 1037, 1043 e, f, 1051, 1068; part. in possessive composition, 1299; — inflection of part. in ant, 443–9; in vāṅs, 458–62; part. phrases, periphrastic, 1074, 1076; — relation of part. and adjective, 967.
particles, 98 a; prolongation of final vowel of, 248 a; part, giving accent to verb, 595 c, e, 598 a.
passive conjugation, 531, 540, 998; present-system (yá-class), 606, 768–74; aorist 3d sing., 842–5, 1048; periphrastic perfect, 1072; participle in ta or na, 952–8, 1051 b, 1176, 1177; future participles, 961–6 (and see gerundives); pass. use of infinitive, 988; pass. from intransitives, 999 a; pass, of secondary conjugations, 1025, 1039, 1052 a; pass. constructions, 282 a, 999.
past use of present tense. 777, 778.
perfect tense, 532; scheme of its
endings, 553 c; uses, 821–3; — perf.-system, 535, 780–823: for-
mation of stem, 781–94; reduplication, 782–91; strong and weak
stem-forms, 792–4; endings and their combination with stem, 795–9; union-vowel i, 796–8; inflection, 800; irregularities, 801; participle, 802–7; its inflection, 458–62; modes, 808–16; pluperfect, 817–20; — periphrastic perf., 1070–73.
perfect time, expressed by so-called aorist, 532 a, 825, 928; by perfect, 822, 823; by participial phrases, 1075 d.
periphrastic conjugation, 540 a, 1069–75; periph. future, 532, 931, 942–7; its uses, 949; perfect, 1070–3, 1018, 1034, 1045; aorist and
precative, 1073 b; present, 1073 c; periph. participial phrases, 1074, 1075.
person in verbal inflection, 536.
personal endings — see endings of conjugation.
personal pronouns, 491–4; nouns used as such, 514.
phrases, derivatives from, 1202 b; compounds from, 1314 b.
place, particles of, 1099, 1100, 1122 i.
pluperfect tense, 532, 817–20; plup. time, no designation of, 532 a; save by participial phrases, 1075 d.
position, length of syllable by, 79.
possessive adjectives, 1106 a, 1229 b, 1230–35; pronominal, 516.
possessive compounds, 324, 1247 g, 1293–1308; poss. dependents, 1296; poss. descriptives, 1297 ff.: with ordinary adjective as prior member, 1298; with participle, 1299; with numeral, 1300; with
appositive noun, 1301–3; with adverb, 1304–6; added suffixes,
1212 c, 1307; pregnant use, 1308.
precative optative, 533 b; its formation, 567; scheme of endings, 568; prec. in later language, 921–5; use, 673 c.
propositions, 1123–30; words used as such, 1123–5; cases construed
with them, 1126–30; gerunds used as, 994 g; — prep, in composition
with roots — see verbal prefixes.
prepositional compounds, 1247 g, 1310; with added suffix, 1212 m.
present tense, 532; its uses, 777, 778; — pres.-system, 535, 599–779: prominence as part of verb-system, 600; varieties of form and their classification, 601–9; various from same root, 609; conjugations and conjugation-classes, 602–10; first or non-a-conjugation: I. root-class, 611–41; II. reduplicating class, 642–82; III. nasal class, 683–96; IV. nu- and u-class, 697–716; V. nā-class, 717–32; second or a-conjugation, 733: VI. a-class, 734–50; VII. accented á-class, 751–8; VIII. ya-class, 759–67; IX. yá-class, or passive conjugation, 768–74; so-called cur- or tenth class, 775; uses of tenses, 776–9; of modes, 572–81; pres. stems, derivatives from, 1140 c.
present use of perfect, 821 c, 823; of aorist, 930.
presumption or conjecture, future of, 948.
primary and secondary personal endings, 542 ff.; confusion of them in use, 636 d, 933 a, 938; normal schemes, 553.
primary derivation, 1138–1201: relation to secondary, 1139; from what made, 1140, 1141; union-vowels, 1142; form of root, 1143; accent, 1144; meaning, 1145, 1146; prim. suffixes and the derivatives made with them, 1148–1201.
prohibitive expression, 574, 579, 580.
pronominal roots, 490; their character, in inflection and derivation, 1137 b, 1138; adverbs from them, 1097 ff.
pronouns, 490–521: personal, 491–4; demonstrative, 495–503; interrogative, 504–7; relative, 508–12; emphatic, indefinite, 513; nouns used pronominally, 514; pron. derivative adjectives, 515–21; adjectives declined pronominally, 522–6.
pronunciation — see system of sounds.
protracted (pluta) quantity, 78; protr. final vowel uncombinable,
138 e.
punctuation, signs of, in devanāgarī, 16 d.
quantity of consonants and vowels, 768; of syllables, 79.
r-endings of 3d pl., 550 d.
radical stems — see root-stems.
reduplicated (or causative) aorist, 824, 856–73, 1046, 1047; formation of stem, 857–63; inflection, 864–7; use in primary conjugation, 868; in causative, 1046, 1047; modes, 869–71.
reduplicating class (third, hu-class) of verbs, 603, 642–82; reduplication and accent, 642–6; inflection, 647–57; roots of the class, 659; irregularities, 658, 660–82.
reduplication, occurrence of, 259; general rules for forming, 588–90; present red., 643, 660 ff.; perfect, 782–91; aorist, 857–63; intensive, 1002; desiderative, 1029; in derivation, 1143 e; anomalous, 1087 f.
relationship, nouns of, in ṛ, 369 ff., 1182 f.
relative clauses, peculiarities of, 512; modes used in, 581 a; accent of verb in, 595.
relative compounds, improper name for possessive, 1293 d.
relative pronoun, 508–12.
repeated words, 1260.
resolution, in Veda, of semivowels into vowels, and of vowels into two syllables, 55 a, 58 a, 84 c, 113 b, 125 c, 129 e, 309 f, 353 a, 470 b, 566 c, 761 g, 771 g.
reversion, so-called, of palatal mutes and sibilant, and of h, to guttural form, 43, 64, 66, 119, 142, 145, 147, 214 ff., 681, 787, 1028 f, 1176 a.
roots, 98–100; roots of the Skt. language, 102–5; roots and root-forms acc. to the native grammarians, 103, 104.
root-aorist, 824, 829–45: in later language, 829; in older, 830 ff.; modes, 836–9; participles, 840; passive aor. 3d sing., 842–6.
root-class (second, ad-class) of verbs, 603, 611–41; inflection, 612–23; roots of the class, 626; irregularities, 624, 626–41.
root-stems, their occurrence and use, 323, 383, 1137, 1147; as infinitives, 970 a, 971; in dependent composition, 1269; in descriptive, 1286; inflection of such stems in ā, ī, ū, 349–361; in consonants, 383–410; sometimes govern accus., 271 d; neut. pl. forms, 379 b.
rudh-class of verbs — see nasal class.
s-aorist, 824, 878–97: formation of stem, 878, 879; endings and combination with stem, 880, 881; question of loss of s in certain forms, 834, 881; inflection, 882; irregularities, 884–91; absence of ī in 2d and 3d sing. in older language, 888–90; modes, 892–6; participles, 897; — s-aor. stem in derivation, 1140 c.
s-future, 931–9: formation of stem, 932, 936; use of union-vowel i, 934, 935; occurrence, 937; modes, 938; participles, 939; its preterit, the conditional, 940, 941; uses, 948.
sa-aorist, 824, 916–20: roots allowed later to make it, 916; occurrence in older language, 919, 920; inflection, 917, 918.
second class of verbs — see root-class.
second or a-conjugation of verbs, its characteristics, 605, 733.
secondary adjective compounds, 1247 g, 1292–1310.
secondary conjugations, 640, 996–1068: passive, 998, 999; intensive, 1000–1025; desiderative 1026–40; causative, 1041–52; denominative, 1063–68; tertiary, or derivative from secondary, 1025, 1039, 1052.
secondary derivation, 1138, 1139, 1202–45; relation to primary, 1139; union-vowels, 1142; forms of stem, 1203, 1204; accent, 1205; meaning, 1206; sec. suffixes and the derivatives made with them, 1207–45; external combination in sec. derivation, 111 c, d, 1203 e.
secondary personal endings, 542 ff.; normal scheme, 553 b.
semivowels (y, r, l, v), pronunciation etc., 51–8; nasal semiv., 71 c, f, 206, 213 d; semiv. assimilation, 117 d–f: — and see the different letters.
sentence, rules of euphonic combination in, 101; their probable artificiality, 101 a.
series or classes of mutes, 32 ff.
seventh class of verbs — see nasal class.
sh-sounds (ṣ and ç), 61, 63.
short and long quantity, 76–9.
sibilants (ç, ṣ, s), pronunciation etc., 60–4: — and see the different letters.
sibilant or sigmatic aorist, 824, 874–920: formation and classification, 874–7; 4. s-aorist, 878–97; 5. iṣ-aorist, 898–910; 6. siṣ-aorist, 911–5; 7. sa-aorist, 916–20; its stem in derivation, 1140 c.
simple aorist, 824, 828–55: 1. root-aorist, 829–41; passive aor. 3d
sing., 842–5; 2. a-aorist, 846–55.
siṣ-aorist, 824, 911–5: formation of stem, and inflection, 911; forms in older language, 912, 913; modes, 914; middle forms, 915.
sixth class of verbs — see á-class.
sonant and surd sounds, 34, 35; Hindu definition of their difference, 34 b; mutes, 34, 35; aspirates, 37, 38; question as to character of h, 65 a; of final mute, 141 b; euphonic assimilation of the two classes, 117, 156–78.
special and general tenses, 599 a.
spirants, 59 ff.: sibilants, 59–64; aspiration, 65; other breathings, 67–9.
stems, inflectible, 98–100, 106; their derivation — see derivation.
strengthening and weakening processes, 234–60.
strong and weak, or strong, middle, and weakest, forms of stems in
declension, 311; of roots and stems in general, 104–6; confusions of strong and weak forms in decl., 462 c; in conj., 556 a; strong forms in 2d sing., 723; in 2d du., 704, 831 a, 839, 1007 b; in 3d du., 793 h, 839; in 1st pl., 621 b, 658, 676 a, 793 h, 831 a, 832; in 2d pl., 618, 621 b, 654, 658, 669, 690, 704, 707, 723, 831 a, 839; in 3d pl., 793 h, 831 a.
su-class of verbs — see nu-class.
subjunctive mode, 533; formation and endings, 557–62; its first persons used later as imperative, 533, 574, 578; subj. use of augmeutless preterit forms, 563, 587; uses of subj. mode, 574–82.
suffixes, 98–100; forming adverbs, 1097–1109; do. declinable stems — see derivation.
superlative — see comparison.
surd and sonant sounds — see sonant.
syllables, quantity of, 79; distinguished as heavy and light, 79.
system of sounds, 19–75: vowels and diphthongs, 19–30; consonants, 31 ff.; mutes, 32–50; semivowels, 51–8; sibilants, 59–64; aspiration, 65, 66; visarga and other breathings, 68, 69; anusvāra, 703; unwritten sounds defined by Hindu grammarians, 74, 230; scheme of spoken alphabet, with notice of comparative frequency of the sounds, 75; quantity, 76–9; accent and its designation, 80–97.
tan-class of verbs — see u-class.
tatpuruṣa-compounds — see determinatives.
tense in verbal inflection, 532; tense-systems, 535; present-system, 599–779; perfect-system, 780–823; aorist-systems, 824–930; future-
systems, 931–950.
tenth class of verbs — see causative conjugation, and cur-class.
tertiary, or derivative from secondary, conjugations, 1025, 1039, 1052, 1068 a.
third class of verbs — see reduplicating class.
time, particles of, 1103, 1122 j.
transliteration, general method of, 5; of sign of elision, 135 b; of combined final and initial vowels, 126 a; of anusvāra, 73 c; of accent, 83 a, 89.
tud-class of verbs — see á-class.
u-class (eighth, tan-class) of verbs, 603, 697–716; formation of stem, 697; inflection, 698–707; roots of the class, 709; irregular root kṛ or kar, 714, 715; other irregularities, 716.
uncombinable (pragṛhya) final vowels, 138.
uninflected words — see indeclinables.
union-vowels, 254, 555 b, c; i in present inflection, 630, 631, 640; in perfect, 796–8, 803; in aorist,
876 b, 877; in s-future, 934, 935; in periphrastic future, 943; in desiderative, 1031; in passive participle, 956; in infinitive and gerund, 968, 991; in derivation, 1142; — ī in present inflection, 631–4; in 2d and 3d sing., 555 b; in intensive, 1004 ff.; ī for i, 900 b; āi for ī, 555 c.
upadhmāniya-spirant, 69, 170 d.
variable or changeable ṛ of roots, 242; treatment of, 245 b; in passive, 770 c; in s-aor., 885; in iṣ-aor., 900 b; in prec., 922 a; in s-fut., 935 a; in pple, 955 d, 957 b; in infln., 968 d; in tvā-gerund, 991 b; in ya-gerund, 992 a; in desid., 1028 b.
variation of stem-form in declension, 311, 312; in ṛ-stems, 370 b; in consonantal stems, 379, 385–8, 421, 443, 444, 458, 463; — in conjugation, 556; in present-stem, 604; in perfect. 792–4; in aorist, 831 ff., 879, 899; in intensive, 1004; in primary derivation, 1143; in secondary, 1203, 1204; in composition, 1249 b, c.
verb — see conjugation.
verb-forms, accentuation of, in the sentence, 92 b, 591–8; prolongation of final a or i of, 248 c, d; comparison of, 473 c, 474; comb. with insep. prefixes, 1121 b, g, i.
verbal prefixes, 1076, 1077; kindred words, 1078, 1079, 1120; composition with roots, 1076–87, 137; euph. effect on root, 185, 192, 1086; accent, 1082–5; their more independent use, 1084, 1118; prepositional uses, 1125; forms of comparison, 473 b, 1119; declinable stems from roots compounded with them, 1141, 1282; use in descriptive composition, 1281, 1289; in possessive, 1305; in prepositional, 1310.
visarga (or visarjanīya), 67–9; quantitative value, 79; occurrence, 144, 145, 170–2; alphabetic order, 7 a, 172 a: — and see ḥ.
vocative case, form of, 266 a, 307 k; Vedic, in as, 425 g, 454 b, 462 a, 465 a; accent (along with qualifying word), 92 a, 314; verb accented after, 594 a.
voice in verbal inflection, 528–31.
vowels, how written in devanāgarī with consonants, 10; sign of absence of, 11; their pronunciation etc., 19–29: a-, i-, u-vowels, 19–22; ṛ-, ḷ-vowels, 23–6; diphthongs, 27–9; quantity, 77, 78; accent, 80 ff.; nasal vowels, 71; rules of vowel-combination, 125–38; resulting accent, 128, 130, 135 a; exceptional cases, 136–8.
vṛddhi-strengthening, character and occurrence of, 27, 235–43, and passim; in primary derivation, 1143 a; in secondary, 1204.
w-sound, belonging to v, 57.
weak, or weakest, form of stem in declension, 311.
weakening and strengthening processes, 234–60.
writing in India, 2 a; mode of, in Skt. manuscripts, 9 a, b; its modifications in western practice, 9 c–e.
ya-class (fourth, div-class) of verbs, 606, 759–67: formation of stem, 759; inflection, 760; roots of the class and their classification, 761, 762; irregularities, 763–7.
yá-class of verbs, or passive present-system, 606, 768–74; formation of stem, 768–70; inflection, 771; irregularities, 772–4; yá-formation from intensive stem, 1016, 1017.
A few entirely obvious misprints are passed without notice.
| p. 5, | 10 c, | last l. | — | for क | read | की |
| 42, | 125 b, | l. 3 | — | for (for prayuga) | " | (for prayuga?). |
| 67, | 199 c, | l. 3 | — | for IB. | " | JB. |
| 92, | 276 a, | l. 2 | — | for ledgues | " | leagues. |
| 94, | 281 b, | l. 4 | — | read ‘kṣahṛdayaṁ dātā rājā ’çvahṛ-. | ||
| 99, | 296 b, | l. 10 | — | for deceivlng | read | deceiving. |
| 297 b, | l. 5 | — | " mpart | " | impart. | |
| 100, | l. 2 | — | " preceive | " | perceive. | |
| 112, | 324, | l. 4 | — | " prajā́kāmá | " | prajākāma. |
| 128, | margin | — | " 356–] | " | 354–]. | |
| 131, | 361 e, | l. 6 | — | " 314 | " | 314 b. |
| f, | l. 4 | — | " bor hugú (f. -gū́, JB.) | " | bahugú (f. gū́, TB.). | |
| 144, | 383 k. 1, | l. 3 | — | " n | " | in |
| 147, | 391 f, | l. 1 | — | " milki | " | -milking. |
| 148, | 391 g, | l. 2 | — | " çā́mam | " | -çā́mam. |
| 169, | 458, | l. 5 | — | " i | " | is. |
| 195, | 509, | l. 8 | (accus. sing. masc.) for yām | " | yám. | |
| 209, | 555 a, | last l. | — | for urther | " | further. |
| 213, | 568, | l. 7 | — | " īḍhvam | " | īḍhvám. |
| 261, | 718, | l. 7 | (3d. pl. mid.) for क्रीणाते | " | क्रीणते | |
| 263, | 731, | l. 3 | — | for √mi | " | √mī. |
| 264, | 733 a, | l. 4 | — | for -systems | " | -stems. |
| 281, | 785 a, | l. 2 | — | " dyu | " | dyut. |
| 355, | 990 a, | l. 9 | — | " E. | " | S. |
| 357, | 992 c, | l. 2 | — | " gúhya | " | guhya. |
| 379, | 1042 b, | l. 11 | — | read No forms made without strengthening have a causative value in the older language. | ||
| 383, | 1045, | l. 6 | — | for चक्र | read | चक्रे. |
| 396, | 1077, | l. 10 | — | " abhi | " | abhí. |
| 397, | 1079, | l. 6 | — | read the sound hin̄g, low, murmur. | ||
| 399, | 1084 a, | l. 4 | — | for ā́rūhat | read | ā́ruhat. |
| 431, | 1155 e, | l. 3 | — | " -amri | " | -mamri. |
| 467, | 1222 c, | l. 7 | — | " 516 d | " | 516 b. |
| 472, | 1230 g, | l. 3 | — | " ike | " | like. |
| 477, | 1238 b, | l. 2 | — | " cases-forms | " | case-forms. |
| 500, | 1288 g, | l. 1 | — | " sa | " | sa. |
| 511, | 1308 a, | l. 1 | — | " ukhānṛtam | " | uktānṛtam. |